Georeferenced Transparency in Public Works: Innovation and Regional Convergence in Latin America

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About This Presentation

Corruption in public construction remains a significant governance challenge worldwide, particularly in Latin America. Large infrastructure budgets, technical complexity, and fragmented oversight mechanisms create opportunities for collusive bidding, inflated contracts, project abandonment, and “g...


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HarvardX: Harvard Kennedy School – Harvard University
Georeferenced Transparency in
Public Works: Innovation and
Regional Convergence in Latin
America
Lindsay L. Brown
Digital Government
November 27, 2021
Abstract
Corruption in public construction remains a significant governance
challenge worldwide, particularly in Latin America. Large infrastructure
budgets, technical complexity, and fragmented oversight mechanisms create
opportunities for collusive bidding, inflated contracts, project abandonment,
and “ghost works” (obras fantasmas). In response, governments and supreme
audit institutions (SAIs) have developed new instruments of oversight that tie
projects to geographic, financial, and evidentiary anchors. Brazil’s Geo-Obras,
launched in the mid-2000s by the Tribunal de Contas do Estado de Mato Grosso
(TCE-MT), pioneered this model. By integrating georeferenced photographs,
satellite imagery, contract and financial execution data, and public
visualization portals, Geo-Obras operationalized what this paper terms
georeferenced transparency.
This article provides a historical and comparative analysis of Geo-Obras
and the subsequent regional convergence it inspired. Drawing on primary
institutional documents—including official brochures, invitation letters
seeking geospatial expertise, and archival citizen-interface modules—as well as
secondary policy reports, academic literature, and government
communications, we reconstruct the design logic, institutional significance, and

diffusion pathways of Geo-Obras. We then compare its features with Peru’s
INFOBRAS (2012), Chile’s GEO-CGR (2014), and Argentina’s BA Obras (2017) and
MapaInversiones (2019), showing how these platforms collectively formed a
Latin American family of oversight systems. While Peru and Chile
demonstrate documented cross-border technology transfer, Argentina
illustrates convergent adoption through open government and donor-driven
programs.
We argue that Geo-Obras was the world’s first institutional GIS-based
oversight system for public works and that its core model—money + maps +
evidence + visibility—has now become a regional standard. The study highlights
both accomplishments (deterrence of obras fantasmas, preventive control,
citizen empowerment) and persistent challenges (data quality, institutional
resistance, tokenistic participation). Finally, it outlines an agenda for scaling and
improving georeferenced transparency, including automation, multi-source
imagery, actionable participation, and rigorous impact evaluation.
Keywords: Corruption, public works, GIS, oversight, Geo-Obras, INFOBRAS,
GEO-CGR, BA Obras, open government, Latin America
1. Introduction
1.1 Corruption in Public Construction
Public works and infrastructure development are central to economic
growth, service delivery, and social inclusion. Yet globally, and particularly in
Latin America, the construction sector is among the most corruption-prone
domains (World Bank, 2011; OECD, 2014). The combination of large budgets,
technical complexity, and discretion in procurement creates fertile ground for
fraud and misuse. Case studies consistently reveal inflated costs, collusive
tendering, abandonment of projects, and in extreme cases, the appearance of
“ghost works” (obras fantasmas)—projects recorded in budgets and contracts
but absent in reality (De Leon, 2021).
In Brazil, the scale of the problem was exposed by high-profile
investigations such as Operação Lava Jato (Operation Car Wash), which
uncovered systemic collusion among major construction conglomerates and
political elites (Filgueiras, 2018). But beyond mega-scandals, the everyday

challenges of incomplete schools, unbuilt clinics, and paralyzed sanitation
projects highlight how weaknesses in monitoring and oversight undermine
public trust and waste scarce resources (Tribunal de Contas da União [TCU],
2010).
1.2 The Innovation Gap in Oversight
Traditional auditing methods—manual document checks, field
inspections, and delayed reporting—often identify irregularities years after
funds have been disbursed, when recovery is difficult and accountability
diluted. The need for preventive and real-time oversight has been
increasingly recognized in both academic and policy circles (Matheus, Vaz, &
Ribeiro, 2012).
Digital technologies offered new possibilities. The spread of online
transparency portals and e-procurement systems in the 2000s allowed
governments to publish budgets, tenders, and contract data. However, most of
these platforms were tabular and static: they disclosed information but did not
systematically link financial execution to physical verification. Without
mechanisms to confirm that a school was built where and when reported, such
portals remained vulnerable to manipulation and incompleteness.
1.3 Geo-Obras: Brazil’s Pioneering Model
It was in this context that Brazil’s Tribunal de Contas do Estado de Mato
Grosso (TCE-MT) developed Geo-Obras in the mid-2000s. Described in
institutional brochures as a system for monitoring works “from conception to
delivery,” Geo-Obras introduced a paradigm shift: each project had to be
georeferenced, documented, and visually verified through GPS-stamped
photographs and satellite imagery (Tribunal de Contas do Estado de Mato
Grosso, 2008).
Citizen-facing modules (Mapa, Detalhe da Obra, Informações) provided
interactive maps and project-level detail to the public, confirming the system’s
commitment to social control (controle social).
Geo-Obras thus operationalized a four-part oversight model:
1.Money — financial execution and contracts.
2.Maps — georeferenced project location.

3.Evidence — photographs, imagery, and progress records.
4.Visibility — public-facing citizen portals.
This model directly targeted the obras fantasmas problem, raising the
costs of misreporting and enabling mid-course interventions (e.g., suspending
contracts during execution) rather than delayed sanction.
1.4 From Innovation to Regional Convergence
While initially designed for a single Brazilian state, Geo-Obras quickly
became influential. It was replicated in other courts within Brazil (e.g., Espírito
Santo, Amapá, Goiás) and attracted regional attention. Within a decade, Latin
America witnessed a proliferation of similar platforms: INFOBRAS in Peru
(2012), GEO-CGR in Chile (2014), and BA Obras and MapaInversiones in
Argentina (2017–2019).
Peru and Chile explicitly documented cross-border transfer, with Peru’s
INFOBRAS “exported” to Chile under a triangular cooperation program with
German support (Mayaute, 2015; Andina, 2014; Gob.pe, 2019). Argentina’s
platforms, while not crediting Geo-Obras directly, reflected a regional
convergence around the same model—mapping works, linking finances, and
enabling citizen monitoring—often supported by the Inter-American
Development Bank (IDB).
1.5 Research Questions and Contribution
This paper investigates:
1.How Geo-Obras worked as an institutional innovation in Brazil and what
specific corruption risks it addressed.
2.How the model diffused regionally, through documented transfer
(Peru–Chile) and convergent adoption (Argentina).
3.What this convergence signifies for anticorruption oversight, open
government, and digital auditing.
The contribution is threefold. First, it documents Geo-Obras as the world’s
first institutional GIS-based public works oversight system. Second, it
situates Geo-Obras within a regional pattern of innovation, showing how
Latin America converged on a shared model of georeferenced transparency.

