A430111.pdf American Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Review

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American Journal of Multidisciplinary Research & Review (AJMRR)
Volume-04, Issue-03,
PP-01-11
www.ajmrr.com
Research Paper OpenAccess

The Failure of Multiculturalism and the Rise of Black Lives Matter

Dr Colins Imoh
Peace Studies and International Development, University of Bradford, United Kingdom


Abstract:
This paper contends that the multiculturalism movement, despite its intent to address race, class, and gender
inequities, ultimately fell short in adequately centering the specific needs and structural oppression faced by Black
communities. This failure created a political and ideological vacuum that the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement
has sought to fill. While multiculturalism emerged as a broad-based resistance to white supremacy, its trajectory was
shaped by competing group dynamics, shifting leadership priorities, and an eventual drift toward accommodationist
politics—leaving systemic racism unchallenged. In contrast, BLM explicitly rejects incremental reform, instead
demanding a radical reconfiguration of power structures and policy frameworks that account for the unique historical
and contemporary realities of Black life.
Focusing on BLM as a transformative concept rather than a singular organization, this paper examines how the
movement’s ideological foundations necessitate a dual approach: critical engagement with political economy and
multilevel advocacy to counter policymaking processes that are often detached from marginalized communities.
Contending that activists must navigate institutional, grassroots, and discursive arenas to disrupt entrenched
inequities effectively.
The study concludes by advocating for a balanced praxis—one that merges direct action with coalition-building
among diverse stakeholders—to dismantle systemic racism. Only through such an integrated strategy can movements
like BLM translate dissent into durable structural change, fostering a society grounded in justice and equity for all.
Keywords: Black Lives Matter, Dehumanization, Diversity, Inequality, and Multiculturalism.
I. Introduction
Race remains one of the most powerful forces shaping individual life trajectories, societal structures, and access
to opportunity. Though confronting its influence may be uncomfortable, acknowledging race‘s role is essential to
dismantling the systems of power and privilege that perpetuate inequality. In the United States—a nation built on
immigration yet marred by racial stratification—cultural exchange has often been framed as a threat rather than a
mutual process of adaptation. As Ladson-Billings and Tate (1995) assert, systemic inequities persist,
disproportionately marginalizing communities of color while privileging white, middle-class norms. This disparity is
more visible than in public schooling, where funding, disciplinary practices, and curricula reflect racialized
hierarchies (Kozol, 1991). These inconsistencies are exacerbated by a collective reluctance to engage in honest
dialogue about race, stifling progress toward justice. When left unchallenged, such inequities become cyclical,
reinforcing generational gaps in wealth, education, and well-being. Yet history demonstrates that transformative
change is possible: moments of reckoning can shift societal trajectories, mobilizing passive acceptance into
collective action. However, in history, a moment always influences or alters the trajectory of events. These events
move people from passivity to action.

