Balance of power

IR

1. Balance of Power

Balance of power is one of the oldest concepts of international relations. It at once provides an
answer to the problem of war and peace in international history. It is also regarded as a universal
law of political behavior, a basic principle of foreign policy of every state through the ages and
therefore, a description of a significant pattern of political action in international field. Before the
present inquiry into a general theory of international relations, the balance of power was
regarded as the only tenable theory of international relations especially from 15
th
to 19
th
century.

Broadly speaking, it refers to a relative power position of states as actors in international
relations. With its emphasis on the cultivation of power and the utilization of power for resolving
the problem of power, it appears to be a sensible way of action in an international society where
nations are governed by their national interests and prejudices. Balance of power is part and
parcel of a system of power politics. Its strength and life will always be determined by the latter.
Thus the theory of balance of power is widely held. It is an overused theory in international
relations. It means different things to different scholars. Claude has aptly remarked that it is an
ambiguous concept as it has so many meanings. Similarly Schleicher observes, “it is virtually
meaningless” Wight says, the notion of the balance of power is notoriously full of confusions. It
is used as a policy, as a system, as a status and as a symbol. It is also used at times as propaganda
ploy.
Therefore, it becomes a tough task to precisely explain the meaning of the term, which will be
universally acknowledged at any given time. Despite this difficulty an attempt has been made in
the following paragraphs to describe the meaning and nature of the concept with the help of
prominent scholars of international relations.
Meaning and Nature in Balance Of Power:
To know the meaning of balance of power one may take the analogy of a balancer with a pair of
scales. If the weights in the two scales are equal, there is balance. The same thing can be applied
to international relations. The two states or two coalitions of states are in balance if they are
equally powerful. In a world where a large number of nations with different degree of power
exist and in which each nation endeavors to maximize its power, there is a tendency for the entire
system to be in a balance. In other words, different nations manipulate and group themselves in
such a way that no single nation or group of nations is strong enough to dominate others because
its power is balanced by that of a rival group. It is believed that so long as this kind of balance is
established, there is peace and the independence of small nations is protected.
Definitions:
How different scholars have endeavored to define this concept is mentioned as under. Mostly it
is defined as a state of dynamic equilibrium characterizing relations among nations. It is the

2. process of matching powers of some nations against those of other nations so that there is no
upheaval or chaos in the relations among nations. For example Castlereagh defined balance of
power as ”the maintenance of such a just equilibrium between the members of the family of
nations as should prevent any of them becoming sufficiently strong to impose its will upon the
rest. ” Similarly, Fay defines as ”just equilibrium in power among the members of the family Of
nations as will prevent any one of them from becoming sufficiently strong to enforce its will
upon the others.”
Besides, many other scholars have also explained the concept of balance of power in terms of
equilibrium in practice; however, nations have mostly desired preponderance, not equilibrium of
power. Spykman observes, the truth of the matter is that states are interested only in a balance
which is in their favor. The balance desired is the one which neutralizes other states, leaving the
home state free to be the deciding force and the deciding voice. Thus another usage of balance of
power refers to a situation in which competing powers prefer a condition of disequilibrium, and
not of equilibrium. In this way, balance of power sometimes means equilibrium and sometimes
disequilibrium.
Dickinson also explains the two usages of the term “it means, on the one hand, equality, as of the
two sides when an account is balanced, and on the other hand, an inequality as when one has a
balance to one’s credit at the bank.” He further says this”theory professes the former, but pursues
the latter. ” Dyke explains, the prime object of the balancing of power is to establish or maintain
such a distribution of power among states as will prevent any one of them imposing its will upon
another by the threat use of violence. The concept of power assumes that through shifting
alliances and countervailing pressures no one power or combination of powers will be allowed to
grow so strong as to threaten the security of the rest.
Thus as a status or condition the balance of power has meant three things namely,
(i). An equality or equilibrium of power among states resulting in balance,
(ii). A distribution of power in which some states, are stronger than other, and
(iii) Any distribution of power among states.
Thompson and Morgenthau have identified it as a policy. Thus it is held that in a multi state
system, the only policy which can check the erring behavior of other states is that of confronting
power with countervailing power.
Balance of power is also known as a system of international politics. According to this meaning
balance of power is a certain kind of arrangement for the working of international relations in a
multi state world. Martin Wight, A.J.P. Taylor and Charles Lerche have used this term as a
system