Third, it distills lessons for future reforms, including automation, imagery
integration, participatory design, and impact evaluation.
2. Literature Review
2.1 Corruption in Construction and Infrastructure
2.1.1 Global perspectives
Public construction has been repeatedly identified as one of the sectors
most prone to corruption worldwide (World Bank, 2011). Large budgets, long
timelines, and complex procurement processes create opportunities for fraud,
collusion, and embezzlement. The World Bank report Curbing Corruption in
Construction emphasizes that the sector is particularly vulnerable due to
information asymmetries between governments, contractors, and citizens
(World Bank, 2011).
The OECD (2014) further notes that construction corruption often thrives
where oversight institutions are weak or fragmented, and where citizens lack
tools to verify physical progress. This resonates with Flyvbjerg’s (2014)
scholarship on megaprojects, which highlights systematic cost overruns and
under-delivery, often linked to poor transparency and distorted incentives.
2.1.2 Latin America
In Latin America, construction corruption has been highly visible. Brazil’s
Operação Lava Jato (2014–2019) uncovered a cartel of major firms colluding with
political elites to inflate contracts and divert funds from infrastructure projects
(Filgueiras, 2018). Peru, Mexico, and Colombia have similarly witnessed scandals
where public works projects became vehicles for political financing and
patronage (Morris & Blake, 2009).
Beyond high-profile cases, everyday corruption in smaller projects
manifests as obras fantasmas—ghost works that exist only in records but not
on the ground (De Leon, 2021). De Leon’s dissertation Construction and
Corruption in Latin America: The Role of Megaprojects argues that large-scale
projects magnify opportunities for corrupt practices, while politicians often
shield themselves behind “institutional legitimacy façades” that obscure
accountability.

The Inter-American Development Bank (IDB, 2019) also emphasizes that
infrastructure in Latin America suffers from execution gaps—delays,
incomplete works, and lack of citizen oversight. These findings collectively
underscore the urgent need for real-time, verifiable monitoring systems
tailored to the construction sector.
2.2 Open Government and Transparency in Latin America
2.2.1 Access-to-information laws and open data
Latin America has been a leader in passing access to information (ATI)
laws, with nearly all countries adopting such frameworks between the 2000s
and 2010s (Michener, 2011). Many governments also launched open data
portals, publishing budgets and procurement data.
However, as the OECD (2014) report Open Government in Latin America
shows, implementation lags behind legislation. Data often remain supply-
driven, fragmented, and difficult to interpret for non-specialists. Moreover,
geospatial data—critical for linking projects to place—has historically been
underutilized.
2.2.2 Citizen participation challenges
Although governments increasingly emphasize participation,
mechanisms are often symbolic. The OECD (2014) warns that without
meaningful feedback loops, citizen contributions may not influence decisions.
This creates the risk of “transparency theater” (Fox, 2007), where disclosure
exists but accountability remains weak.
Thus, open government reforms provided the legal and political space
for innovation but not the technical tools to fight sector-specific corruption.
The gap set the stage for specialized platforms like Geo-Obras, which linked
open government to concrete oversight.
2.3 ICTs in Anti-Corruption Oversight
2.3.1 Online monitoring systems in Brazil
Matheus, Vaz, and Ribeiro (2012) analyzed Brazil’s early online
monitoring systems in Anti-Corruption Online Monitoring Systems in Brazil (ACM

dg.o conference). They identified several portals designed to increase
transparency, such as budget portals and procurement systems. However, they
concluded that most focused on information disclosure, not verification or
integration with audit workflows.
Geo-Obras was exceptional in this regard. While contemporaneous
platforms published tenders or spending, Geo-Obras tied financial data to
georeferenced evidence and public maps, creating both auditability and
deterrence.
2.3.2 Digital oversight beyond Brazil
Other Latin American countries experimented with ICT-based monitoring.
For example, Peru’s Contraloría developed INFOBRAS to aggregate works data,
while Chile’s Contraloría launched GEO-CGR as a citizen portal. These systems
built on Brazil’s precedent while adapting to local institutional contexts.
Internationally, ICT-based anti-corruption tools proliferated in procurement (e-
procurement, open contracting) but rarely targeted the construction
execution phase. Thus, Latin America became a global pioneer in extending
ICTs to the infrastructure delivery chain.
2.4 Participatory GIS and the GeoCitizen Approach
2.4.1 The participatory turn in geospatial technology
Parallel to audit-driven innovations, the academic field of participatory
GIS (PGIS) explored how citizens could contribute spatial information for
planning and monitoring. Atzmanstorfer et al. (2014) presented the GeoCitizen
approach, a framework for citizen-driven mapping of problems, proposals, and
discussions in Ecuador. The case study demonstrated that geo-web
technologies and volunteered geographic information (VGI) could support
community planning and monitoring.
2.4.2 Comparison to audit-driven models
GeoCitizen and PGIS approaches emphasize bottom-up input,
deliberation, and empowerment. In contrast, Geo-Obras originated as a top-
down institutional system tied to legal audit mandates. Yet both share a logic:
that mapping problems in space makes them visible, comparable, and harder

to ignore. This convergence suggests that georeferenced oversight is not only a
tool for auditors but also part of a broader movement toward spatial
accountability.
2.5 Peru’s INFOBRAS and Chile’s GEO-CGR
2.5.1 INFOBRAS (2012–)
INFOBRAS was launched by Peru’s Contraloría General in 2012. Its
distinctive feature was mandatory registration: every public work had to be
logged with georeferenced coordinates, costs, progress reports, and
photographs. Registration was a precondition for funding approval, creating
strong compliance incentives (Mayaute, 2015).
The system also allowed citizens to upload photos and comments,
linking community oversight with institutional monitoring. This built on lessons
from open government while adopting a more audit-centric structure.
2.5.2 GEO-CGR (Chile, 2014–)
Chile’s Contraloría launched GEO-CGR in December 2014.
Announcements described it as a portal for citizen control of public works,
providing georeferenced data on tenders, awarded contracts, project amounts,
and deadlines (ChileCompra, 2014). Citizens could also submit complaints and
suggestions directly through the system.
The platform was developed with support from international partners,
including the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) and German Cooperation
(GIZ).
2.5.3 Documented transfer: Peru Chile

