Armed resistance vs passive resistance

ChristiaanDeBeer4 280 views 32 slides Aug 04, 2020
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About This Presentation

These slides discuss in detail the resistance movements in the United States and in South Africa in the face of government oppression.


Slide Content

Armed resistance VS Passive resistance A Tale of two movements ANTI APARTHIED AND ANTI-SEGREGATION

What is Passive resistance Resistance to a system in the form of non violent protest. The goal of Non-Violent protests was to attract attention to the situation by using the plight of the people. Passive resistance uses humanly emotions like empathy to gain support. Since the 1950s the media formed the backbone of passive resistance movements. Passive resistance can be seen as a marketing campaign for and idea .

Civil Disobedience (Non-violent) Forms of protest through civil disobedience Most civil rights protest campaigns took place in the Southern states where racial discrimination was most prevalent. Those involved in civil disobedience faced hostility and harassment by the police. Protests took many different forms but the aim of all protest action was to highlight injustices in American society in a peaceful manner. Protests were widely covered by the media which made Americans aware of civil rights issues. King encouraged his supporters to have the courage of their convictions: ‘ There comes a time when one must take the position that is neither safe nor politic nor popular, but he must do it because conscience tells him it is right .

When should passive resistance be used If the Government is renowned for using violence to oppress their political rivals. When the media is present and able to advertise your movement as just and legitimate Being a minority group oppressed by a majority When your movement has the support of the Human Rights charter

What is an armed struggle An armed resistance means all forms of resistance will be more militant and aggressive Armed struggles usually involves unconventional warfare Sabotage and Guerilla warfare are fundamental tools used by armed resistance movements. An armed struggle is also fought by gaining support from the far right or far left leaning parties. Armed resistance must have sufficient funding , based on the strength of the ruling government.

When should armed resistance be used In the face of a government not buckling under external pressure. When the passive resistance campaign gets shut down by political manipulation . When the ruling government has a strong hold and support from the military. When the ruling party thrives on the quality of infrastructure and the economic capabilities of their regime. Should the process of Passive resistance be to slow for those seeking change in the political system.

The Passive resistance in the United States Martin Luther King Jr. was the father of the passive resistance movement. His evangelical mindset influenced MLK and his policies of resistance. Focused on massive non-violent protest actions Emphasized humanitarian aspects like love and reconciliation. Believed in Multi racial integration Used the media effectively to advertise his plea for the movement. MLK used the violent push back from the government to gain influence via the International Media.

Key events during MLK,s passive movement in the United States. The Montgomery bus boycott Rosa Parks played a key role during the Buss Boycott Idea was to desegregate busses Rosa parks and Martin Luther King were arrested Due to a massive loss in income from the plummeting of bus tickets the Alabama district declared segregation on busses unconstitutional. ECONOMIC PRESSURE ON A GOVERNMENT SYSTEM

The Sit-ins campaign during the 1960s Sit in at Woolworths branch in Greensboro , North Carolina Student Non violent coordinating committee was involved in orchestrating these protests The movement was aimed to protest against the white only policies implemented by facilities like swimming pools, restaurants and stores. Local authorities responded by arresting the protesters Regardless they continued to protest The outcome was that many facilities desegregated their policies in order to stop loss in revenue

1961 Freedom rides Although segregation on buses had been ruled unconstitutional, segregation was still practiced in the Southern states. In May 1961, an interracial group of 13 students travelled on two Greyhound buses from Washington DC to the South. It was the first protest against racial segregation on interstate buses and these protests became known as ‘Freedom Rides.’ The National Director of the Congress for Racial Equality (CORE), James Farmer, made the following statement before the first Freedom Ride in 1961: ‘If there is arrest, we will accept that arrest. And if there is violence, we are willing to accept that violence without responding in kind.’ When the bus reached Anniston in Alabama, it was attacked by a mob of racists. They used rocks to shatter some of the bus windows and the police escorted the bus out of town. The mob followed and a fire-bomb was thrown through the bus window and set the bus on fire (the passengers managed to escape) CORE organized many more Freedom Rides. Although Freedom Riders were attacked and beaten, they were determined to continue the protests. News reports on television and in newspapers showed Freedom Riders being abused and the American public had to face the reality of racial oppression. The Freedom Rides made Americans aware of the segregation that still existed on the public transport system. The protests spread to train stations and airports. The failure of the police to protect the protestors caused a national outcry and the public put pressure on President Kennedy’s administration to end the violence