3. Many other scholars have used it not as a concept but merely as a symbol of realism in
international relations. This usage is based on the idea that balance of power is nothing but a
corollary of power factor in international relations. The acceptance of power factor gives way to
foreign policies based on balance of power. Louis Halle, John Morton Blum and Reinhold
Niebuhr have all treated balance of power as a symbol of the realist philosophy.
Morgenthau has used the term in four different ways :
(1). As a policy aimed at a certain gate of affairs,
(2). As an actual state of affairs,
(3). As an approximately equal distribution of power, and
(4). As any distribution of power.
Haas pointed out that the concept had been utilized extensively in at least eight mutually
exclusive meanings:
(1). Equilibrium resulting from equal distribution of power among nation states.
(2). Equilibrium resulting from unequal distribution of power among nation states.
(3). Equilibrium resulting from the dominance of one nation state (the balancer).
(4). A system providing for relative stability and peace.
(5). A system characterized by instability and war.
(6). Another way of saying power politics.
(7) A universal law of history and
(8) A guide for policy makers.
Likewise Schleicher has discussed three, Zinnes seven and Wight nine meanings of the balance
of power. Despite the multiple, imprecise and ambiguous nature, balance of power is near the
very core of international politics.

4. Pre-requisites:
Couloumbis and Wolfe have summed up four pre-requisites for the existence of a balance of
power system which are explained as under:
1. A multiplicity of sovereign political actors which results
in the absence of a single centralized, legitimate and strong authority over these sovereign actors.
2. Relatively unequal distribution of power (i.e. states, wealth, size, military capability) among
the political actors that make up the system. This permits the differentiation of states into at least
three categories great powers, intermediate powers, and smaller nation states.
3. Continuous but controlled completion and conflict among sovereign political actors for what
are perceived as scarce world resources and other values.
4. An implicit understanding among the rulers of the great powers that the perpetuation of the
existing power distribution benefits them mutually.
Assumptions:
There are certain assumptions of balance of power that also operate as conditions affecting the
stability of the balance. Quincy Wright has given five major assumptions which are as follows:
1. States are committed to protect their vital interests by all possible means including war,
though it is up to each state to decide for itself as to which of its rights and interests are vital and
which method should it adopt to protect them.
2. The vital interests of states are or may be threatened. If the vital interests are not threatened,
then there should be no need for a state to try to protect them.
3. The balance of power helps the protection of the vital interests either by threatening other
states with committing aggression or by enabling the victim to achieve victory in case an
aggression occurs. This assumption means that states are not generally likely to commit
aggression unless they have superiority of power.
4. The Relative power position of various states can be measured to a great degree of accuracy
and that this measurement can be utilized in balancing the world forces in one’s own favor.
5. Statesmen make their foreign policy decisions on the basis of an intelligent understanding of
power considerations.

5. 6. One more assumption may be added to the list presented by Wright. The balance of power
assumes that there will be one balancer maintaining a splendid isolation and ready to join
the side of the scale which becomes higher at any given period. Such a state always works on the
advice of Palmerston that it can have no permanent enemies and permanent allies in the world.
Its only permanent interest is to maintain the balance of power itself.

Characteristics:
The chief characteristics of the balance of power system can be enumerated as under:
1. Equilibrium:
The term suggests equilibrium, an equal distribution of power. When this equilibrium is lost, the
balance of sewer fails. Balance is not a permanent feature of international politics as occasional
disequilibrium is not ruled out in the system.Thus, the concept is concerned with equilibrium as
well as disequilibrium.
2. Temporary:
The balance of power is always temporary and unstable. With the change of time and conditions
it also changes and gives way to another system of balance of power. Neither a balance of power
system nor its original contending powers , can live long.
3. Active Intervention:
Balance of power is not “a gift of the gods” but an outcome of the active intervention of the
man’s whenever a state apprehends that the balance is being titled against it, it has to quickly
counter it. It must be prepared to take necessary steps, including risking a war, if it is determined
to safeguard its vital interests which would be in danger if it remains passive. Thus, balance of
power is the result of diplomatic activity, not of natural happening.
4. Status Quo:
Balance of power normally favors the status quo. Therefore, those who are benefited by it
generally favor it and it is opposed by those who see a loss to their own position. History has
witnessed many wars owing to these contrary motivations of the states.
5. Difficult to determine Existence:
It is not easy to say when a balance of power has been accomplished. A real balance of power
can never exist, and it probably would not be recognized as such it did exist. “The only real test,
presumably, is that of war, and resorting to war not only upsets the balance but also creates the
very conditions which a balance of power policy is supposedly designed to prevent.”
6. Subjective and Objective Approaches:

6. It offers both a Subjective and an objective approach. Historians take the objective view while
the statesmen take the subjective View. In the opinion of the historian, there is balance between
two states if they are equally powerful. Being more realistic, the statesman aims at not only
equilibrium but a preponderance or imbalance in its favor.
7. Conflicting Aims:
Primarily its aim is to preserve peace. At times it has achieved this aim in particular areas or in
the state system as a whole. At other times it has also tended to increase tensions between nations
and to encourage wars.
8. Big-Power Game:
It is mainly a big power game. Big powers are neither interested in peace nor in stability but in
their own security. Small powers are usually victims or at best spectators, rather than players.
They are used as mere weights in the scales. They are objects rather than subjects.
9. Unsuitable for Democracies:
Unless geographical, political, military and other considerations are peculiarly favorable, a
democracy is never interested in this game. It is interested in power politics only in times of
crisis. A dictatorship, on the other hand, is mostly inclined to dominate the contest and to gather
all the rewards.
10. The Balancer:
It admits of the existence of some balancer state or states or an organization. The balancer state is
not a small, insignificant power, but in its own right it is a powerful one and the other contending
powers try to cultivate such balancer. Britain was such a balancer during the ninetieth century.
During the post war period, when the distribution of power had become largely bipolar, the UNO
tried to function as a balancer.
11. Operation Questionable:
Many scholars point out that the balance of power is largely inoperative and irrelevant under
present conditions. According to them it worked well only when it was confined to the European
state system, and that with the expansion of the state system to an international scale, it is
impossible for any nation or international organization to play the role of balancer or for the
system to operate along its traditional lines. The nuclear and space age has further relegated its
relevance. There is truth in these contentions, yet the fact is that this game continues to be
played, with nation states as the chief actors. Palmer and Perkins rightly observe. Certainly new
forces and patterns are developing, and though still in their formative stages, they may make
former preoccupation with balance of power seem inconsequential indeed.

7. Types Of The Balance Of Power:
The balance of power has the following forms:

Simple Balance:
If power is concentrated in two states or in two opposing camps, the balance of power is said to
be simple. The chief characteristics of this type are that states or group of states are divided into
two camps like the two scales of the balance. In simple balance the power distribution between
two opposing camps is almost equal. The United States and the Soviet Union individually, and
the Eastern and the Western block collectively, were the examples of the simple balance in the
post war period of bipolarism.
Multiple Balance:
When there is a wide dispersal of power among states and a number of states or groups of states
balance each other, the balance is called multiple or complex. In the multiple system there need
not be a single system, instead there may be many sub systems or local balances of power within
a system. The multiple balances can be compared to a chandelier. A complex balance may or
may not have a balancer. A simple balance may turn into a multiple or complex balance and vice
versa.
Local, Regional and Global:
Balances may, in terms of their geographical coverage, be spoken of as local, regional and
global. The balance is local, if it is at local level, like we may speak of the balance of power
between India and Pakistan. It is regional, if an area or a continent, say Europe or Asia, is
involved. It is global or worldwide, if all the countries are participating in it through a network of
alliances and counter alliances.
Flexible and Rigid:
Sometimes, balances have also been known as rigid or flexible. In the monarchical days when
princes could make sudden and radical shifts in their alliances, the balance was generally
flexible. With the coming of ideologies and greater economic interdependence, patterns of
balance of power have tended to become rigid.
Devices and Methods:
With the passage of time the balance of power has developed certain means and methods,
techniques and devices through which it can be achieved and maintained. The same are as
follows arms new Armament and Disarmament the main device of achieving balance is to arm.
Whenever one nation increases its strength, its rival has no other alternative but to enter an arms
race. If the first nation can preserve its strength, the balance of power will be upset, but if its
opponents can also consolidate their power through arming themselves, the balance of power is
preserved. Armament race between the United States and the Soviet Union in the post war period
was perhaps the greatest of all armament races.

8. Like armaments, disarmament can destroy or restore a balance of power. The states concerned
may agree on proportionate reduction in their arms so that balance of power among them may be
stabilized. But in practice, disarmament is sparingly utilized, except on defeated powers on the
conclusion of a general war. Though at times it is resorted to by victor powers to maintain a
favorable balance of power yet its overall role has been disappointing.
Alliances and Counter-Alliances:
The balance of power has often been maintained by the method of alliances and counter
alliances. Alliances have been the most convenient institutional device to increase one s
insufficient power. Nations have always endeavored to make, A abandon and remake alliances
depending upon their interests. Several security pacts are clearly designed to improve the
military power position. Alliances can be offensive as well as defensive. Offensive alliances,
however, must be condemned as they breed counter coalitions and the outcome is generally war
The triple alliance of 1882 was countered by the Triple Entente in 1907 Similarly the Axis
formed in 1936 was a counterweight against the alliance between France and East European
nations. The strange Alliance of the Second World War was a reaction against the Axis powers.
It was, however, formed with a defensive purpose in the post Second World
War era, the US with its allies formed NATO, SEATO CENTO etc and the USSR countered
them with the Warsaw Pact.
Compensation and Partition:
A state enhances its power by acquiring new territories and thus tilts balance in its favour. When
such thing happens the other side also takes immediate steps to increase its own power in
compensation in order to preserve the balance. When some powerful nation occupies the
territories of small nations, the powerful rival nations cannot tolerate this act. They place a
condition either to share its prey with them or to allow them to compensate themselves
elsewhere. Under such conditions the powerful rival nations divide small nations and swallow
their share of the prey. The partition of Poland and later on its division between Russia, Prussia
and Austria is a well known example of compensation and partition. After the Second World
War, Germany, Korea and Vietnam were partitioned in a similar way. This method involves the
redistribution of territory in such a way that international balance of power is not affected. Each
Great Power becomes a beneficiary and a weak state their victim. Generally the question of such
redistribution arises at the conclusion of war yet it may also be needed during the peace time.
Intervention and Non-Intervention:
Intervention is another commonly used device of keeping balance. It is quite possible that the
allies may shift their loyalty from one side to another. Under such circumstances, it is quite usual
for a big nation to regain a lost ally by intervening in its domestic affairs and establishing a
friendly government there. Non intervention suggests neutrality or guarantee of neutrality for
certain states, or efforts to localize war or to protect the rights of neutrals in time of war. At times
neutrality also plays the role of keeping the balance of power.