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The 2012 killing of Trayvon Martin ignited a national reckoning on racial injustice, galvanizing a new
generation of activists who centered their advocacy on an unassailable truth: race fundamentally shapes lived
experiences in America. Leaders like DeRay Mckesson, Brittany Packnett, and Aislinn Pulley mobilized grassroots
campaigns demanding systemic reform, while Alicia Garza, Patrisse Cullors, and Opal Tometi channeled this energy
into the #BlackLivesMatter movement—a digital and ideological declaration that Black humanity is non-negotiable.
Though BLM shares the Civil Rights Movement‘s goal of racial justice, critical distinctions emerge in strategy and
context. As Troka and Adedoja (2016) note, the mid-20th-century movement operated in a different sociopolitical
landscape, relying on litigation, boycotts, and interracial coalitions to dismantle de jure segregation. Landmark
achievements like Brown v. Board of Education (1954) and the Voting Rights Act (1965) struck down legalized
apartheid, yet, as Davis (2014) underscores, they left intact the subtler architectures of racism: discriminatory
housing policies, wealth extraction, and carceral violence.
The Civil Rights Movement‘s limitations lay not only in its unfinished agenda but also in its structural
rigidity. While intercultural alliances amplified its reach (Davis, 2014), many affiliated groups failed to adapt to
evolving forms of oppression or center the most marginalized voices (Banks, 2005). The NAACP‘s legal victories
and the Montgomery bus boycott‘s symbolic power demonstrated the efficacy of collective action, but these
triumphs often masked deeper inequities. School integration faced violent resistance, and the Voting Rights Act‘s
enforcement proved uneven. As Banks (2005) argues, the multicultural initiatives that followed—though
rhetorically inclusive—failed to deliver transformative change for Black communities, prioritizing awareness over
structural intervention. This disconnect between rhetoric and action created a vacuum that BLM now fills. Where
earlier movements sought access to institutions, BLM challenges their very foundations, rejecting incrementalism in
favor of radical reimagining. Its rise underscores a persistent truth: justice requires not just recognition of inequality
but direct dismantling of the systems that sustain it.
In contemporary America, Black Lives Matter (BLM) confronts a harrowing paradox: a nation founded on
ideals of equality systematically devalues Black life. At its core, the movement demands the most fundamental
recognition—that Black people deserve the freedom to exist as their full selves without the specter of state-
sanctioned violence. The routine use of brutal force against people of color stems from a centuries-old perception of
Blackness as inherently threatening, a narrative so normalized that society scarcely questions its absurdity. Yet this
was never inevitable. How did we arrive at a moment where a movement must loudly proclaim that Black lives
matter? This paper contends that BLM‘s emergence represents the failure of the multiculturalism (MC) movement,
which diluted its focus through overexpansion and lost its radical vision for racial justice.
BLM articulates its mission with piercing clarity: "an ideological and political intervention in a world
where Black folks‘ lives are systematically and intentionally targeted for demise" (Black Lives Matter, 2021). More
than a slogan, it is a radical affirmation of Black humanity—one that exposes how multiculturalism‘s "diversity"
frameworks often obscured anti-Blackness under the guise of inclusion. Where MC attempted to accommodate all
differences equally, BLM centers the specific violences faced by Black communities: police killings, mass
incarceration, the marginalization of undocumented Black immigrants, and the compounded oppression of Black
LGBTQ+ individuals, women, and disabled people.
This paper traces this ideological rupture. First, it interrogates multiculturalism‘s theoretical foundations,
revealing how its shift from social justice to pluralist accommodation created space for systemic racism to persist.
Next, it distinguishes between BLM as an organisation and as a broader conceptual challenge to racial capitalism.
By examining MC‘s historical departure from its activist roots, the paper demonstrates why BLM‘s unapologetic
focus on Black liberation became necessary. It concludes by mapping pathways for future activism—ones that learn
from MC‘s failures by combining intersectional analysis with uncompromising structural demands. The stakes could
not be higher. As BLM asserts, all lives cannot matter until Black lives do.


II. Multiculturalism: Contested Visions and Unfulfilled Promises
Multiculturalism remains a deeply contested concept, with its definitions and implementations varying
across scholarly and political discourses. While widely acknowledged as a vital framework for diverse societies
(Ivison, 2001), it lacks a unified theory or praxis. At its core, multiculturalism advocates for the harmonious
coexistence of cultures through policies ensuring equitable recognition and participation (De La Torre, 2009;
Kukathas, 2004). Its rise in the 1960s–1970s, as Johansson (2022) notes, emerged alongside social movements
demanding justice across lines of race, gender, and sexuality—interactions that reshaped creativity, social trust, and
collective well-being (Maddux et al., 2021).