The Birmingham Campaign, April 1963 Martin Luther King Junior and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) embarked on a protest campaign in Birmingham, Alabama, in April 1963. They chose Birmingham because the city was a Ku Klux Klan stronghold and deeply racist. Seventeen black churches and homes had been bombed between 1957 and 1962. Before the Birmingham Campaign began, volunteers were chosen and trained in the techniques of non-violent protest. African Americans in Birmingham demanded the desegregation of public facilities and the right for blacks to attend all Southern universities. The campaign began on 3 April with sit-ins and protest marches. The Chief of Police, Bull Connor, ordered the police to use force to halt the demonstrations. Demonstrators were attacked with fire hoses set to full pressure, tear gas, and electric cattle prods. Police dogs were set loose to disperse the crowd and some demonstrators were bitten. More than 3 300 black men, women and children were taken to jail On 2 May, fifty schoolchildren set out from Kelly Ingram Park in Birmingham singing ‘We Shall Overcome. 'They were arrested and placed in police vans. Other groups followed at regular intervals and they too were arrested and put into police vans. Soon the police pushed the protesters into school buses because there were no more vans. Three hours later, there were 959 children in jail. Intense media coverage in newspapers and on television made the American nation aware of the brutal attacks on people by the Birmingham police. Many Americans were shocked and support for the Civil Rights Movement grew. In response to the Birmingham Campaign, President John F Kennedy made a television appearance in which he declared that racial discrimination was a moral issue

Birmingham Riots of 1963 Birmingham business leaders decided that the protest campaign was bad for business and agreed to desegregate their lunch counters, restrooms and drinking fountains. The jailed protestors were set free and charges against them were dropped. Civil rights activists had, therefore, made some gains during the Birmingham Campaign but segregation still remained and a number of African American leaders were determined to convince the government to abolish all segregationist legislation in the USA. These Civil Rights leaders planned a massive demonstration to take place at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington DC

The March to the Lincoln Memorial in Washington DC, 28 August 1963 Philip Randolph, a Civil Rights leader, suggested holding a march in the US capital, Washington DC. He wanted to publicize the fact that the pace of desegregation was too slow and that African Americans were denied jobs. This march became known as ‘The March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom.’ Randolph, Martin Luther King Junior and four other civil rights leaders became the ‘Big Six’ who mobilized support for and organized the march to the Lincoln Memorial in Washington that took place on 28 August 1963. The choice of the Lincoln Memorial as a venue for the demonstration was very symbolic because President Abraham Lincoln had signed a proclamation freeing slaves in the USA on 28 August 1863. The descendants of those freed slaves would gather to demand true freedom and justice on 28 August 1963, exactly one hundred years after this proclamation. The march received support from diverse sectors of American society: different religious leaders, labor and civic organizations and well known entertainers all pledged their support to this civil rights demonstration

Why was the march on Washington to important to the civil rights movement? Buses and trains were hired to transport demonstrators to Washington DC on 28 August. More than 250 000 demonstrators converged on the Washington Memorial, the starting point of the march. The crowd consisted of Americans from every ethnic and religious background and the Lincoln March became the biggest demonstration ever held in the USA. The crowds met at the Washington Memorial in the morning where they were entertained by musicians such as Bob Dylan, Joan Baez, Marian Anderson and Odetta . Participants then marched to the Lincoln Memorial, a distance of about 1.6 kilometers. The program at the Lincoln Memorial consisted of speeches by prominent civil rights leaders. The highlight of the afternoon was Martin Luther King Junior’s speech which is considered one of the most memorable speeches ever made by an American. King began his speech by linking the emancipation of the slaves to the fact that African Americans did not yet have constitutional rights. He reminded his listeners that the Constitution guaranteed all Americans ‘the unalienable rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.’ These were the rights that African Americans wanted to share with the rest of the nation. King then delivered his ‘I Have a Dream’ portion of his speech (which many believe was off the cuff and not part of the original speech he had written). The crowd listened spellbound to Martin Luther King as he explained his vision for a nation free from racial prejudice