9. Before the end of World War II, Britain intervened in Greece to see that it did not fall into the
hands of local communists. After World War ll, the United States intervened in Guatemala,
Cuba, Lebanon, Laos, Kuwait etc, and the Soviet Union in North Korea, North Vietnam,
Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Afghanistan etc.
Divide and Rule:
It is a time honored policy as well as technique. This method keeps the competitors weak by
dividing them or keeping them divided, and thereby maintain a balance of power. It was adopted
by the Romans to keep their control over scattered peoples. Britain often used it to keep her large
empire under control. She has been a notorious practitioner of this policy. It has been her
cardinal policy towards Europe. Now this policy has become a device of the balance of power.
Both the super powers have endeavored to create divisions in the opposite camp. If the Soviet
Union was interested in the disintegration of Western Europe, the USA was interested in creating
rift in the East European camp led by the Soviet Union.

Buffer States:
The setting up of a buffer state has also operated as another device of the balance of power. Such
a state is usually a weak one. It is situated between two powerful neighbors. It always keeps
them safely apart, and thereby contributes to the peace and stability, and maintains the balance of
power. There have been various instances of buffer states in history. Afghanistan had been a
traditional buffer state between the Imperial Russia and British India, as Tibet was a buffer state
between the Imperial China and the British India. In Europe, Belgium and Holland had served as
buffer states between France and Germany. In the post Second World War period, various lines,
as the 38th Parallel in Korea or the 17th Parallel in Vietnam, on partitioned countries, and the
ceasefire zones are indirectly serving the cause of buffer states in a new world situation. They are
also designed to prevent a direct confrontation of Super powers, and thereby preserve a balance
of power.
Domestic Methods:
If a state feels that the balance has been tilted in favor of the rival, it will also like to become
more powerful. It can do so only by improving elements of power domestically. The state
concerned would try not merely to acquire more powerful weapons, but also to develop related
industries and other aspects of science and economy whose total effect would make it stronger
and help it in restoring the balance. Domestic measures needed for this purpose may also entail
introduction of compulsory military training and allotment of more money in the defense budget
It may also include development of indigenous capability to manufacture sophisticated weapons
and related military hardware including ICBMs.
Balance Of Power in The Past:
The concept of balance of power can be found in some form or the other in ancient time,
especially among the states of India, China, the Greek and the Roman states. It is one of the
oldest terms in international relations theory. David Hume in his Essays and Treatise on Several
Subjects has maintained the Greek politics game a distinct expression to the notion of the

10. balance of power. The Roman period saw a decline in the notion and operational aspects of the
balance of power as Rome virtually demonstrated monopolistic power over the world. Similarly,
it did not flourish during the entire range of the middle ages.
However, the development of the doctrine of balance of power and its large scale practice
became feasible from the fifteenth century on wards. The theoretical contribution to the
formulation and enunciation of the doctrine was made by Bernado Rucellai and Machiavelli. In
the words of Morgenthau, “the alliances Francis concluded with Henry VIII and the Turks in
order to prevent Charles V of Hapsburg from stabilizing and expanding his empire are the first
modern example on a grand scale of the balance of power.”
The sixteenth century facilitated an identifiable process of balance of power. In this very century
England held balance between France and the Holy Roman Empire.
The seventeenth century, and during it, the Thirty Years War (16184648) provides, among other
points of analysis, a perceptible analytical point about the balance of power. With the Treaty of
Westphalia (1648) and the establishment of the nation states system, the concept became more
practicable than ever before. The period between 1648 (the Peace of Westphalia) and 1789 (the
French Revolution) is regarded as the first golden age of classical balance of power both in
theory and practice.
The eighteenth century formally recognized the balance of power in legal process. The phrase ad
conservandum in Europea equilibrium adopted under the Treaty of Utrecht (1713) provisions
illustrates this. The concept found expressions in the works of Edmund Burke and David Hume
during this period. The three partitions of Poland (1772, 1793, 1795) provide an example of
application of the balance of power.
The nineteenth century (1815-1914) can be considered as the second golden age of the classical
balance of power. Napoleon Bonaparte confronted Britain and the other European nations during
this century and it was after successive wars spread over years, that Britain and her allies finally
restored the balance of power. The Congress of Vienna (1815) sought to establish a new balance
of power resting on the principle of legitimacy and possibly the preservation of the status quo.
Subsequently, Britain acted as a balancer in the politics of Europe by virtue of her pioneering
leadership arising out of the industrial revolution and her overall leadership on the basis of her
developed navy and world trade. The balance of power prevented seven wars between 1871 and
1914. It maintained peace for a long time in this century.
In the twentieth century Europe was divided into two camps with the completion of the Triple
Entente (1902) in opposition to the Triple Alliance (1882). When the delicate balance in the
Balkans was disturbed it led to the First World War. In the inter war period the doctrine was still
followed, though in theory it was incompatible with the concept of collective security. But
finally it proved stronger than collective security embodied in the League of Nations. As a result
it provoked a series of alliances and counter alliances thereby leading to the Second World War.
The post war trends reveal that the balance of power, in both its theoretical and practical aspects,
has ceased to perform its traditional role that it played in the Euro eccentric world order.