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Rybinska et al. (2020) define multiculturalism as a normative project celebrating diversity to foster
intergroup understanding and societal cohesion. This vision hinges on awareness-building: equipping individuals
with global perspectives to embrace cultural pluralism, racial harmony, and equitable inclusion. In education, for
instance, multiculturalism aims to uplift marginalized students by addressing systemic barriers (De La Torre, 2009;
Longley, 2021). Yet its idealized outcomes often clash with reality. Modood (2013) identifies three models of
multicultural societies: Segregation (isolated coexistence), Assimilation (minority erasure into dominant culture),
and Integration (balanced cultural preservation and shared identity). Kymlicka (1995) further distinguishes between
societal multiculturalism (rooted in historical nation-building, e.g., Indigenous rights) and polyethnic
multiculturalism (arising from individual migration). These frameworks raise critical tensions: How can cultural
pride coexist with national belonging? Is society a ―melting pot" demanding assimilation or a "salad bowl" valuing
distinct ingredients?
The "salad bowl" metaphor champions cultural retention, allowing minorities to thrive without surrendering
identity (De La Torre, 2009). In contrast, the "melting pot"—evoked by St. John de Crèvecoeur‘s (1782) vision of a
"new race of men"—imagines homogeneity as inevitable, often privileging dominant norms. This tension
underscores multiculturalism‘s central paradox: while rhetorically inclusive, its implementation frequently
reinforces hierarchies by obscuring anti-Blackness under universalist platitudes. The interplay between
multiculturalism and identity politics reveals further fissures. While both address inequality, identity politics—as
embodied by BLM—rejects broad cultural pluralism to center specific oppressions (e.g., state violence against Black
bodies). Multiculturalism‘s failure to prioritize such urgency alienated Black communities, exposing its limitations
as a tool for racial justice. BLM‘s rise thus marks not just a critique but a necessary corrective—one that bridges
multiculturalism‘s ideals with the uncompromising demands of liberation.

III. Black Lives Matter: A Concept, Not Just an Organization
Black Lives Matter (BLM) transcends organizational boundaries to embody a radical ideological
intervention—one that confronts the systemic devaluation of Black life in America. While its formal structures exist,
BLM‘s power derives from its conceptual challenge to racial capitalism and its capacity to mobilize collective
action. The 2020 uprising following George Floyd‘s murder was not a spontaneous outburst but the eruption of
decades of suppressed rage against state violence. As Parker, Horowitz, and Anderson (2020) document, this
moment marked a watershed: 69% of Americans engaged in discussions on race, 82% expressed willingness to
collaborate with Black communities, and 67% voiced support for BLM. Such figures reveal a shifting
consciousness, yet they also obscure a critical tension—the chasm between performative solidarity and structural
transformation. From Hashtag to Movement: The Evolution of BLM.
BLM‘s origins trace to the 2012 killing of Trayvon Martin, a catalytic event that exposed the precarity of
Black life under white supremacy (Ray, 2015). What began as #BlackLivesMatter on social media evolved into a
decentralized movement demanding not just accountability but a fundamental reordering of society. Unlike
traditional civil rights organizations, BLM rejects respectability politics and centralized leadership, embracing
instead a grassroots, intersectional praxis (Rojas, 2020). Its tactics—from mass protests to mutual aid networks—
reflect an understanding that racial justice requires dismantling interconnected systems of policing, economic
exploitation, and gendered violence. The rhetorical counterclaim that "all lives matter" exemplifies the evasion of
racial specificity. As Bui, Coates, and Matthay (2018) demonstrate, Black Americans are 2.5 times more likely to be
killed by police than their white counterparts. To insist on universalism in this context is akin to demanding
firefighters douse every house on a street when only one is ablaze—a deliberate obfuscation of crisis. BLM‘s
insistence on naming anti-Black violence disrupts the multiculturalist preference for diluted inclusivity, forcing a
confrontation with uncomfortable truths.
BLM is not without its tensions. Szetela (2020) cautions against tendencies toward Black exceptionalism,
where the movement‘s focus on racial justice eclipses solidarity with other oppressed groups. Others note the risks
of co-optation—where corporate and political entities adopt BLM‘s language while resisting material change. Yet
these critiques often overlook BLM‘s intersectional foundations, which explicitly center Black queer, trans, and
disabled voices (Garza, 2014).
The limitations of multiculturalism are laid bare in its refusal to grapple with white fragility (DiAngelo,
2015) and its reluctance to address racialized policing and mass incarceration. While multiculturalism celebrates
diversity in theory, BLM exposes its failure in practice: Black incarceration rates remain five times higher than those
of whites (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2021). BLM‘s rise, then, is not just a response to police violence but a
corrective to multiculturalism‘s neoliberal depoliticization of race.

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To sustain its momentum, BLM must balance direct action with institutional leverage, drawing on the
NAACP‘s legal strategies and the Civil Rights Movement‘s coalition-building while resisting assimilation. As Troka
and Adedoja (2016) argue, true liberation requires dismantling hegemonic power—not just diversifying its
beneficiaries. BLM‘s legacy will hinge on its ability to translate protest into policy without diluting its radical edge.