The Selma-Montgomery Marches of 1965 Despite the signing of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, very few African Americans were registered to vote. It was essential for African Americans to be able to vote so that their needs and grievances could be addressed by the government. Voter registration amongst African Americans was slow as they still faced intimidation from white supremacists as well as difficulties in registering to vote. Martin Luther King Junior and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) decided to hold a campaign in Alabama to bring attention to the discrimination faced by African Americans with regard to voter registration. In January 1965, the campaign was launched in Selma, a town in Alabama. Only 350 of the 15 000 African American residents of Selma had registered to vote because of: ➜ The threat of violence. ➜ An excessively difficult literacy test. The courthouse where registration took place only opened at odd hours and service was very slow. The campaign to secure voting rights for African Americans began with a mass meeting in Selma on 2 January 1965. The sheriff, James Clark, was determined to use armed force and intimidation to stop civil rights protests in Alabama. Civil rights protests in support of voting rights for African Americans were held in Selma and in the nearby town of Marion. On 22 January, over 100 African American school teachers marched to the Selma court-house and demanded to register to vote. They were pushed away from the court-house but not arrested. Inspired by their teacher’s actions, teenagers marched to the courthouse and refused to move. They were arrested together with other demonstrators. Mass meetings and marches continued to be held.

The Armed struggle against apartheid 1960s -1990s The main resistance movements, the African National Congress (ANC) and the Pan African Congress (PAC) had been banned after the 1960 Sharpeville Massacre. Both the ANC and PAC formed armed wings (underground/secret military organizations) to continue the struggle against Apartheid. Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), the ANC’s armed wing, focused on sabotage attacks on public buildings, electricity lines and other government property. The PAC formed Poqo which aimed to launch a revolutionary uprising in South Africa. Resistance to Apartheid was extremely difficult during the 1960s because: The underground structures of the resistance movements had been infiltrated by the security police. Most leaders were either imprisoned on Robben Island or had gone into exile in Europe and Africa. T The security police were given greater powers to stamp out opposition to Apartheid. The 1967 Terrorism Act allowed them to detain people without trial indefinitely. The Bureau of State Security (BOSS) became notorious for its torture and abuse of prisoners. Suspects were subjected to violent assaults and beatings, electric shock treatment, sleep deprivation, and other sadistic torture methods in order to make them divulge information regarding resistance activities

Increase in apartheid resistance The emergence of the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM) in the 1970s revived the freedom struggle and resistance to the Apartheid government intensified after the 1976 Soweto Uprising. In response to the growing opposition, the government tried to reform its policies but was unsuccessful. Anti-apartheid forces mobilized support to make the country ungovernable. By the 1980s, Apartheid was in crisis. The unrest in the townships proved impossible to control. The formation of bodies like the United Democratic Front and Mass Democratic Movement meant that protest was better organized and therefore more difficult to defeat. There was growing international opposition to Apartheid. Sports and cultural boycotts as well as economic sanctions and disinvestment isolated South Africa and the National Party began losing the support of white South Africans.

Nature of the Apartheid state in the 1970s and 1980s Apartheid became increasingly oppressive in the 1970s and 1980s as the state employed its security and military forces to stamp out any resistance. While white South Africans reaped the benefits of Apartheid privilege – better schooling, higher paid jobs and an affluent life-style – African, Coloured and Indian South Africans faced discrimination, deprivation and humiliation. Apartheid resulted in forced removals as well as repressive measures such as the pass system, social, economic and political segregation and human rights violations The National Party entered its third decade of rule in the 1970s and was confident that it had overcome resistance and could continue with its plans for separate development. It was determined to grant the ethnic ‘homelands’ independence and to retain and strengthen white minority rule.

