CHICAGO MANUAL OF STYLE ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHIES PLA.docx

CHICAGO MANUAL OF STYLE: ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHIES


PLAGIARISM


When you use the words or original ideas of another person, you must cite that person’s
work in your essay. If you use the exact words from another person, you must use quotation
marks to indicate that those words are not your own in addition to citing them. While
paraphrasing or rewording another work in your essay does not require quotation marks, a
citation is still necessary. Failure to cite information is PLAGIARISM.
The Chicago Manual of Style (16th edition) uses many different citation systems, all of
which can be modified to suit the individual preferences of the professor. For this reason, be sure
to follow the instructions provided by your professor or instructor. This handout is a basic
guideline to The Chicago Manual of Style’s annotated bibliography and may not match the exact
specifications of your professor.


BASIC ELEMENTS OF A BIBLIOGRAPHY


• All bibliographic entries must be alphabetized by the authors’ last names, and
authors’ names are inverted (last name first, first name last).

• Elements of a citation are separated with periods.
• The publication facts of a source should not be enclosed in a parenthesis.


ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHIES


Annotated bibliographies serve the same function as normal bibliographies but also
contain a brief summary and/or statement about a given source. Citations should be listed
alphabetically and retain the same format as bibliographies that correspond with endnotes and
footnotes. If only a few works require annotation, the annotated bibliography writer’s comments
follow the sources’ publication facts in brackets. When more in depth annotations are necessary,
the annotations should begin on a new line immediately following the entry. Annotations often
begin with a paragraph indentation.

Note: Annotated Bibliographies are not to be confused with a bibliographic essay.


EXAMPLE AND SAMPLE ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY


• Format for a book with a single author.

Last name, First name. Title of a good book. City of publication: Publishing company, Year.
This is where you would write the annotation to a given work. A brief summary of
the source, the source’s relevancy to your research, or additional comments about
the information or publishing facts of the source are all appropriate for an
annotation, but not all of these elements are required. See the example below.


• For successive entries by the same author, editor, translator, or compiler, you may
use the 3-em dash to replace that author’s, editor’s, translator’s, or compiler’s name
in the bibliographic entry; however, check with your professors before you do this
because each professor might prefer the 3-em dash be handled a different way.


• Sample annotated bibliography following:




Annotated Bibliography

Bebel, August. Women under Socialism. Translated by Daniel De Leon. New York:

Schocken Books, 1971.
August Bebel’s b ...

1. CHICAGO MANUAL OF STYLE: ANNOTATED
BIBLIOGRAPHIES


PLAGIARISM


When you use the words or original ideas of another person,
you must cite that person’s
work in your essay. If you use the exact words from another
person, you must use quotation
marks to indicate that those words are not your own in addition
to citing them. While
paraphrasing or rewording another work in your essay does not
require quotation marks, a
citation is still necessary. Failure to cite information is
PLAGIARISM.
The Chicago Manual of Style (16th edition) uses many
different citation systems, all of
which can be modified to suit the individual preferences of the
professor. For this reason, be sure
to follow the instructions provided by your professor or
instructor. This handout is a basic
guideline to The Chicago Manual of Style’s annotated
bibliography and may not match the exact
specifications of your professor.


BASIC ELEMENTS OF A BIBLIOGRAPHY

2. • All bibliographic entries must be alphabetized by the authors’
last names, and
authors’ names are inverted (last name first, first name last).

• Elements of a citation are separated with periods.
• The publication facts of a source should not be enclosed in a
parenthesis.


ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHIES


Annotated bibliographies serve the same function as normal
bibliographies but also
contain a brief summary and/or statement about a given source.
Citations should be listed
alphabetically and retain the same format as bibliographies that
correspond with endnotes and
footnotes. If only a few works require annotation, the annotated
bibliography writer’s comments
follow the sources’ publication facts in brackets. When more in
depth annotations are necessary,
the annotations should begin on a new line immediately
following the entry. Annotations often
begin with a paragraph indentation.