11. However, this does not mean that the balance of power has completely not in existence since
1945. The existence of regional type of balance of power such as NATO, SEATO, the Warsaw
Pact etc. did reveal their existence. Moreover, the superpowers have created such equilibrium in
practically all major areas of tension and conflict that if the USA has built up Pakistan to match
India in the politics of the Indian subcontinent, the USSR has hobnobbed with India. There are so
many similar examples.
According to Soviet viewpoint the balance of power was inconceivable prior to twentieth
century, in a situation where relations among the nations were rigidly hierarchical and the
dominance of imperialist power had no parallel anywhere. It is only with the emergence and
consolidation of a rival socialist system, the soviet Communists argued, that the real balance of
power came into being and countered the designs of capitalism and its highest stage of
development imperialism.

Balance Of Power Today-Is It Relevant ?
Today, balance of power has witnessed a number of significant changes. Keeping in view the
rapidly changing world conditions. it is being questioned whether balance of power is relevant or
valid or it has become obsolete and out dated. it seems that the theory of balance of power cannot
be applied in the present circumstances in the classical sense of the term. There are two different
opinions in this respect. According to one view the existing world conditions are least favorable
for the existence or relevance of balance of power. The other view holds that its validity is still
relevant. Both the views are discussed in detail as under:
Obsolete and Irrelevant:
The factors or unfavorable conditions or changes in the world that rendered the concept
irrelevant and outdated are mentioned below:
1 . New Forces:
The balance of power Operated well in those times of modern history when in Europe a number
of states of approximately equal strength existed. Later on, when the European balance of power
turned into a world balance of power, conditions became unfavorable for the successful working
of balance of power. The effect of new forces like nationalism, industrialism, new methods and
techniques of warfare, developments in international organization and law, growing economic
inter dependence of nations, mass education, the end of colonial frontiers and the rise of many
new nations have greatly changed the nature of contemporary world politics. All these forces and
changes have made the balance of power too naive and too complex a phenomenon.
2. Numerical Reduction of Powers:
Before the Second World War there were seven Great Powers. After this war the USA and the
USSR were the only two Great Powers left. In previous periods the balance of power Operated
by way of coalitions among a number of nations. The principal actors, though differing in power,
were still of the same order of magnitude. The greater the number of Great Powers, the greater
the number of possible combinations that will actually oppose and balance each other. The

12. numerical reduction of Great Power in the post war period that are able to play a major role in
international politics has actually created unfavorable conditions for the working of balance of
power system.
3. Bi-polarisms:
As balance of power presupposes the presence of three or more states of roughly equal power
and because the rise of a bipolar world system goes against this requirement, the balance of
power is outmoded. All the major states were committed after the Second World War to one
camp or another, and no single nation was strong enough to tip the balance between the two
Super Powers. The disparity in power between the Super Powers and other powers is so wide
that each is mightier than any other power or possible grouping of these powers. As a
consequence, the major powers have not only lost their ability to tip the scales but they have lost
the freedom of movement to switch sides. The wishes of the small powers have become
meaningless. The will of the Super Powers and other compelling circumstances determine their
alignments. Gone are the days of ever shifting alliances.
It was also contended that the bipolar system was itself a guarantee of peace. The super powers
in this system would not use the weapons of total destruction but those weapons would be an
effective deterrent against other countries.
4. Lack of Balancer:
There is no power now to play the role of a balancer which was successfully performed by
Britain in the yesteryear. Britain no longer holds so decisive a position as to determine the
balance. Its role as balancer has ceased after the Second World War. The Great Powers are
powerful enough to determine the position of the scale with their preponderance alone that third
power has no place to hold the balance.
5. Nuclear Weapons.
The impact of nuclear weapons have made the classical assumptions of the balance of power
invalid. The changed character of modern warfare would shudder even the most ruthless
supporter of the balance of power from taking the risk of encouraging a global conflict to right
the balance. The threat of war is of limited utility in the nuclear age due to the nuclear stalemate.
5. Ideological Factor.
The ideological considerations in the world politics became so potent that it overshadowed
nationalism. The ideologies are cutting across national boundaries and thus undermining the
balance of power concept. When the foreign policy of a nation is guided by ideology, it loses its
interest in the balance of power and lacks the essential means to follow it.
6. Disparities in the Power:
The inequalities in the power of states are increasing. Wide disparities can be seen among
nations in the sphere of political, economic and military power. While the super powers are