Multiple sources confirm that Chile’s system was influenced by Peru’s
INFOBRAS. Andina (2014) reported that Peru “exported” INFOBRAS to Chile,
while Gob.pe (2019) described triangular cooperation between Peru, Chile, and
Germany. Mayaute (2015) analyzed how Chile’s territorial control model and
Peru’s INFOBRAS design informed each other, demonstrating a clear case of
cross-border diffusion.
2.6 Argentina’s BA Obras and MapaInversiones

2.6.1 BA Obras (Buenos Aires, 2017–)
BA Obras was launched by the City of Buenos Aires as a map-based open
data portal displaying more than 900 works with progress, funding, and
contractor information. It was explicitly framed as a citizen-facing platform,
enabling neighbors to monitor projects of interest (IDB, 2017).
Notably, the system was released as open source, encouraging
replication by other cities. This signaled an open government framing more
than an audit-centric approach.
2.6.2 MapaInversiones (2019–)
MapaInversiones is an IDB-supported program that has been
implemented across multiple Latin American countries. In Argentina, it provides
a national portal mapping public investments and works, aiming to promote
transparency and accountability. While not tied directly to SAI audits, it reflects
the same convergence toward map-based oversight.
2.6.3 Convergent adoption
Unlike Peru and Chile, Argentina’s platforms do not reference Geo-Obras
or INFOBRAS as models. Instead, they reflect convergent adoption of the
georeferenced transparency logic, driven by open government and donor
programs.
2.7 Synthesis: A Regional Convergence
The literature points to three key insights:
1.Geo-Obras was pioneering. It was the first institutional system to
combine financial oversight with georeferenced imagery and public
maps.
2.Diffusion occurred through multiple pathways. Peru and Chile show
documented transfer, while Argentina demonstrates convergent
adoption.
3.Regional convergence is evident. By the mid-2010s, Latin America had
multiple systems combining maps, finances, evidence, and visibility—
collectively constituting a new oversight model.

This convergence did not arise by chance: it was shaped by corruption
scandals, open government reforms, donor support, and technological
advances in GIS and web platforms. The literature thus situates Geo-Obras
within a broader movement of georeferenced transparency that transformed
public works oversight across the region.
3. Methods
3.1 Research Design
This study employs a historical–comparative case study design. The
purpose is to reconstruct the origins, design features, and institutional
significance of Geo-Obras in Brazil and then situate it within a broader regional
convergence in Latin America. Following George and Bennett’s (2005)
comparative method, the paper combines primary source analysis with
secondary literature review to generate a thick description of system design,
diffusion pathways, and institutional impacts.
The research questions guiding the methodology are:
1.How did Geo-Obras emerge and what problem was it designed to solve?
2.How did its model diffuse across the region, through direct transfer or
convergent adoption?
3.What lessons can be distilled for the study of digital anti-corruption
systems?
3.2 Primary Sources
A central contribution of this paper is the analysis of primary
institutional documents from the early implementation of Geo-Obras. These
sources include brochures, official letters, and archival interface modules that
together provide evidence of design intent, technical features, and citizen-
facing functionality.
3.2.1 System brochure (2008)

A brochure issued by the Tribunal de Contas do Estado de Mato Grosso (TCE-
MT) describes Geo-Obras as a system designed to monitor public works “from
conception to delivery,” emphasizing preventive auditing, cost monitoring,
and reduced reliance on field inspections. Key features documented include:
Georeferenced photographs captured by managers and auditors using
GPS-enabled cameras.
Satellite imagery with historical roll-back to verify progress stages.
Map interface for rapid identification of abandoned, paralyzed, or
incomplete works.
Integration of financial and physical execution, allowing reconciliation
of payments and project milestones.
Audit checkpoints and generation of technical reports.
Citizen-facing transparency through publication on the court’s website
(controle social).
Document repository containing contracts, addenda, minutes, plans,
reports, and spreadsheets.
Technical integration with mapping services (Google Maps,
OpenStreetMap, Virtual Earth, etc.) and enterprise GIS systems (ArcGIS
Server, GeoServer).
The brochure is critical because it demonstrates that georeferencing and
imagery verification were not peripheral but core design principles from the
outset.

Figure 1
TCE-MT Geo-Obras Portal
Note. From TCE-MT, 2008
(
https://web.archive.org/web/20081004041200/http://www.tce.mt.gov.
br/conteudo/sid/172). Copyright by Wikimedia Commons, public
domain image.
3.2.2 Invitation letters (2008)
Two official invitation letters dated April 22, 2008, issued by the Secretary
of Information Technology at the Tribunal de Contas do Estado de Mato
Grosso (TCE-MT), invited experts from Intrasearch Inc. to Brazil for technical
discussions on “software and georeferenced imagery technology acquisition.”
The letters explicitly emphasized that the court’s “greatest interest… is GEO-
OBRAS, a system for oversight of works by satellite images,” and stated that
external expertise was considered “crucial and critical” to the system’s success.

Figure 2
Arquivo Nacional https://sian.an.gov.br
Note. Letter from TCE-MT to Consulate General of Brazil Texas, 2008
These letters provide direct institutional evidence that imagery
integration was central to Geo-Obras’ design agenda from the outset. They
confirm that the court actively sought specialized technical knowledge to
ensure that the platform combined financial auditing with geospatial and
remote sensing verification.