3.1. Multicultural Movement, Activism and Historic Development.
Culture, as defined by Banks (2005), is dynamic and shapes social interactions. It influences behaviors,
beliefs, and values, impacting social relations, including race relations. Park (1928) identified four stages in race
relations: contact, conflict, accommodation, and assimilation. Early American society, initially dominated by
European settlers, experienced increased racial tension with the influx of Southern and Eastern European
immigrants. Intercultural education emerged to address these tensions, initially focusing on helping immigrants
adapt to their new environment. However, as Banks (2005) and Spring (2003) highlight, a focus on prejudice
reduction alone proved insufficient. Growing nativism and xenophobia led to increased discrimination against new
immigrant groups. The American Creed, emphasizing freedom, justice, and equality, became intertwined with the
goals of intercultural education. Education was seen as a tool to address social and economic inequalities and
promote a more just and equitable society. However, as Banks (2005) argues, this focus on assimilation and
integration sometimes fell short of addressing the underlying power imbalances and systemic racism that continued
to disadvantage marginalized groups. Banks (2005) concluded that there has been a steady shift in ideas and
nomenclature, as well as a shift in focus from Intercultural to Intergroup Education and now to Multiculturalism.
This can be reflected in a thoughtful evolution from education for foreigners, enabling them to adapt to the broader
society and thereby promoting harmony to education for transformation in the society. However, this transformation
in society is not felt by all spectrums of society. Black people and people of colour feel a sense of disadvantage and
disconnection. The multicultural movement as a viable tool is not helping to meet this need. It can be argued that the
problem is systemic and structural. Hanley (2012) stated it this way:

Multicultural education emerged in the 1990s to address the educational needs of a society that
continues to struggle with the realization that it is not monoculture but an amalgamation of many
cultures. Much of the overt and covert national conflict about race, ethnicity, social class, and
gender in the U. S. has been based on the mythology of a superior culture into which all others
must be assimilated. The imbalance of power between the dominant and subjugated cultures has
created centuries of aggression, antagonism, and resistance.

The expectation that multicultural education could solve all social problems led to an amalgamation of different
fields and ideas, resulting in what Ladson-Billings and Tate (1995) termed a "unity of difference." This perspective
views multicultural education as a powerful tool for transforming teaching and learning, empowering educators to
create inclusive and empowering learning environments where students can explore their own identities and connect
with diverse perspectives. However, Sleeter (1996) stated that multicultural education should be

a form of resistance to oppressive social relationships. It should represent resistance to white
supremacy and also (for many) to patriarchy. Multicultural education developed in the ferment of
the 1960s and early 1970s, receiving its major impetus from the rejection of racial minority groups
to racial oppression; it subsequently was joined to some extent by feminist groups rejecting sexual
oppression. It was grounded in a vision of equality and served as a mobilizing site for struggle
within education. However, due to changes over the past twenty years in the social and political
context of multicultural education, many educators interpret its meaning quite differently.
Consequently, the field needs to speak to oppression and to struggle more explicitly now than at
its inception. ( p.10)

Sleeter (1996) argues that multicultural education, while initially rooted in social justice movements, has
been hijacked by conservative elements. This shift in focus, from collective empowerment to individual
advancement, has limited its transformative potential. Moreover, the emphasis on ―unlearning‖ biases among
predominantly white female educators overlooks the fact that many educators already possess an awareness of racial
issues. The challenge lies in translating this awareness into meaningful changes in practice and challenging systemic
inequalities. The political system, controlled by elites, often resists social movements that challenge the status quo.
As the leadership of the multicultural education movement transitioned in the 1980s, it shifted from its activist roots

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towards a more accommodating approach that emphasized cultural diversity and individual advancement. This shift,
driven in part by the increasing influence of European Americans, diluted the movement's radical potential. The
BLM movement, in contrast, actively confronts systemic racism and seeks to reshape society by bringing to national
discourse the plight of Black people and people of color.