Note: Annotated Bibliographies are not to be confused with a
bibliographic essay.


EXAMPLE AND SAMPLE ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY


• Format for a book with a single author.

Last name, First name. Title of a good book. City of

3. publication: Publishing company, Year.
This is where you would write the annotation to a given work. A
brief summary of
the source, the source’s relevancy to your research, or
additional comments about
the information or publishing facts of the source are all
appropriate for an
annotation, but not all of these elements are required. See the
example below.


• For successive entries by the same author, editor, translator,
or compiler, you may
use the 3-em dash to replace that author’s, editor’s, translator’s,
or compiler’s name
in the bibliographic entry; however, check with your professors
before you do this
because each professor might prefer the 3-em dash be handled a
different way.


• Sample annotated bibliography following:




Annotated Bibliography

Bebel, August. Women under Socialism. Translated by Daniel
De Leon. New York:

Schocken Books, 1971.
August Bebel’s book Die Frau und der Sozialismus is an
extensive critique of the
industrial capitalist system, specifically of the roles of women
during the 19th century.

4. Bebel’s work was a major influence on the feminist movement
in Germany, as well as on
Clara Zetkin and female members of the Social Democratic
Party.

Evans, Richard J. “German Social Democracy and Women’s
Suffrage 1891-1918.”

Journal of Contemporary History 15, no. 3 (July 1980): 533-57.
Evans emphasizes the significance of the role of female
activists in the German Social
Democratic Party. He details the rhetoric, organizational
structure, and tactics that women
in the SPD used and argues that their pro-socialist movement
had more of an impact on
women’s equality than did bourgeoisie reforms. He also
describes the effect that the
woman had on their male counterparts within the SPD.

———. “Women and Socialism in Imperial Germany: The
Sources and Their Problems.”

International Labor and Working-Class History, no. 9 (May
1976): 16-19.
Evans’ purpose in this article is to critique the historiography of
former works on German
women’s studies, especially those that base their research on
sources from the late 19th
century SDP. Relying solely on such official sources as
magazines and the SPD’s internal
records rather than on informal documents like journals and
letters may lead to false
understandings of the perception of past events, and Evan’s
article will help in the
evaluation of primary source documents.

5. Frevert, Ute. Women in German History: From Bourgeois
Emancipation to Sexual

Liberation. New York: Berg Publishers, 1989.
Women in German History provides a history of German women
and their struggle for
equality. Frevert tells the story of the birth of German feminism
by examining the roles
and lives of “traditional” German women in the eighteenth
century, details the feminist
struggle for equality, and provides insight into the birth of the
German woman in the
twentieth century.

Honeycut, Karen. “Clara Zetkin: A Socialist Approach to the
Problem of Women’s

Oppression.” Feminist Studies 3, no. 3/4 (1976): 131-44.
Honeycut’s article provides insight into Clara Zetkin’s life and
ideology. The article will
shed light on the motives and rationale behind the socialist
aspects of the early German
women’s movement. Additionally, this source will provide
valuable details on how Clara
Zetkin as both a woman and as a socialist shaped the women’s
section of the SPD.








Source: The Chicago Manual of Style 16th Edition. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 2010.

6. Created by Todd Richardson
Summer: 2011
STUDENT LEARNING ASSISTANCE CENTER (SLAC)
Texas State University-San Marcos




Homestead Act of 1862

Be it enacted, That any person who is the head of a family, or
who has arrived at the age of
twenty-one years, and is a citizen of the United States, or who
shall have filed his declaration of
intention to become such, as required by the naturalization laws
of the United States, and who
has never borne arms against the United States Government or
given aid and comfort to its
enemies, shall, from and after the first of January, eighteen
hundred and sixty-three, be entitled
to enter one quarter-section or a less quantity of unappropriated
public lands, upon which said
person may have filed a pre-emption claim, or which may, at the
time the application is made, be
subject to pre-emption at one dollar and twenty-five cents, or
less, per acre; or eighty acres or
less of such unappropriated lands, at two dollars and fifty cents
per acre, to be located in a body,
in conformity to the legal subdivisions of the public lands, and
after the same shall have been
surveyed: Provided, That any person owning or residing on
land, may, under the provisions of
this act, enter other land lying contiguous to his or her said
land, which shall not, with the land so
already owned and occupied, exceed in the aggregate one
hundred and sixty acres.