3.2.3 Citizen-facing modules (HTML/Flash files)
Archival interface files from the Geo-Obras Cidadão module provide insight
into how citizens interacted with the system in its early years.
Mapa (Map): An HTML/Flash interface rendering an interactive geospatial
map of registered works. This shows that public users could visualize
works spatially, not just as tables.
Detalhe da Obra (Project Detail): A module allowing drill-down into
individual project data, including contracts, budgets, photos, and
timelines
Informações (Information): A complementary panel presenting
metadata and execution status, integrated with the map interface.
All three modules included options for full-screen viewing, highlighting an
early concern with usability and accessibility for the general public.
Together, these modules demonstrate that Geo-Obras was more than an
internal audit tool; it was also a multi-layered citizen portal designed to
operationalize controle social.
3.3 Secondary Sources
To situate Geo-Obras within a regional and theoretical context, the study
also draws on a range of secondary materials:
Academic literature on corruption in construction (De Leon, 2021),
megaprojects (Flyvbjerg, 2014), participatory GIS (Atzmanstorfer et al.,
2014), and online monitoring systems (Matheus et al., 2012).
Policy reports from the World Bank (2011) and OECD (2014) on sectoral
corruption and open government in Latin America.
Regional case studies of INFOBRAS (Peru) and GEO-CGR (Chile)
(Mayaute, 2015; Andina, 2014; ChileCompra, 2014; Gob.pe, 2019).
Open government innovations in Argentina (BA Obras,
MapaInversiones) as documented by IDB and OAS publications.

This triangulation allows the paper to balance institutional primary evidence
with comparative insights from the broader region.
3.4 Analytical Framework
The analysis follows a process-tracing logic (Beach & Pedersen, 2013) to
establish causal links between:
1.Problem recognition (corruption in public works).
2.Innovation design (Geo-Obras features and intentions).
3.Diffusion pathways (direct transfer in Peru–Chile; convergent adoption
in Argentina).
4.Outcomes (regional convergence on georeferenced transparency).
By reconstructing these steps, the study avoids attributing convergence to
coincidence and instead highlights institutional mechanisms (audit networks,
donor programs, open government reforms) that fostered similarity.
3.5 Ethical and Practical Considerations
Although the documents analyzed are public domain, ethical practice
requires caution with personally identifiable information (PII). Thus, for
academic publication, signature images, personal contact lines, and metadata
are redacted in reproduced documents, while names, titles, and institutional
affiliations are retained.
This approach balances provenance and verification with privacy
minimization, consistent with recommendations for archival transparency (Yin,
2014).
3.6 Limitations
The methodology has three limitations.
1.Availability bias: Only a subset of archival materials is available. Some
internal deliberations are not documented publicly.

2.Interpretation of Flash modules: Because Flash is deprecated, modules
are analyzed via HTML wrappers and metadata, not interactive playback.
This constrains the level of detail recoverable.
3.Comparative asymmetry: Brazil’s Geo-Obras has more primary
documentation available than INFOBRAS, GEO-CGR, or BA Obras, where
analysis relies more on secondary sources.
Despite these limitations, the evidence base is sufficient to demonstrate the
pioneering role of Geo-Obras and the existence of a regional convergence on
georeferenced transparency.
4. Geo-Obras: Brazil’s Institutional Innovation
4.1 Origins and Context
The mid-2000s in Brazil marked a period of growing concern about public
sector corruption, especially in construction. The federal Tribunal de Contas da
União (TCU) and state-level courts of accounts (Tribunais de Contas Estaduais,
TCEs) had been repeatedly highlighting irregularities in infrastructure projects:
inflated budgets, collusion in bidding, delayed or abandoned works, and in
some cases projects that existed only on paper (obras fantasmas).
At the same time, the broader environment of open government
reforms and digital modernization created momentum for innovation. Brazil’s
Portal da Transparência (2004) had made national budget data accessible
online, while e-procurement platforms (ComprasNet) were beginning to
standardize bidding information. Yet these initiatives lacked a sector-specific
mechanism to tie financial flows to physical execution.
It was against this backdrop that the Tribunal de Contas do Estado de Mato
Grosso (TCE-MT) launched the Geo-Obras system. Conceived in 2005 and
implemented between 2006–2007, Geo-Obras aimed to modernize construction
oversight by combining three pillars:
1.Geographic anchoring — every work georeferenced on a map.
2.Evidentiary verification — photographs and satellite imagery as proof
of execution.

3.Public transparency — an online citizen portal for social control (controle
social).
Institutional leadership within TCE-MT understood that deterring obras
fantasmas required moving beyond financial disclosure to visible, spatialized
evidence of progress.
4.2 Technical Design
4.2.1 Features described in the system brochure
A brochure issued in 2008 presents Geo-Obras as a comprehensive
auditing system that monitors works “from conception to delivery” and
transforms uploaded data into preventive and orienting measures. The
document highlights several technical capabilities that were advanced for their
time. Documented features include:
Georeferenced photographs: Auditors and managers captured GPS-
stamped photos to prove progress.
Satellite imagery: Historical roll-back allowed comparison of different
stages of works.
Interactive map interface: Enabled rapid identification of paralyzed or
incomplete works.
Integration of physical and financial execution: Reconciled payment
schedules with actual construction milestones.
Audit checkpoints and technical reports: Generated evidence-based
alerts for auditors.
Citizen transparency: Works were displayed on a public website for
oversight by society (controle social).
Document vault: Stored tenders, contracts, addenda, minutes, plans,
audit reports, and spreadsheets.
Technical interoperability: Integrated with Google Maps, Virtual Earth,
Yahoo Maps, and OpenStreetMap; could also connect to enterprise GIS
(ArcGIS Server, MapInfo, GeoServer).