3.2. Division and Confusion Within Multiculturalism and the Rise to BLM
The stagnation of multicultural education as a transformative force stems from its fundamental inability to
reconcile competing visions or adapt to evolving racial justice paradigms. As Sleeter (1996) demonstrates, the field
has long been plagued by internal dissensus—advocates disagree on foundational questions of scope, methodology,
and end goals, creating a perception of ideological incoherence. This disunity reflects deeper tensions: while
multiculturalism rhetorically embraces pluralism, its practical implementation often collapses into a superficial
"unity of difference" (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995, p. 16) that neutralizes radical potential. By attempting to
accommodate every marginalized identity under an umbrella framework, multicultural education became "nothing
for anyone", preserving the status quo it purported to challenge.
Theoretical Fractures and Paralysis – The incorporation of Black Studies, Women‘s Studies, and LGBTQ+
perspectives—while intellectually vital—exacerbated fragmentation without generating synthesis. Shields‘ (2003)
"community of difference" ideal proved untenable in practice, as competing priorities (e.g., curricular representation
vs. structural redistribution) were framed as zero-sum battles rather than complementary struggles. This ideological
diffusion invited external attacks from both conservatives (who decried multiculturalism as anti-Western) and
progressives (who critiqued its depoliticized "heroes and holidays" approach) (Sleeter, 1996). The result was a field
incapable of collective action—precisely when systemic racism demanded unified resistance. Multiculturalism‘s
failure to center anti-Blackness proved particularly consequential. While the field debated abstract inclusivity, Black
communities faced material crises: school-to-prison pipelines, funding inequities, and state violence. Ladson-
Billings and Tate‘s (1995) critique anticipated this rupture—by subsuming Black liberation under a generic diversity
framework, multicultural education obscured the specificity of anti-Black oppression. BLM emerged not just as a
movement but as an epistemological correction, rejecting multiculturalism‘s dilution of racial justice into bland
pluralism. Where multiculturalism hesitated, BLM demanded: Say their names. Defund the police. Abolish the
system. The rise of BLM underscores a critical lesson: effective resistance requires strategic essentialism—
temporarily prioritizing shared goals over internal differences to confront power. Multiculturalism‘s insistence on
universal inclusion became its Achilles‘ heel; BLM‘s unapologetic focus on Black lives became its galvanizing
force. This is not a call for narrow identity politics but a recognition that diffuse movements lack impact. As BLM
evolves, it must balance intersectionality with tactical coherence—learning from multiculturalism‘s failures without
replicating them.

3.3. Multicultural Education: Social Movement.
Sleeter (1996) argues that multicultural education, while initially rooted in social justice movements, has
shifted its focus away from systemic change and towards individualistic approaches. This shift is evident in its
emphasis on therapy, academic discourse, and teaching techniques aimed at managing diversity within existing
power structures, rather than challenging them. Goodwin's (1994) study of pre-service teachers highlights this
disconnect, revealing a limited understanding of the social and political contexts of race and inequality. Most
teachers surveyed perceived multicultural education as a tool for addressing individual differences or managing
diverse classrooms, failing to connect these issues to broader historical and societal injustices. This lack of
awareness has implications for how teachers interact with students, potentially contributing to disparities in
educational outcomes for students of colour. In contrast, the Black Lives Matter movement explicitly recognizes the
need for systemic change. Drawing on Sleeter's (1996) conceptualization of social movements, BLM aims to
redistribute power by challenging existing power structures and mobilizing communities to demand justice. This
focus on systemic change distinguishes BLM from the current state of multicultural education, which often falls
short of addressing the root causes of racial inequality.

3.4. Multicultural Education: Political Dynamics, Globalization and Race.
Multicultural education, while aiming to address the needs of diverse communities, often falls short in
addressing the specific needs and experiences of Black people. This led to a sense of alienation and
disenfranchisement among many Black individuals and communities. Addressing these inequalities requires a
collective understanding of the political and decision-making processes that shape educational policies. These
processes are often influenced by the perspectives and biases of those in power, which can disproportionately impact