Changes in South Africa The sharp rise in the price of oil in the early 1970s had a negative effect on the economy. The growth in trade unionism and illegal strikes were of great concern to both industrialists and business men who demanded that the government review its labour policies. The South African economy, which had been very strong in the 1960s, slowed down in the 1970s and was in recession by the 1980s Influx control began to collapse as millions of workers migrated from the homelands to the cities in a search for employment and better living conditions. It was not possible for police to enforce the pass laws South Africa had been surrounded by a protective barrier of white-ruled states which made infiltration of the country by guerrilla soldiers almost impossible. This barrier was broken when Mozambique and Angola gained independence in 1975. The emergence of the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM) led by Steve Biko removed the feeling of hope-lessness and apathy experienced by many South Africans during the 1960s. The black youth, energized by the philosophy of Black Consciousness, began to resist Apartheid with renewed vigor. The 1976 Soweto Uprising was a turning point in the freedom struggle as resistance to Apartheid became better organized and more effective.

Changes in the 1970s During the 1970s, internal unrest increased, the UNO and Commonwealth advocated trade sanctions against South Africa. The buffer states of Mozambique and Angola on South Africa’s borders became independent states ruled by black governments. In response to these developments, Prime Minister PW Botha developed a policy known as total strategy. The purpose of total strategy was to protect white rule by: Putting across a message that South Africa faced the threat of the Soviet Union taking over Southern Africa and was fighting a war against the total onslaught by communist forces. President Ronald Reagan of the USA and British Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher, were both anti-communist and resisted the pressure from the United Nations, the Commonwealth and their own people to impose sanctions on South Africa. Increasing the period of military conscription for all white men over the age of 18 to two years in order to strengthen the South African Defense Force (SADF). The SADF was engaged in a war against the South West African People’s Organisation (SWAPO) in present day Namibia. Destabilizing neighboring countries by launching cross-border attacks and supporting groups resisting the governments of these countries. Introducing ‘reforms’ in order to win the support of middle class black South Africans. The government began to do away with petty Apartheid laws and introduced a tri-cameral parliament which gave limited power to Indians and Coloureds. Africans were excluded from this parliament. Apartheid was in crisis in the 1980s as it failed to overcome the forces of resistance and began to lose white support.

Divisions within the Apartheid regime The National Party began to lose the support of white voters because of the worsening situation in the country. There were divisions within the National Party between those who realized that Apartheid no longer served the needs of the country and those who felt that any change to Apartheid was a betrayal of their ideals. Afrikaner writers and artists criticized Apartheid. A group of Afrikaans rock musicians, the Voëlvry (‘outlaw’) movement, used their music to rebel against traditional Afrikaans culture and the ruling National Party. Johannes Kerk orrel and Koos Kombuis were prominent musicians in the Voëlvry movement. They influenced thousands of young white South Africans to reject Apartheid. An End Conscription Campaign (ECC) was established to protest against the compulsory con- scription of white men into the SADF. Those who refused to do military service faced six years imprisonment or had to go into exile.

Opposition the face of oppression Despite the difficulties they faced, South Africans continued to oppose Apartheid and this increased the internal pressures on the government to change its policies. People of all creeds and colors committed acts of resistance to weaken Apartheid: these actions ranged from boycotting goods to organizing sabotage attacks. Resistance to Apartheid was undertaken by activists who were underground, in prison and in exile. It was difficult for these activists to organize and initiate protest in the face of harsh government oppression, but they persevered and were ultimately successful. The ANC and PAC were banned after the 1960 Sharpeville Massacre. Their attempts to bring about change in South Africa by means of non-violent resistance had failed. Both resistance movements decided to engage in an armed struggle and set up underground (secret) armies The ANC formed Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), an underground military force that would be used for an armed struggle against Apartheid. The formation of MK went against the ANC policy of non-violence and was a highly controversial decision at the time