7. Sec. 2. That the person applying for the benefit of this act shall,
upon application to the register
of the land office in which he or she is about to make such
entry, make affidavit before the said
register or receiver that he or she is the head of a family, or is
twenty-one or more years of age,
or shall have performed service in the Army or Navy of the
United States, and that he has never
borne arms against the Government of the United States or
given aid and comfort to its enemies,
and that such application is made for his or her exclusive use
and benefit, and that said entry is
made for the purpose of actual settlement and cultivation, and
not, either directly or indirectly,
for the use or benefit of any other person or persons
whomsoever; and upon filing the said
affidavit with the register or receiver, and on payment of ten
dollars, he or she shall thereupon be
permitted to enter the quantity of land specified: Provided,
however, That no certificate shall be
given or patent issued therefor until the expiration of five years
from the date of such entry; and
if, at the expiration of such time, or at any time within two
years thereafter, the person making
such entry—or if he be dead, his widow; or in case of her death,
his heirs or devisee; or in case
of a widow making such entry, her heirs or devisee, in case of
her death—shall prove by two
credible witnesses that he, she, or they have resided upon or
cultivated the same for the term of
five years immediately succeeding the time of filing the
affidavit aforesaid, and shall make
affidavit that no part of said land has been alienated, and that he
has borne true allegiance to the
Government of the United States; then, in such case, he, she, or

8. they if at that time a citizen of
the United States, shall be entitled to a patent, as in other cases
provided for by law:
And provided, further, That in case of the death of both father
and mother, leaving an infant
child or children under twenty-one years of age, the right and
fee shall inure to the benefit of said
infant child or children; and the executor, administrator, or
guardian may, at any time within two
years after the death of the surviving parent, and in accordance
with the laws of the State in
which such children for the time being have their domicile, sell
said land for the benefit of said
infants, but for no other purpose; and the purchaser shall
acquire the absolute title by the
purchase, and be entitled to a patent from the United States, on
payment of the office fees and
sum of money herein specified. . . .





[From U.S. Statutes at Large, XII, 392ff.]






President William McKinley's Declaration of War (1898)

President McKinley found it impossible to resist the mounting
public and political pressure for
war against Spain. In requesting a declaration of war from the
Senate on April 11, 1898, he listed

9. several concerns but stressed the nation's humanitarian
sympathy for the Cuban independence
movement. He said little about the long-range implications of
war.


To the Congress of the United States:

. . . The present revolution is but the successor of other similar
insurrections which have occurred
in Cuba against the dominion of Spain, extending over a period
of nearly half a century, each of
which during its progress has subjected the United States to
great effort and expense in enforcing
its neutrality laws, caused enormous losses to American trade
and commerce, caused irritation,
annoyance, and disturbance among our citizens, and, by the
exercise of cruel, barbarous, and
uncivilized practices of warfare, shocked the sensibilities and
offended the human sympathies of
our people. . . .

Our trade has suffered, the capital invested by our citizens in
Cuba has been largely lost, and the
temper and forbearance of our people have been so sorely tried
as to beget a perilous unrest
among our own citizens, which has inevitably found its
expression from time to time in the
National Legislature, so that issues wholly external to our own
body politic engross attention and
stand in the way of that close devotion to domestic advancement
that becomes a selfcontained
commonwealth whose primal maxim has been the avoidance of
all foreign entanglements.