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marginalized communities. The Black Lives Matter movement works to bring these systemic issues to the forefront
of public discourse, advocating for a more equitable and just society. Multicultural education, therefore, cannot be
divorced from politics; most people are neither active in political discourse nor aware of decision-making processes.
The projection of American values to the outside world as the bastion of democracy, justice, fairness, equity, etc.,
demands that work achieve that vision be at the center of political action requiring that citizens take collective action
to solve educational crises. Dr. Schreiber in Covello Archives (1946) reflects the contradiction in American society:
"Americans are the greatest hypocrites in the world as there is a profound difference between the things we talk of as
being American tradition and the things we do" (p.84). This contradiction in the society is hidden from the outside
world and most Americans. With the advent of social media and the work of BLM, the world and vast majority of
people are seeing the reality of lives for black people in the US.
Ladson-Billings and Tate (1995) argue that the lack of opportunity for Black students and minorities, as
well as minimal funding for their schools, is well documented, but action to address this is lacking. They argue that
it is counter-productive to ascribe it to democratic practice as though it were synonymous with capitalism. They
argue that it is the neoliberal tendencies in our democratic setup that support and implement the actions. The
political nature of the decisions about education can be seen in the situation where children who are disadvantaged,
who ideally should have more resources available to bridge the gap, in reality, have less funding, fewer well-trained
teachers, and inferior facilities in their schools leading to the quality of their education being affected. The learning
environment is vital for the transformation of children into knowledgeable citizens but teachers do need to show the
care, attention and inspiration needed to transform minority students. The alternative, according to Banks (2005),
will be that children will not learn, creating the impression that they cannot do so. Ladson-Billings (2006) is of the
opinion that teachers are not receiving the appropriate training or recognition to achieve this mission. How can we
motivate the teacher to understand the broad issues required to encourage students to be valuable and respected as
change agents for society?

3.5. Multicultural Education: Stakeholders’ Engagement.
Schools do not operate in isolation; they reflect their communities and vice versa. Therefore, community
engagement is crucial for effective educational outcomes. Nam (2012) argues that community activism is essential
for schools to serve their democratic purpose. Examples like the Puerto Rican community organising campaigns in
New York demonstrate the power of community involvement in shaping educational practices. Marsh and Desai
(2012) highlight the importance of utilizing students' creativity in driving social change. Fioramonti and Fiori (2010)
emphasize the role of an active civil society in shaping educational strategies. Davis, Phyak, & Ngoc (2012)
demonstrate the positive impact of community engagement in transforming educational discourse. Pink (2008)
emphasizes the importance of community-driven activism, recognizing that those knowledgeable about local issues
are best positioned to effect change. However, multicultural education has often failed to fully leverage the potential
of community engagement. Race is a crucial factor in society, yet its impact is often denied or downplayed. Ladson-
Billings and Tate (1995) argue that this denial perpetuates systemic inequalities. Acknowledging the reality of race
is the first step towards addressing systemic issues. However, when those in power benefit from the status quo, they
are less likely to acknowledge or address systemic racism. This denial of race as a significant factor in society
reflects the dominant culture's desire to maintain the status quo. Ladson-Billings and Tate (1995) further argue that
while there is extensive discussion and theorization about race in education, there is a lack of collective action to
address the systemic issues that perpetuate racial inequality. This lack of action, which BLM is actively addressing,
highlights the need to move beyond theoretical discussions and translate them into concrete actions for social
change.

3.6. Situational Analysis: Property Tax
The intersection of race, property taxation, and school funding in the United States reveals a deeply
entrenched mechanism of systemic inequality. As Davis (2014) demonstrates, historical injustices—including land
dispossession from Native and Mexican communities—laid the foundation for contemporary economic and
educational disparities. One of the most persistent drivers of these inequities is the reliance on local property taxes to
fund public schools, a policy that entrenches racial and class stratification. In the U.S., public schools are primarily
funded through local property taxes, meaning districts with higher property values generate more revenue. This
creates a self-perpetuating cycle: High-wealth (predominantly white) neighborhoods→, well-funded schools →
advanced curricula, experienced teachers, and modern facilities →, higher student achievement. Low-wealth
(predominantly Black, Latino, and Indigenous) neighborhoods → underfunded schools → overcrowded classrooms,

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outdated materials, and staff shortages → reinforced disadvantage. This system effectively codifies the adage "the
rich get richer, and the poor get poorer," with race as a central determinant of who gains access to opportunity.
Despite overwhelming evidence of racialized disparities, discussions about school funding often avoid
explicit engagement with race (Davis, 2014). Policymakers and the public frequently frame inequities in class-based
terms (e.g., "low-income schools"), obscuring how racial segregation—from redlining to exclusionary zoning—
shapes these economic divides. This colorblind rhetoric allows structural racism to persist unchallenged, as it
divorces outcomes from their historical and systemic roots.
The property tax system is not a neutral funding mechanism but a relic of racial capitalism, one that
rewards inherited privilege and punishes historical marginalization. Achieving educational justice demands
confronting this reality head-on—not just redistributing resources, but dismantling the policies that tie opportunity to
whiteness and wealth.