Armed resistance MK planned to destroy government property by making attacks on electricity lines, public buildings and railway lines. These actions ensured that there was no unnecessary bloodshed yet caused the government a great deal of inconvenience. The aim of these sabotage attacks was to force the government to negotiate with the ANC. The PAC established Poqo , an armed wing whose aim was to bring about revolutionary change. It did not aim to avoid bloodshed and was responsible for attacks on policemen in the Western Cape, the murder of a group of tourists camping in the Eastern Cape as well as the killing of Transkei chiefs. The ANC and PAC also formed underground structures within South Africa. Small groups of people were organized into cells which administered networks to carry out tasks such as communication, political education, propaganda and military training. Since these cells had relatively open recruitment policies, the security police were able to infiltrate these underground structures by sending spies to meetings. As a result of this infiltration

Underground movements POQO cells were smashed by the police after they confiscated letters being carried across the Lesotho border for mailing to members in South Africa in 1963. Bram Fischer, leader of the SACP underground after the 1964 Rivonia Trial, was arrested, convicted and sentenced to life imprisonment in 1966. By 1970, most ANC underground structures within the country were destroyed and MK had not fired a single shot on South African soil. In the early 1970s, black opposition in South Africa was severely restricted, badly organized and ineffectual. This situation changed when Black Consciousness ideas inspired a revival of opposition. After the 1976 Soweto Uprising, thousands of young people slipped over the borders and joined the ANC and PAC in exile. These new recruits to the armed struggle brought with them valuable information regarding roads and buildings in South Africa as well as the names of trustworthy people. The ANC was able to rebuild its underground structures

Underground movements The growth of underground structures was aided by the following socio-economic factors: There had been rapid growth of young African people between the ages of 15 and 25. By 1983 there were 18 000 African university students and more than 27 000 learners enrolled in high schools in urban town-ships. They were angered by Apartheid and many of them joined the ANC under-ground structures. The growing urban middle class were well educated and prepared to assume leadership roles. Some ANC prisoners had been released from prison in 1975 and used their experience to help rebuild the underground network within South Africa and abroad

Armed Resistance Mac Maharaj, an ANC/SACP leader who had been imprisoned on Robben Island and released in 1977, went to the ANC base in Lusaka, Zambia. He was appointed the secretary of the internal political and reconstruction department and found that little had been done about political mobilization in South Africa. He began working on establishing committees in the neighboring states of Botswana, Lesotho, Swaziland and Mozambique. These committees were trained to recruit and handle freedom fighters within South Africa. ANC underground structures within South Africa became active in communicating information to MK and hiding arms. Organization of the liberation struggle became more effective as MK could plan attacks and the ANC had contact with other anti-Apartheid organizations such as the United Democratic Front (UDF), COSATU and civic organizations. From 1980, the ANC made concerted efforts to rebuild its political profile within South Africa and to reinstate the Freedom Charter. State repression hampered the establishment of underground structures as security police occupied the townships. Nevertheless, the ANC was able to absorb a large proportion of the Black Consciousness Movement and aligned itself with the labor movement in South Africa

Resistance from prison Government repression meant that many thousands of political activists were arrested and imprisoned (usually without trial). Political prisoners were often kept in solitary confinement and subjected to interrogation. Many detainees died in police custody and excuse used by the security police for these deaths was usually ‘suicide The political prisoners sent to Robben Island were isolated from the rest of South Africa by being denied newspapers and radios, their mail was censored and visits by family members were restricted. Despite the attempts by prison authorities to demoralize them, the prisoners maintained their commitment to the struggle. The Rivonia trialists are the best known of the prisoners sent to Robben Island because they included ANC leaders like Nelson Mandela, Walter Sisulu and Govan Mbeki. It was necessary for the prisoners to organize themselves and to maintain their solidarity. The ANC established a political structure known as the High Organ. Members of this structure, Nelson Mandela, Walter Sisulu, Govan Mbeki and Raymond Mhlaba (as well as a fifth member co-opted on a rotational basis), dealt with internal discipline and communication between prisoners. Prisoners debated political issues and made a concerted effort to further their education. Any prisoner who had a degree or any education became a teacher in what was nicknamed ‘The University of Robben Island.’ Small groups would assemble to teach various courses that included English. In this way, ANC prisoners were preparing themselves for freedom.