All this must needs awaken, and has, indeed, aroused, the

10. utmost concern on the part of this
Government, as well during my predecessor's term as in my
own. . . . The overtures of this
Government [to the Spanish government] . . . were met by
assurances that home rule in an
advanced phase would be forthwith offered to Cuba, without
waiting for the war to end, and that
more humane methods should thenceforth prevail in the conduct
of hostilities.

* * *
The war in Cuba is of such a nature that, short of subjugation or
extermination, a final military
victory for either side seems impracticable. The alternative lies
in the physical exhaustion of the
one or the other party, or perhaps of both. . . . The prospect of
such a protraction and conclusion
of the present strife is a contingency hardly to be contemplated
with equanimity by the civilized
world, and least of all by the United States, affected and injured
as we are, deeply and intimately,
by its very existence. . . .

The spirit of all our acts hitherto has been an earnest, unselfish
desire for peace and prosperity in
Cuba, untarnished by differences between us and Spain and
unstained by the blood of American
citizens. The forcible intervention of the United States as a
neutral to stop the war . . . is
justifiable on rational grounds . . . [which] may be briefly
summarized as follows:

First. In the cause of humanity and to put an end to the
barbarities, bloodshed, starvation, and
horrible miseries now existing there, and which the parties to
the conflict are either unable or

11. unwilling to stop or mitigate. It is no answer to say this is all in
another country, belonging to
another nation, and is therefore none of our business. It is
specially our duty, for it is right at our
door.

Second. We owe it to our citizens in Cuba to afford them that
protection and indemnity for life
and property which no government there can or will afford, and
to that end to terminate the
conditions that deprive them of legal protection.

Third. The right to intervene may be justified by the very
serious injury to the commerce, trade,
and business of our people and by the wanton destruction of
property and devastation of the
island.

Fourth, and which is of the utmost importance. The present
condition of affairs in Cuba is a
constant menace to our peace and entails upon this Government
an enormous expense. With such
a conflict waged for years in an island so near us and with
which our people have such trade and
business relations; when the lives and liberty of our citizens are
in constant danger and their
property destroyed and themselves ruined; where our trading
vessels are liable to seizure and are
seized at our very door by war ships of a foreign nation; the
expeditions of filibustering that we
are powerless to prevent altogether, and the irritating questions
and entanglements thus arising—
all these and others that I need not mention, with the resulting

12. strained relations, are a constant
menace to our peace and compel us to keep on a semi-war
footing with a nation with which we
are at peace.

These elements of danger and disorder already pointed out have
been strikingly illustrated by a
tragic event which has deeply and justly moved the American
people. I have already transmitted
to Congress the report of the naval court of inquiry on the
destruction of the battleship Maine in
the harbor of Havana during the night of the l5th of February.
The destruction of that noble
vessel has filled the national heart with inexpressible horror.

* * *
The naval court of inquiry, which, it is needless to say,
commands the unqualified confidence of
the Government, was unanimous in its conclusion that the
destruction of the Maine was caused
by an exterior explosion—that of a submarine mine. It did not
assume to place the responsibility.
That remains to be fixed. In any event, the destruction of the
Maine, by whatever exterior cause,
is a patent and impressive proof of a state of things in Cuba that
is intolerable. That condition is
thus shown to be such that the Spanish Government can not
assure safety and security to a vessel
of the American Navy in the harbor of Havana on a mission of
peace, and rightfulIy there. . . .

The long trial has proved that the object for which Spain has
waged the war can not be attained.
The fire of insurrection may flame or may smolder with varying
seasons, but it has not been and
it is plain that it can not be extinguished by present methods.