13. becoming more and more powerful, the lesser states are becoming weaker. Such a condition is
contrary to the requirements of a working system of balance of power.
7. Collective Security:
The emerging importance of collective security, international law and international organizations
like United Nations has further relegated the balance of power to the background. Many
contemporary scholars believe that law and its enforcement should depend more on moral,
consensus of nations, public opinion, the United Nations and collective security than on a
mechanism of balance of power.They also consider that collective security and international
organizations can better maintain world peace in the present circumstances.
8. Decline of Alliances:
Decline in the relevance of the alliance system which is the cornerstone of the balance of power,
has further made it obsolete. It is very difficult now for a state to observe any strict adherence to
an alliance in an exclusive manner. It is becoming more and more clear that each nation has areas
of both amity and enmity with every other nation. This trend is slowly leading to the rise of an
almost universal system of bilateral, as against multilateral alliances.
Valid and Relevant
Although the concept of balance of power has lost much of its significance in the conditions
prevailing after the Second World War yet its operation is still relevant. It is incorrect to say that
it is fully obsolete or irrelevant or that it has no future at all. The notion of its supposed
irrelevance is based on an appreciation of the impact of values like peace and internationalism
and of the changes in the international society. Those who consider that it is irrelevant and
obsolete do so because they do not reckon with certain important factors. The factors that testify
the relevance and existence of balance
1. Reality of Power:
The change in the international society has removed those conditions in which the balance of
power functioned in the past, yet it has not eliminated the reality of power. As the balance of
power is a technique of the management of power,it can be denounced as irrelevant only after
some other method of managing power has been found out. Otherwise, the balance of power is
still relevant although its relevance would depend on how far its mechanism is modified to suit
the changed conditions.
2. Objective Factors:
There are two other objective factors of the present international reality that prove the existence
of balance of power even in the days of bipolarism. One is the role of the uncommitted nations in
maintaining an equilibrium between the two super powers. These countries have been behaving
like what Richard Rosecrance calls the multi polar buffer.22 This shows that the concept of
buffer which has been so significant in the past is not completely wiped out today. The other is
the role of the super powers in maintaining an equilibrium between the countries directly
involved in a crisis situation. The example of the former is the relaxation in the cold war brought

14. about by the uncommitted nations and the example of the latter is the attempts made by both the
US and the Soviet Union to keep a balance in the Indian sub continent and in West Asia.
3. Nation-State System:
As long as the multi nation state system exists, balance of power politic will continue to be
followed in practice by the nations. Palmer and Perkins observe: in its heyday it was a basic
feature of the nation state system As long as the nation state system is the prevailing pattern of
international society, balance of power policies will be followed in practice, however, roundly
they are damned in theory. In all probability they will continue to operate, even if effective
supra national groupings, on a regional or world level, are formed.23

4. Rise of Multipolarism:
Bipolarism remained the feature of international politics for almost two decades after the Second
World War. It was argued above that owing to bi polarization the balance of power became
obsolete. Since the early sixties the bipolar ism has been declining and multifarious again rising.
Britain, France, Germany, Japan, China etc. have regained their lost power. Many middle class
or second grade powers have also come on the scene Thus the unfavorable conditions for balance
of power created by the numerical reduction of, Great Powers have now been removed to a great
extent.
5. End of Ideology:
Though ideological considerations played l a significant role in the recent past but for the last
few years its influence has been on the wane. By late eighties communism collapsed in the
Soviet Union as well as in East Europe, communist bloc disintegrated and ideological struggle
lost its edge. Consequently, ideology as a negating factor of balance of power has disappeared.
6. Balance Exists:
After the collapse of Soviet power in the late eighties and the success of the United States in
liberating Kuwait from Iraq it is commonly believed that the only Super Power left in the world
is the United States. Militarily and economically it is matchless. Thus in the present world USA
can be regarded as a balancer. In this way the above factors and developments prove that the
balance of power is still relevant, valid and meaningful although in a different context.
Critical Evaluation:
The theory and practice of the balance of power has been a subject of great debate and
discussion. There is disagreement among scholars on the point of its ultimate value and
advantage. It has been defended as well as criticized. Its advocates and critics have put forward
various arguments for and against the balance of power. The Same are discussed below
Purpose, Utility and Merits:
The advocates of the balance of power believe in its utility and give the following arguments in
favor of it.