Mobile/field compatibility: Supported smartphones and micro-
computers for rural data collection.
This design was revolutionary compared to other oversight portals of the
time, which were largely static and table-based. By embedding geospatial
visualization and multimedia evidence, Geo-Obras created an integrated
environment for auditors, managers, and citizens.
4.2.2 Integration with remote sensing
Archived images present the satellite-based remote sensing timeline of a
specific public work monitored by Geo-Obras:
Figure 3
Note. Geo-Obras satellite image of the area showing the full cycle of a
specific public work, from pre-construction to project completion.
4.3 Citizen-Facing Modules

Geo-Obras was not limited to internal auditing. It also included a public
transparency interface—Geo-Obras Cidadão. Archival HTML/Flash files
recovered from the period document the design of three main citizen modules:
Mapa (Map): An interactive map viewer where citizens could browse
registered works spatially. The map was rendered in Flash at 1015×649 px
and provided a visual overview of projects across the state.
Detalhe da Obra (Project Detail): A drill-down interface allowing citizens
to see detailed information about a selected project, including contracts,
budgets, photos, and execution timelines.
Informações (Information): A metadata panel providing contextual and
progress information about works, designed to complement the map
view. Both Detalhe da Obra and Informações included full-screen viewing
options for improved usability.
These modules reveal that Geo-Obras was designed as a multi-layered
citizen portal, enabling not just viewing of budget tables but exploring works
on a map and inspecting detailed records. This embodied the principle of
controle social, empowering citizens to act as co-auditors.
4.4 Operationalizing Preventive Control
4.4.1 From ex post to real-time oversight
Traditional audits often revealed irregularities years after disbursement.
Geo-Obras shifted the paradigm toward preventive control. By requiring
georeferenced photos and imagery at each stage, the system raised the cost of
falsification. Missing evidence or discrepancies between financial and physical
progress triggered audit alerts.
This enabled courts to act during execution—for example, suspending
contracts or demanding corrections—rather than relying solely on ex post
sanctions.
4.4.2 Fighting obras fantasmas
The specific design of Geo-Obras targeted the phenomenon of ghost
works. By linking financial execution to physical, georeferenced evidence, the
system made it much harder for agencies to report nonexistent projects.

Auditors could cross-check whether a clinic or school listed as “70%
complete” was visible on maps, photos, and imagery. Citizens could do the
same, reinforcing external accountability.
4.5 Diffusion within Brazil
Following its initial success in Mato Grosso, Geo-Obras was replicated by
other state courts of accounts, including Espírito Santo, Amapá, Goiás, and
Pará. This diffusion reflected both the technical portability of the system and
its institutional legitimacy as a pioneering transparency initiative.
The Association of Members of the Courts of Accounts of Brazil (ATRICON)
promoted Geo-Obras as a model, and several states launched their own portals
under the same brand. Over time, versions evolved, including the 2017 release
of an upgraded Geo-Obras Cidadão with Google Maps and Street View
integration, allowing even richer verification of project sites.
4.6 Significance
Geo-Obras represents a world first: an institutional GIS-based oversight
system that combined contracts, finances, imagery, and citizen access. Its
significance lies in:
Innovation: moving beyond static disclosure to georeferenced, evidence-
backed oversight.
Anti-corruption: directly addressing obras fantasmas and overbilling.
Preventive auditing: enabling interventions during execution, not years
later.
Citizen empowerment: democratizing access through map-based
interfaces.
Diffusion: inspiring adoption within Brazil and informing the regional
wave of INFOBRAS, GEO-CGR, and BA Obras.

5. Regional Convergence: From Brazil to Peru,
Chile, and Argentina
5.1 From Local Innovation to Regional Influence
While Geo-Obras began as a state-level initiative in Mato Grosso, its
design principles—linking works to maps, financial data, and photographic
evidence—resonated across Latin America. Within a decade, Peru, Chile, and
Argentina had developed platforms that, while distinct in institutional
ownership and design details, embodied the same core logic of georeferenced
transparency.
The pathways of diffusion varied. In some cases, such as Peru and Chile,
documented technology transfer and cooperation took place, with Peru’s
INFOBRAS serving as a basis for Chile’s GEO-CGR. In others, such as Argentina,
the adoption was more convergent, shaped by donor programs (e.g., Inter-
American Development Bank’s MapaInversiones) and open-government reforms.
5.2 Peru: INFOBRAS (2012)
5.2.1 Launch and design logic
In 2012, Peru’s Contraloría General launched INFOBRAS (Sistema de
Información de Obras Públicas) as a national platform for oversight of public
works. Its defining feature was mandatory registration: all entities executing
public works were required to log each project into the system, including
georeferenced coordinates, budgets, progress updates, and photographs
(Mayaute, 2015).
INFOBRAS was directly motivated by concerns about waste,
irregularities, and lack of citizen access. By linking registration to funding,
the system created a strong compliance incentive: unregistered works could not
receive transfers.
5.2.2 Citizen participation
Beyond institutional auditing, INFOBRAS introduced a citizen
participation component. Citizens were invited to upload photographs and
comments on local works, providing an additional verification layer. This

aligned with participatory governance reforms and reflected the influence of
open-government agendas.
5.2.3 Technological architecture
Technically, INFOBRAS combined a web portal for public access with
internal monitoring dashboards for auditors. Projects could be filtered by
region, sector, and status, with map-based visualizations similar to those
pioneered by Geo-Obras. Photographs and documents were embedded at the
project level.
5.2.4 Impact and limitations
INFOBRAS significantly expanded transparency in Peru, but evaluations
(IDB, 2019) noted challenges in data quality, timeliness of updates, and
citizen engagement. Some projects were registered late or incompletely, and
not all citizens had the digital literacy to contribute meaningfully. Nonetheless,
INFOBRAS represented a national institutionalization of the georeferenced
oversight model first tested in Brazil.
5.3 Chile: GEO-CGR (2014–)
5.3.1 Citizen-control framing
In December 2014, Chile’s Contraloría General launched GEO-CGR as a
portal for citizen control of public works (ChileCompra, 2014). Public
announcements described GEO-CGR as providing georeferenced information
on the entire lifecycle of works: from tender announcements to contract
awards, execution progress, amounts, and deadlines.
The system was explicitly framed around citizen oversight, with the
slogan “control ciudadano.” It included a built-in complaint and suggestion
channel, allowing citizens to directly report anomalies or concerns about works
in their communities.
5.3.2 International cooperation
GEO-CGR was influenced by Peru’s INFOBRAS. In 2013, Peru and Chile
signed a memorandum of understanding , and by 2014 Chile had adapted
INFOBRAS under the name GEO-CGR (Andina, 2014). Gob.pe (2019) reported
that this transfer occurred under a triangular cooperation program involving