13. The only hope of relief and repose
from a condition which can no longer be endured is the enforced
pacification of Cuba. In the
name of humanity, in the name of civilization, in behalf of
endangered American interests which
give us the right and the duty to speak and to act, the war in
Cuba must stop. In view of these
facts and of these considerations I ask the Congress to authorize
and empower the President to
take measures to secure a full and final termination of
hostilities between the Government of
Spain and the people of Cuba, and to secure in the island the
establishment of a stable



government, capable of maintaining order and observing its
international obligations, insuring
peace and tranquility and the security of its citizens as well as
our own, and to use the military
and naval forces of the United States as may be necessary for
these purposes. . . .


[From James D. Richardson, ed., Messages and Papers of the
Presidents (Washington, D.C.,
1899), 10:139-50.]






Samuel Gompers, "The American Federation of Labor" (1883)

The American Federation of Labor supplanted the Knights of

14. Labor, and it developed a quite
different philosophy. Rather than trying to abolish the wage-
labor system, it sought to use strikes
to gain higher wages, lower working hours, and better working
conditions for its members.
Unlike the Knights of Labor, the AFL organized only skilled
workers into unions defined by
particular trades. The AFL also emphasized relatively high dues
in order to create a treasury
large enough to sustain the members during a prolonged strike.
Under the leadership of Samuel
Gompers (1850–1924), a London-born cigar maker, the AFL
became not only a powerful force
serving the interests of its members but also a conservative
defender of capitalism against the
appeal of Socialism and Communism. In 1883 Gompers testified
before a Congressional
committee about his organization.


. . . There is nothing in the labor movement that employers who
have had unorganized workers
dread so much as organization; but organization alone will not
do much unless the organization
provides itself with a good fund, so that the operatives may be
in a good position, in the event of
a struggle with their employers, to hold out. . . .

Modern industry evolves these organizations out of the existing
conditions where there are two
classes in society, one incessantly striving to obtain the labor of
the other class for as little as
possible, and to obtain the largest amount or number of hours of
labor; and the members of the
other class, being as individuals utterly helpless in a contest
with their employers, naturally resort

15. to combinations to improve their condition, and, in fact, they
are forced by the conditions which
surround them to organize for self-protection. Hence trades
unions. Trade unions are not
barbarous, nor are they the outgrowth of barbarism. On the
contrary they are only possible where
civilization exists. Trade unions cannot exist in China; they
cannot exist in Russia; and in all
those semi-barbarous countries they can hardly exist, if they can
exist at all. But they have been
formed successfully in this country, in Germany, in England,
and they are gradually gaining
strength in France. . . .

Wherever trades unions have organized and are most firmly
organized, there are the rights of the
people most respected. A people may be educated, but to me it
appears that the greatest amount
of intelligence exists in that country or that state where the
people are best able to defend their
rights, and their liberties as against those who are desirous of
undermining them. Trades unions
are organizations that instill into men a higher motive-power
and give them a higher goal to look
to. . . .

The trades unions are by no means an outgrowth of socialistic
or communistic ideas or
principles, but the socialistic and communistic notions are
evolved from the trades unions'
movements. As to the question of the principles of communism
or socialism prevailing in trades
unions, there are a number of men who connect themselves as
workingmen with the trades
unions who may have socialistic convictions, yet who never
gave them currency. . . . On the

16. other hand, there are men—not so numerous now as they have
been in the past—who are
endeavoring to conquer the trades-union movement and
subordinate it to those doctrines, and in



a measure, in a few such organizations that condition of things
exists, but by no means does it
exist in the largest, most powerful, and best organized trades
unions. There the view of which I
spoke just now, the desire to improve the condition of the
workingmen by and through the efforts
of the trades union, is fully lived up to. . . . I believe that the
existence of the trades-union
movement, more especially where the unionists are better
organized, has evoked a spirit and a
demand for reform, but has held in check the more radical
elements in society.


[From U.S. Senate, Testimony of Samuel Gompers, August
1883, Report of the Committee of the
Senate upon the Relations between Labor and Capital
(Washington, D.C., 1885), 1:365-70.]