IV. Call for Action: Multilevel Strategies
This multilevel action framework moves beyond critiquing multiculturalism's failures to offer concrete
pathways for justice. As Burke's admonition reminds us, systemic racism persists through inaction. The BLM
movement has created momentum - the challenge now is to channel this energy into lasting structural change
through coordinated policy, pedagogical, and community interventions. The persistent racial inequities demand
coordinated action across multiple societal levels. As Ollis (2008) contends, effective activism requires deep
engagement with political and social structures, while Ladson-Billings and Tate (1995) remind us that systemic
change cannot occur while marginalised voices remain silenced. The Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement has
demonstrated the power of sustained, nonviolent advocacy to challenge institutional complacency. This section
outlines concrete strategies for government, schools, educators, parents, and activists to transform educational
systems collectively.


4.1. Role of Government, Accountability and Policy Reform
Governments possess unparalleled power to reshape educational equity (Bouvier, 2010), yet policymaking
frequently occurs without meaningful community input. To address this, a community-driven policymaking. Is
needed. This includes implementing participatory models of school governance that operationalise Ladson-Billings'
(1994) concept of community ownership through Elected community oversight boards with binding decision-
making power, Mandatory racial impact assessments for all education policies, redistribution of funding through
equity-based formulas (Baker & Corcoran, 2012). There is a need for structural interventions, including abolishing
property-tax-based school funding models that perpetuate segregation, legislating minimum funding thresholds for
high-need schools, and partnering with civil society organisations to bridge policy-community divides.


4.2. Role of Schools and Actions.
Schools must transition from sites of reproduction to hubs of critical consciousness (Silva & Langhout,
2011). The quality of education significantly impacts both individuals and society. Schools play a pivotal role in
shaping the future. However, the effectiveness of education depends on its relevance and appropriateness to the
needs of the students. Silva and Langhout (2011) emphasize that schools should provide a platform for students to
become valuable citizens through engagement and civic participation. This aligns with Banks' (2012) assertion that
schools should empower students to become agents of change. BLM recognizes the need for transformative change
within schools. The current model, often characterized by rigid hierarchies and standardized approaches, may not
adequately meet the diverse needs of all students, particularly those from marginalized communities. BLM should
advocate for a shift towards more equitable and inclusive learning environments that foster critical thinking,
creativity, and civic engagement. This can be achieved by promoting collaborative decision-making processes that
involve students, parents, and teachers. By embracing the concept of a "community of difference," as articulated by
Shields (2003), schools can create spaces where all students feel valued, respected, and empowered to contribute to
their communities.

4.3. Training of Teachers and Changes in Curriculum.
Teacher training must address the sociopolitical realities shaping education. Teachers need to understand
their role in effecting change and how their perspectives, shaped by their backgrounds and experiences, can
influence their teaching. Attracting teachers from diverse backgrounds is crucial for creating inclusive classrooms.

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Nam (2012) argues that standardised testing often fails to reflect the diverse realities of students and predominantly
reflects the dominant culture. The privilege afforded to Caucasians contrasts sharply with the experiences of people
of colour. Sleeter (1996) emphasises the need to shift the focus of multicultural education from the perspective of
the dominant culture to the lived experiences of marginalised communities. She argues that curriculum must
"overcome white racism based on its control over most of the wealth, land, and power in the nation." This requires a
critical analysis of power structures and how they impact educational outcomes. Sleeter further emphasises the
importance of engaging students in critical media analysis to examine the distribution of wealth and power and
understand the historical struggles of marginalised groups. This critical awareness is crucial for fostering a deeper
understanding of social justice issues and empowering students to become agents of change. She concluded that
white racism and racial oppression must be at the centre of a movement for change. This has not happened, giving
room for BLM to advocate for such changes in schools, as education is needed for life, most importantly, they
should advocate and be in the forefront for recruitment of blacks in the teaching profession.