Germany (GIZ), which provided financial and technical support. Mayaute (2015)
documents how Chile’s territorial control model and Peru’s INFOBRAS design
informed each other, producing mutual learning.
This cooperation illustrates how oversight systems diffused across
borders through formal agreements, donor facilitation, and institutional
exchange.
5.3.3 Features and architecture
Like Geo-Obras and INFOBRAS, GEO-CGR mapped works geospatially,
displayed project metadata, and embedded documents and images. It also
emphasized usability: the portal was designed to be intuitive for citizens, with
filters by commune, region, sector, and execution status.
5.3.4 Challenges
As with INFOBRAS, data quality and update frequency were persistent
challenges. While citizens could file complaints, the response workflows were
not always transparent. Yet GEO-CGR became an emblem of Chile’s
commitment to open government and citizen oversight, integrated into its
broader modernization strategy.
5.4 Documented Transfer: Peru Chile

The INFOBRAS GEO-CGR transfer is one of the clearest documented

cases of regional diffusion of oversight technology. Andina (2014) reported
that Peru “exported” INFOBRAS to Chile, with adaptation to local institutional
contexts. Gob.pe (2019) described this as part of Peru’s cooperation with Chile
in developing a territorial control system for works.
Mayaute (2015) provides further analysis, noting that Chile’s territorial
focus influenced INFOBRAS in return, leading to a mutual adaptation process.
German cooperation (GIZ) facilitated this triangular arrangement, providing not
only funding but also technical expertise.
This case demonstrates that Latin America’s convergence on
georeferenced transparency was not accidental. It was actively constructed
through cross-border cooperation, donor facilitation, and institutional
learning.

5.5 Argentina: BA Obras and MapaInversiones
5.5.1 BA Obras (City of Buenos Aires, 2017–)
In 2017, the City of Buenos Aires launched BA Obras, an open-source,
map-based platform that displayed more than 900 works with progress,
funding, contractors, and timelines (IDB, 2017).
Unlike Geo-Obras or INFOBRAS, BA Obras was not developed by an audit
institution but by the municipal government as part of its open government
strategy. Its emphasis was on real-time citizen monitoring: neighbors could
see how projects in their area were progressing and compare across sectors.
BA Obras also made its code open source, inviting replication by other
cities. This reflects Argentina’s strong tradition of civic tech innovation and its
participation in the Open Government Partnership (OGP).
5.5.2 MapaInversiones (National, 2019–)
At the national level, Argentina implemented MapaInversiones, an IDB-
supported program designed to map investments and works across the country
(IDB, 2019). The portal aggregates project data, georeferences investments, and
allows filtering by region, sector, and status.
MapaInversiones is part of a broader IDB initiative that also operates in
Paraguay, Costa Rica, and other Latin American countries. It represents the
donor-driven strand of the regional convergence, distinct from SAI-led systems
but aligned in function.
5.5.3 Convergent adoption
Neither BA Obras nor MapaInversiones explicitly reference Geo-Obras or
INFOBRAS as models. Instead, they represent convergent adoption of the
same oversight logic: tying projects to maps, publishing progress data, and
inviting citizen scrutiny. This convergence reflects the broader influence of the
open government movement and the IDB’s promotion of digital
transparency platforms.
5.6 Comparative Insights

5.6.1 Similarities
Across Brazil, Peru, Chile, and Argentina, core design features recur:
Georeferenced visualization of works.
Financial and physical execution data displayed together.
Photographic or documentary evidence of progress.
Citizen-facing interfaces, often with complaint or input mechanisms.
5.6.2 Differences
Institutional ownership: Brazil and Peru’s systems were led by audit
institutions; Argentina’s were led by executive agencies; Chile’s involved
the Contraloría but emphasized citizen complaints.
Diffusion pathway: Brazil Peru/Chile shows transfer and adaptation;

Argentina reflects convergence via donor programs.
Participation depth: INFOBRAS and GEO-CGR included complaint
channels; BA Obras emphasized open data; Geo-Obras Cidadão offered
interactive browsing but limited reporting functions.
5.6.3 Regional convergence
Despite these differences, the regional convergence is unmistakable.
By the mid-2010s, multiple countries had systems combining maps, money,
evidence, and visibility. Whether through transfer (Peru–Chile) or convergence
(Argentina), the model pioneered by Geo-Obras became a regional standard
for public works oversight.
5.7 Broader Influence and Global Parallels
Latin America’s experience with georeferenced transparency parallels,
but also precedes, similar efforts elsewhere. For example, in Africa, Malawi’s
Infrastructure Project Information Platform (IPPI) and South Africa’s
Vulekamali Infrastructure Projects portal share some features but were
launched later (2017–2019). Nigeria’s Tracka initiative empowers citizens to
monitor projects with photos, akin to INFOBRAS’ citizen component.

This suggests that Latin America was a first mover, and that Geo-Obras
and its successors may serve as global reference models for other regions
grappling with construction corruption.
5.8 Summary
This section has shown that Geo-Obras did not remain an isolated Brazilian
innovation. Within a decade, its logic spread across Latin America through a
combination of direct transfer, donor support, and convergent adoption.
Peru’s INFOBRAS institutionalized mandatory georeferenced registration
of works.
Chile’s GEO-CGR adopted INFOBRAS under triangular cooperation,
emphasizing citizen control.
Argentina’s BA Obras and MapaInversiones reflected donor-driven,
open-government convergence.
Together, these cases demonstrate the rise of a regional convergence on
georeferenced transparency: a family of oversight systems sharing the DNA of
map-based, evidence-backed, citizen-accessible monitoring.
6. Analysis and Discussion
6.1 What Geo-Obras Changed in Oversight Practice
6.1.1 From ex post auditing to preventive control
Traditional auditing in Latin America was largely retrospective. Courts of
accounts or supreme audit institutions (SAIs) examined records after projects
were completed—or abandoned—and flagged irregularities long after funds
had been disbursed. Geo-Obras fundamentally shifted this paradigm. By
requiring real-time georeferenced evidence, it enabled preventive auditing:
discrepancies between financial and physical progress triggered alerts while
works were still underway.
For instance, if a project’s budget execution reached 70% but photos and
maps showed only a foundation laid, auditors could intervene immediately,