15. 1. Guarantees Peace:
Balance of power is the only guarantee of peace in the absence of the universal acceptance of the
principles of collective security. When security continues to be a national obligation, it can never
be ensured except by a balance of power The prerequisite of security and order among sovereign
states is that force be checked by counter force within a balance of power. It has always served
the cause of peace and order in history. If balance is preserved neither will there be aggression
nor war, and therefore, peace would automatically be achieved.
2. Discourages War:
The balance of power prevents or discourages the resort to war. As a state cannot hope to win a
war, it will not initiate one if its power is in equilibrium with a potential victim. Most of the wars
of the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were due to imperial rivalries whereas the
balances were maintained in the nineteenth and early twentieth century’s that helped to contain
struggles between European powers. Whenever peace reigned in Europe it owed its existence to
balance of power.
3. Curbs Imperialism:
Balance of power makes it difficult for any power to become so powerful as to overwhelm the
rest. Indeed, the absence of a stable equilibrium creates an opportunity for the emergence of
Powers of lesser caliber to positions of dominance. Thus, the balance of power helps. in
containing hegemony and universal imperialism.
4. Meets Justice:
In the absence of a supreme international authority, capable of enforcing justice, the balance of
power enables international law to command respect. This mutuality between the balance of
power and the rule of law in international society was clearly mentioned by Vattel in 1758. The
balance of power acts as deterrent to grandiose ambition, and thus meets the cause of justice.
5. Maintains International law:
The balance of power is essential to the maintenance of international law. Oppenheim, for
example, supports this argument by observing Balance of power is an indispensable condition to
the very existence of international law. He further says that a law of nations can exist only if
there be equilibrium, a balance of power, between the members of the family of nations. Several
other authors of international law also agree with this argument.
6 Prunes Independence:
The balance of power has also proved useful in preserving the independence of small states. It
prevents the destruction of any particular state, because in their own interests, other states will
not allow this to happen. The balance of power is designed to preserve the independence of each
state by preventing any one state from so increasing its power as to threaten the others.
7. Preservation of State System:

16. The balance of power preserves the multi state system. It does so by preserving the identity of
individual states. It helps in the preservation of a multiple nature of international society and its
stability. It serves as a means of maintaining a community of states. Thus, it has served the cause
of peace, justice, law and independence, and thereby preserved the community of states through
the ages.





Defects, Criticism and Demerits:
Morgenthau has criticized the balance of power on three counts its uncertainty, its unreality, and
its inadequacy. Its other defects and demerits can be explained as follows:

1. Does Not Bring Peace:
The balance of power does not bring peace. On the contrary, it encourages war. Many believe
that nations will light only when the two are equally matched. But if the preponderance of power
is on one side, the stronger nation may not fight to get what it requires, while the weaker nation
would be foolish to begin war for what it wants. In periods which were called the golden age of
the balance of power, there were actually constant wars. Moreover, the balance of power, by
pursuing the policy of preventive war and intervention, may directly serve the cause of war.
2. Divides the World:
Through the operation of the technique of alliances and counter alliances, it divides the world
into rival camps, inflicted by mistrust and suspicion. Therefore, any local conflict will have the
tendency to become a big or world war. If it prevents small wars, it instigates the big one having
more devastating effect.
3. No Real Security:
As statesmen never accept a real equilibrium of forces, but always look ahead to a favorable
balance in terms of the bank balance, they are regularly engaged in a struggle to improve their
power position. Thus instead of security it int intensifies the struggle for power.
4. Does Not Increase Power:
Nations are not static units. They enhance their power through military aggression, seizing
territory and alliances. They employ certain domestic and foreign, internal and external means
for this purpose. They can consolidate their power from within by improving social and
economic organization. So the traditional method of the balance of power is not the only cause
responsible for increase of power.

