Modernization theory Asegede Kebede Oct, 24/2017
outside influences were guilty, too, of slanted analysis, ignoring the argument of modernization theory that
convergence continues, and more complex societies at higher stages of modernization, with greater openness
to foreign competition and influences, must give voice to younger generations espousing new values. Critics
of modernization theory on the left insisted that struggle against an oppressive world system (not domestic
consolidation around shared values) would be necessary, dismissing comparisons that alleged different
pathways to success.
Globalization theory:- is essentially modernization theory bolstered by greater emphasis on international
integration and the power of external forces to induce rapid change. Again, one finds generalizations about
individual modernization, adoption of attitudes in favor of personal choice for marriage, divorce, choice of
work, migration, and views of authority. One also may observe organizational adaptation, with formal
organizations transforming their roles in a market environment where a civil society is gaining ground and
individuals are free to enter and leave. Likewise, state authority becomes subject to checks and balances,
limited in creating monopolies and denying access to the outside world. If modernization theory emphasized
competition among nations that would oblige, sooner or later, domestic adjustments, globalization theory
stresses the powerful effects of the flow of resources, information, and people across national boundaries. The
urgency of meeting the competition is accelerating, but the fundamental changes identified by modernization
theory continue to occur.
Critics of globalization theory:- both from the left and the right, repeat the accusations raised against
modernization theory. Many on the left see it as justification for neo-imperialism or U.S. hegemonism,
leading to unfair results, including one-sided gains and negative consequences for cultural diversity and the
environment. On the right, there is continued fear that compromises will have to be made with others who
follow different models, watering down national distinctiveness or sovereignty. Instead of comparing different
approaches to globalization and accepting the need for all sides to adjust as competition proceeds in
unpredictable ways, many prefer either to reject the process as inherently flawed or to insist that control by
only one party must be ensured.
As seen in a half century of modernization theory, politicized approaches to far-reaching questions of social
change as well as narrow rejection of generalized social science analysis leave many critics unprepared to
keep the focus on how to draw on empirical evidence and comparisons to keep improving existing theory. The
theory of modernization may not have remained popular, but its message endures: States reorganize in an
increasingly competitive environment; The quest for international power and economic growth leads to
substantial changes in domestic policies; Societies continuously adjust to economic growth and global
integration; and the result is growing convergence, but there may be multiple models and sharp backlashes
from those fearful or unsuccessful in the process.
As in the Cold War era, there are three prevailing theories of global evolution at the beginning of the twenty-
first century. The Marxist school that equated modernization reforms with promotion of imperialism and
social class exploitation has transformed into a broader left-leaning agenda, appealing to conflict against the
United States and its elitist allies as a mechanism for more just economic distribution and more checks in
global political development. Its neoconservative message calls for imposing a single model, more than
comparing alternative approaches of nations and regions while accepting the virtues of diversity.
As developed in comparative studies and by the multilateral globalization school, modernization theory
accepts that convergence is a long-term process that must remain incomplete as societies seek solace in what
makes them distinctive. The quickening pace of technological change will fuel accelerated integration, and
there will be dangers of increased interdependence and vulnerability that will demand more security
cooperation. Yet the driving forces of the global system will remain states competing to gain an advantage in