halting payments or requiring corrective measures. This timing advantage
greatly increased the chances of avoiding losses rather than simply
documenting them.
6.1.2 Targeting obras fantasmas
The most emblematic corruption risk in construction oversight was the
phenomenon of obras fantasmas—ghost works that existed only in budgets.
Geo-Obras directly addressed this vulnerability by requiring that every project
be:
Georeferenced (anchored to a physical location on the map).
Documented with contracts and addenda.
Verified visually with photos and, eventually, satellite imagery.
By linking money to maps and evidence, Geo-Obras reduced the feasibility of
inventing projects. Even if collusion persisted in contracting, the visibility
requirement made it much harder to conceal outright fabrication.
6.1.3 Empowering social control (controle social)
Geo-Obras also innovated by giving citizens access to oversight data. The
citizen portal (Geo-Obras Cidadão) offered:
A map interface to explore all registered works.
A detail view showing contracts, budgets, timelines, and photos.
An information panel with project metadata.
While modest compared to today’s open-data portals, this was
groundbreaking in 2007–2008. Citizens, journalists, and civil society
organizations could verify whether promised works existed, adding a layer of
public accountability to the audit process.
6.2 Comparative Strengths and Weaknesses Across Cases
6.2.1 Brazil (Geo-Obras)
Strengths:
First mover: established the model of georeferenced oversight.

Integration of satellite imagery and geotagged photographs.
Internal–external duality: supported both auditors and citizens.
Replication across multiple Brazilian states.
Weaknesses:
Early reliance on Flash technology limited accessibility today.
Citizen reporting channels were underdeveloped compared to later
systems.
Depended heavily on compliance by municipal agencies to upload
accurate data.
6.2.2 Peru (INFOBRAS)
Strengths:
Mandatory registration tied to funding created strong compliance
incentives.
Citizen component allowed photo uploads and observations.
National-scale implementation institutionalized transparency.
Weaknesses:
Data quality issues: some works registered late or with incomplete info.
Limited citizen uptake, reflecting digital divide and awareness gaps.
Overload risk: volume of projects made it difficult for auditors to process
complaints.
6.2.3 Chile (GEO-CGR)
Strengths:
Explicitly branded as a citizen control tool.
Integrated complaint and suggestion channels.
Supported by triangular cooperation with Peru and Germany (GIZ).
Weaknesses:
Complaint resolution workflows were not always transparent.

Challenges in sustaining data updates from line ministries.
Some citizens reported difficulty in interpreting technical data.
6.2.4 Argentina (BA Obras, MapaInversiones)
Strengths:
Strong open-government framing, focused on real-time citizen visibility.
BA Obras open-sourced its code, encouraging replication.
MapaInversiones, backed by IDB, extended coverage nationally.
Weaknesses:
Less emphasis on audit enforcement compared to Brazil and Peru.
Stronger on open data, weaker on legal compliance mechanisms.
Depended on donor financing (IDB) for sustainability.
6.3 Diffusion Mechanisms
6.3.1 Institutional networks
Audit institutions in Latin America, organized under OLACEFS
(Organización Latinoamericana y del Caribe de Entidades Fiscalizadoras
Superiores), created venues for knowledge exchange. Geo-Obras’ replication
across Brazilian states reflected ATRICON’s promotion of “good practices.”
INFOBRAS and GEO-CGR diffusion was facilitated by peer exchanges between
SAIs.
6.3.2 Donor facilitation
International donors, particularly the Inter-American Development Bank
(IDB) and German Cooperation (GIZ), played key roles. IDB’s MapaInversiones
initiative reflects how donors diffused the georeferenced oversight model
across multiple countries simultaneously. GIZ funded the triangular cooperation
that brought INFOBRAS practices to Chile.
6.3.3 Open government and OGP
The Open Government Partnership (OGP), launched in 2011, created a
regional momentum for digital transparency platforms. Argentina, Mexico, and

Chile included commitments to map-based project monitoring in their OGP
action plans, reinforcing convergent adoption.
6.3.4 Convergence without direct inspiration
In Argentina, BA Obras and MapaInversiones did not explicitly cite Geo-
Obras or INFOBRAS. Instead, they reflected convergent evolution: different
pathways (donor-driven, open-government reforms) producing similar
outcomes (maps + money + evidence).
6.4 Regional Convergence as a Family of Systems
Across Brazil, Peru, Chile, and Argentina, the DNA of oversight systems is
remarkably consistent:
1.Georeferenced visualization — projects mapped by location.
2.Financial and physical integration — budgets tied to execution reports.
3.Evidence layer — photos, satellite imagery, or citizen-uploaded images.
4.Citizen-facing transparency — portals, dashboards, complaint channels.
This convergence supports the argument that Latin America developed a
distinct oversight model for public works. While Europe and North America
have open-data portals, few integrate real-time imagery and georeferencing
into construction oversight.
6.5 Persistent Challenges
Despite progress, four recurring challenges remain:
1.Data quality and timeliness
oAgencies sometimes delay uploads or enter incomplete
information.
oAutomated data pipelines from treasury and procurement systems
remain limited.
2.Institutional resistance
oSome line ministries resist exposing sensitive project data.

oUpload compliance requires political will and legal enforcement.
3.Usability and interpretability
oCitizens may find project metadata (percent complete, budget
items) hard to interpret.
oInterfaces must balance technical detail with clarity.
4.Tokenistic participation
oComplaint channels often lack feedback loops.
oWithout visible action, citizen trust can erode.
These limitations suggest that technology alone is insufficient; governance
reforms, incentives, and citizen engagement strategies are equally critical.
6.6 Global Positioning: Latin America as a Reference
Latin America’s experience with georeferenced transparency is globally
significant. Comparable platforms elsewhere remain limited:
Africa: Malawi’s IPPI, South Africa’s Vulekamali, and Nigeria’s Tracka
share some features but emerged later (2017–2019).
Asia: Some e-procurement portals publish project locations, but
integration of imagery is rare.
OECD countries: Open-data portals are strong, but construction-specific
georeferenced oversight systems are less common.
Thus, Latin America—led by Geo-Obras and its successors—constitutes a
world-leading reference model for combating construction corruption
through geospatial oversight.
6.7 Toward a Next-Stage Agenda
To consolidate gains and address challenges, the following priorities are
recommended:
1.Automated data integration — connect treasury, procurement, and
project systems via APIs.