17. 5. Does not meet justice:
Balance of power never aims at concluding of treaties upon principles of justice. It aims merely
at preventing the supposed preponderance of one power over another or acquiring preponderance
of one power over another. It acts on the basis of expediency and immediate gains. Once these
are realized, the system of alliances breaks down, and the world is once again sent back to
mutual animosity and hostility.
6. Wrong Assumption:
Balance of power rests on idea of power or physical force. Its underlying assumption is that if
one nation possesses the ability to attack another it will utilize that ability sooner or later. It
assumes that states are naturally hostile political entities. It accepts the condition of enmity
between states as normal relations. But it is difficult to accept such assumptions today. Such
assumptions take for granted that nothing other than power drives and urge for power dominate
states. But states are interested in many things other than power many are genuinely interested in
peace. Most civilized states accept the fact that there are ethical norms which must be given
precedence over mere power considerations. Peace also depends on the moral conscience of
nations and on the restraining influences of ethical norms.
7. Unrealistic:
Balance of power is after all a mechanical concept. To attempt to appropriate a law of statics and
convert it into a principle to be applied in a dynamic world is at bottom unrealistic. Balance of
power entails many factors such as population, territory, resources, armaments, allies etc These
are not static. Thus, it is very difficult to calculate precisely and pursue rationally a policy of
balance of power over a considerable period of time.
8. Big Power Game:
It believes that the equilibrium among great powers would ensure world peace. In it small
countries matter little. They are required to play to the tune of the great powers. Thus the balance
of power theory favors big powers and ignores smaller ones.
Despite of the above defects and criticism, the balance of power is still a valid concept in
international politics. As a matter of fact, the impact of new forces that shaped our contemporary
world has prevented the balance from operating appropriately. In the conclusion it can be said
that the balance of power is difficult to be applied in practice. Even then it has acted as a
universal pattern of political action of states in history. it did something to preserve the
independence of a nation and to prevent any nation from becoming over powerful. It has
survived not only the passage of time but also the League of Nations or United Nations and the
nuclear age. The balancing process will continue in the future as well along with the struggle for
advantage and power in international relations.
It is wrong to ignore its current relevance as the long spell of peace at the center or global level is
mainly caused by balance and deterrence. Notwithstanding the disturbance in local balance,
super powers always endeavor that such disturbance in the peripheral balance does not lead to

18. the tilting in the central balance. Thus, in future, central balance will be generally maintained
while periodic disturbances can occur in local balances.
Power Vacuum:
As stated above the concept of balance of power has undergone a sea change especially in the
second half of twentieth century. This period witnessed the emergence of two Super Powers who
strive to create their own Spheres of influence in different parts of the world and devised new
techniques of balancing each other. One of the techniques was filling the power vacuum. Under
the pretext of filling the power vacuum each Super Power endeavored to increase its own power
and contain or balance the power of the opponent.
The term power vacuum is of recent origin. It was coined by the United States during the cold
war days. The declining imperial powers Great Britain, Germany, France, Spain, Portugal,
Holland etc, in the post World War II granted independence to their erstwhile colonies. After ,
the decolonization, the newly independent countries found themselves very weak politically,
economically and militarily needing crutches of some outside powers. This is an illustration of
what power vacuum implies. This afforded golden opportunity to the newly emerged Super
Powers the USA and the USSR to provide them the necessary props in the form of political
support, economic and military aid. In this way Super Powers filled the power vacuum in
different weak countries after the withdrawal of declining imperial or smaller powers. Super
Powers vied with each other to woo these countries to their side. For instance the Soviet Union
filled the power vacuum in East Europe, North Korea, Vietnam and other decolonized Third
World countries. The USA also took prompt action to counter the move of the Soviet Union by
spreading its tentacles to these very countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America on the plea of
containing the communist hegemony.
The concept of power vacuum was given a definite shape by the United States in the wake of
British decision to withdraw East of Suez. United States invoked this theory with a view to
justifying its naval presence in the Indian Ocean. It argued that a complete withdrawal from the
Indian Ocean would lead to dangerous power vacuum over a vast and vulnerable area which the
US and Britain’s other allies would find extremely difficult to fill, a vacuum that would serve
neither Britain’s long term interests nor its stake in world ace and Stability.
The Americans argued that if they did not move into the Indian Ocean, the vacuum would bis
filled by the Russians. In brief, over the pretext of vacuum theory, the US justified its entry into
the region.
The vacuum theory was vehemently rejected by India and other major littoral states of the
region. For instance, Mrs. Indira Gandhi, India’s then Prime Minister, during her visit to some
South East Asian countries in May 1966 said that the withdrawal by the British did not create
any vacuum, and if at all it did so, she asserted it should be filled by local powers and not by
outside powers. Even the US Congress did not approve the power vacuum theory. However,
despite this the US Defense Department continued to increase its naval presence in the region. In
fact the US defense department had been insisting on the need for a permanent military presence
in the Indian Ocean since early sixties.

19. By the early seventies the US had established control over all the main gates to the Indian Ocean.
Thus it had established hold on Simonstown, at the entrance of the Atlantic Ocean, on Masirah
which served as an approach to the Persian Gulf on Diego Garcia which commanded central
position in the Indian Ocean and Malacca Straits which was the most important route from the
Pacific through their political proximity to the ASEAN countries. In sum, the US made the
Indian Ocean an American lake. The Soviet Union countered and balanced the America by
entering into a friendship treaty with India in 1971 and by consolidating its hold in the Vietnam.