Opposition from exile. Leaders and members of the ANC, PAC and SACP went into exile to escape arrest in South Africa. They were based in Europe and throughout Africa and their mission was to continue the struggle by publicizing the injustices of Apartheid and by obtaining funds and support from foreign countries. OR Tambo, a high ranking member of the ANC was sent by Albert Luthuli, the president of the ANC, to establish a ‘Mission in Exile’ shortly after the 1960 Sharpeville Massacre. His task was to gain support for the ANC’s liberation struggle. As this was during the Cold War, the governments of the USA and most Western states were not prepared to deal with the ANC because of its affiliation with the SACP. They regarded the ANC as a communist organization. OR Tambo was a skilled diplomat and made effective progress in the following areas: The ANC gained access to the United Nations. Eastern bloc and Scandinavian countries provided the ANC with resources and funding. Gained sympathy for the plight of South Africans which resulted in the launch of campaigns in European countries to boycott South African products.

Opposition from exile The ANC in exile set up structures that made it resemble an informal government in waiting. These consisted of: The National Executive Committee (NEC) was made up of 32 elected members. The NEC set up a working committee in Lusaka, Zambia, and was in overall control of all ANC and MK operations. MK training camps were situated in Tanzania, Zambia and Angola. MK recruits received guerrilla training in the Soviet Union where they lived for long periods of time. A large bureaucracy was set up to handle day to day issues such as welfare, education, military and political issues. The ANC bought a farm in Zambia with Swedish funding in order to grow crops to feed the exiles and to sell. The Solomon Maglangu Freedom College was established in Morogoro, Tanzania, as a center of learning.

MK resistance from Exile The ANC had to develop new tactics and strategy in order to continue armed resistance while in exile. MK cadres received guerrilla training in the Soviet Union, Eastern bloc countries and states in North Africa. In order to launch attacks, MK cadres needed to enter South Africa from neighboring states. This proved almost impossible while South Africa was still surrounded by a cordon sanitaire (protective barrier) of white ruled states. Between 1963 and 1964, Kongwe Camp was established about 400 km from Dar es Salaam in Tanzania. It was used as a transit camp for cadres who returned from training in the Soviet Union, China, Egypt and Algeria. Later, cadres were trained on site at Kongwe. The Tanzanian government provided the soldiers with uniforms and one meal a day

MK resistance in exile OR Tambo set up a conference at Morogoro, Tanzania, in 1969 to address the ANC’s organizational and strategic challenges. The following issues were addressed at the Morogoro Conference: The Lusaka Manifesto, a policy signed in April 1969 by fourteen heads of state in Central and East Africa, was conciliatory towards the South African Government. These leaders made it clear that they wanted to achieve the liberation of South Africa through peaceful means such as dialogue and negotiation rather than through armed struggle. This lack of support was a challenge to the ANC. Funding from African countries was not consistent. Members of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) had promised financial aid to the ANC but were not always in a position to meet this pledge. The ANC had not yet gained mass support in South Africa. Joe Slovo drew up a ‘Strategy and Tactics’ document to address this issue. MK military bases were established in Angola and Mozambique after these states gained independence from Portugal in 1975. Having bases close to the South African border meant that it was possible to launch guerrilla attacks in South Africa. MK guerrilla soldiers travelled from Mozambique by way of Swaziland and entered South Africa. Young people who had fled to ANC bases in 1976 now entered the country armed with AK-47 machine guns, hand grenades and limpet mines. The most successful acts of sabotage committed by MK included the following: A rocket attack on the SASOL oil refinery in 1980 set six storage tanks ablaze. The Koeberg Nuclear Plant near Cape Town was disabled in 1983. A car-bomb exploded outside the South African Air force’s headquarters in Church Street Pretoria in May 1983.