2.Multi-source imagery — incorporate drones, satellite change detection,
and mobile photo protocols.
3.Open data by design — publish standardized, machine-readable
datasets (OC4IDS).
4.Actionable participation — ensure citizen complaints trigger workflows
and public resolution tracking.
5.Impact evaluation — design quasi-experimental studies (e.g., staggered
rollouts) to measure effects on costs, delays, and corruption exposure.
This agenda would move systems from transparency portals to fully
integrated audit platforms with measurable anticorruption impacts.
6.8 Conclusion of Discussion
Geo-Obras demonstrated that money, maps, evidence, and visibility
could be combined into a coherent oversight system. INFOBRAS, GEO-CGR, BA
Obras, and MapaInversiones show that this model has become regionally
entrenched.
Latin America’s convergence was shaped by corruption scandals, donor
facilitation, open-government reforms, and institutional learning. The result is a
family of systems that, while not identical, share the same DNA.
For scholars, this convergence offers a valuable case of policy diffusion
and institutional isomorphism (DiMaggio & Powell, 1983) in anticorruption
governance. For practitioners, it highlights both opportunities (deterrence,
citizen empowerment) and challenges (data quality, usability, participation). For
other regions, it provides a reference model adaptable to local contexts.
7. Conclusion
7.1 Geo-Obras as a World-First
This paper has traced the emergence of Geo-Obras in Mato Grosso,
Brazil, as the world’s first institutional GIS-based oversight system for
public works. Developed in the mid-2000s, Geo-Obras broke new ground by

linking financial execution data, georeferenced project locations, and
photographic/satellite evidence into a unified platform. Unlike earlier
transparency initiatives that merely disclosed budget or contract information,
Geo-Obras operationalized preventive control: auditors and citizens could
detect discrepancies between reported and actual progress in near real time.
The system directly targeted the endemic problem of obras fantasmas—
projects that existed only on paper—by making financial flows visible, spatial,
and verifiable. Archival documents, including the official brochure and invitation
letters from 2008, confirm that imagery and georeferencing were foundational
design elements, not later additions. Citizen-facing modules (Mapa, Detalhe da
Obra, Informações) further embodied the principle of controle social, making
oversight a shared responsibility between state institutions and the public.
7.2 Regional Convergence in Latin America
The Brazilian innovation did not remain isolated. Within a decade, multiple
Latin American countries had implemented oversight platforms with strikingly
similar features:
Peru’s INFOBRAS (2012): mandatory registration of all works,
georeferenced progress data, photos, and citizen input.
Chile’s GEO-CGR (2014): a citizen-control portal adapted from INFOBRAS
through documented transfer, facilitated by triangular cooperation with
Germany.
Argentina’s BA Obras (2017): a municipal open-source portal mapping
900+ works for citizen monitoring.
Argentina’s MapaInversiones (2019–): an IDB-backed national platform
mapping public investments and works.
The convergence is clear: across institutional contexts, the DNA of these
systems repeats—maps + money + evidence + visibility. Peru and Chile
illustrate documented transfer, while Argentina illustrates convergent
adoption shaped by open-government reforms and donor facilitation.
7.3 Achievements and Impact

The regional convergence on georeferenced transparency represents a
significant governance innovation with tangible achievements:
1.Deterrence of fraud: Ghost works are harder to fabricate when projects
must be mapped and photographed.
2.Preventive oversight: Irregularities can be flagged during execution,
avoiding ex post impunity.
3.Citizen empowerment: Map-based portals lower barriers for public
verification and complaint.
4.Institutional learning: SAIs and governments across Latin America
exchanged practices, building a shared model.
By embedding verification into the core of oversight, these systems moved
beyond transparency as symbolic disclosure to transparency as operational
control.
7.4 Persistent Challenges
Despite these advances, several challenges persist:
Data quality and timeliness: Agencies may upload incomplete or
delayed information.
Institutional resistance: Some ministries resist full disclosure, limiting
comprehensiveness.
Usability: Technical data can overwhelm non-experts, reducing citizen
uptake.
Tokenistic participation: Complaint mechanisms without transparent
workflows risk eroding trust.
Sustainability: Systems often depend on donor support or political
champions; long-term institutionalization remains uneven.
These challenges highlight that technology is necessary but insufficient:
strong governance, enforcement, and citizen engagement are essential
complements.

7.5 Lessons for Global Practice
Latin America’s convergence provides lessons for other regions:
Sector-specific oversight works: General transparency portals cannot
substitute for specialized systems that link money to maps and evidence.
Design for prevention: Oversight must be real-time, not retrospective.
Evidence layer is crucial: Photographs, satellite imagery, and
geotagging convert data into verifiable proof.
Citizen modules matter: Transparency is most powerful when it enables
social control.
Diffusion is possible: Through cooperation (Peru–Chile) and donor
programs (MapaInversiones), models can scale regionally.
Emerging platforms in Africa (e.g., Malawi’s IPPI, Nigeria’s Tracka, South
Africa’s Vulekamali) suggest that Latin America’s model is already influencing
global practice, though still indirectly.
7.6 Final Reflection
Geo-Obras demonstrated that public works oversight could be
fundamentally reimagined by fusing geospatial data, financial records, and
evidence of execution into one system. Its replication and adaptation across
Peru, Chile, and Argentina signal the rise of a regional standard in Latin
America.
The challenge ahead is to consolidate these gains: automate data flows,
integrate advanced imagery (drones, change detection), strengthen complaint
resolution, and rigorously evaluate impacts on corruption, costs, and trust. If
this agenda is pursued, Latin America’s georeferenced oversight systems will
stand not only as a regional success but also as a global reference point for
safeguarding public investment in infrastructure.

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