4.4. Role of Parents
In minority communities, multicultural education can be viewed through the lens of social justice:
empowering individuals culturally, educationally, and economically. Cortez (2013) emphasizes the critical role of
public schools in achieving this goal. However, schools can only fulfill their potential when they are adequately
resourced and prioritized by society. Parents play a crucial role in ensuring their children receive a quality education.
Unfortunately, many parents are unable to actively engage in their children's education due to competing demands
on their time. To improve educational outcomes, parents need to take a more active role in their children's education.
This includes holding schools accountable for their performance, engaging with school authorities, and advocating
for adequate funding and resources. Cortez (2013) highlights the Pilsen community as an example of successful
parent engagement. Bouvier (2010) emphasizes the importance of building strong relationships between schools and
communities based on mutual understanding and shared goals. Parents should be active partners in this process,
advocating for the needs of their children and working with schools to create a more equitable and just educational
system.

4.5. Social Activism
The lack of progress in addressing the plights of people of colour can be attributed to passivity and a
reluctance to challenge the status quo. Cortez (2013) highlights the neglect of public schools by educational
authorities driven by the perceived helplessness of minority communities. However, as demonstrated by the Pilsen
community in Chicago, marginalized communities can effectively advocate for change. Ladson-Billings and Tate's
(1995) claim that people of color lack an authentic voice is debatable. The Pilsen community's successful struggle
for change challenges this assertion. Edmond Burke's warning about the dangers of inaction remains relevant: "The
only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing". BLM is striving to break this cycle of
passivity. Cortez (2013) argued that civil action is a viable path to achieving change. The Pilsen community's
success, achieved through 43 days of sit-ins and civil disobedience, demonstrates the power of community action.
While challenging, building alliances and mobilizing communities is essential for creating lasting change.


V. Conclusion
The success of any social movement hinges on its ability to mobilize and engage its constituents. BLM,
recognizing this, has moved beyond individual activism towards collective action. However, building a strong and
sustainable movement requires a multifaceted approach. While direct action is necessary to raise awareness and
challenge the status quo, it must be complemented by long-term strategies for systemic change. Drawing on
Staples's insights (1984), BLM must work to build broad support within and beyond the Black community. This
involves forging strong alliances with other social justice movements, engaging in community organizing efforts,
and educating the public about the systemic issues that contribute to racial inequality.
Furthermore, the success of BLM depends on its ability to address the root causes of racial injustice. This
requires a deep understanding of how race, class, and gender intersect to shape individual and collective
experiences. In the longitudinal study by Sleeter and Grant (1999) titled ‗Race, Class, Gender and Abandoned
Dreams‘, they highlighted the importance of recognizing how these factors influence children's development from
an early age. Schools, as key institutions of socialization, have a critical role to play in challenging these systemic
biases and empowering students to become agents of change. The children generally do not absorb the bias of race,
class, and gender from parents alone, but as they move through life, their dreams change. Sadly, the schools are not

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playing that role, and the effect of the parents is limited by their educational, economic and social status. Minority
parents ask the students to do what the teacher asks them to do without knowing what is expected of the teacher.
Teachers, with their baggage, are not giving the support needed for transformation. The options open to the students
are a mirror of their parents and the community as these interactions shape their lives. Still, Sleeter and Grant argue
that schools can change this self-perpetuating situation by providing opportunities for critical and analytical
thinking, as well as immersion in a community supported by a variety of organizations.
Finally, BLM must continuously adapt its strategies to the evolving political and social landscape. This
requires ongoing reflection, learning, and a willingness to adjust its approaches based on the changing needs of the
movement and the broader context. By embracing a multi-pronged approach and building a strong and resilient
movement, BLM can continue to challenge systemic racism and strive for a more just and equitable society. The
reactive measures of protest will not change the situation but will escalate the problem to the surface for
intervention. For lasting transformation, there should be proactive measures to change the root causes of the
impediments to black success in the USA.

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