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Climate Justice in India
Climate Justice in India brings together a collective of academics, activists, and
artists to paint a collage of action-oriented visions for a climate just India. They offer
historically and socially grounded perspectives on justice implications for Indian
society, politics, and economics. This unique and agenda-setting volume informs
researchers and readers interested in topics of just transition, energy democracy,
intersectionality of access to drinking water, agroecology and women's land rights,
national and state climate plans, urban policy, caste justice, and environmental and
climate social movements in India. It synthesizes the historical, social, economic,
and political roots of climate vulnerability in India and articulates a research and
policy agenda for collective democratic deliberations and action.
This crossover volume will be of interest to academics, researchers, social activists,
policymakers, politicians, and general readers looking for a comprehensive
introduction to the unprecedented challenge of building a praxis of justice in a
climate-changed world.
Prakash Kashwan is Associate Professor of Environmental Studies at Brandeis
University, Waltham, Massachusetts. At the time of preparation of this volume, he
was Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Connecticut. He is
the author of Democracy in the Woods (2017), editor of the journal Environmental
Politics, and co-founder of the Climate Justice Network.

List of Poems and Artworks vii
List of Tables ix
List of Figures xi
List of Abbreviations xiii
Preface and Acknowledgements xvii
1. Introduction: Climate Justice in India 2
Prakash Kashwan
2. Urban Climate Justice in India 25
Eric Chu and Kavya Michael
3. How Just and Democratic Is India!s Solar Energy Transition"
An Analysis of State Solar Policies in India 50
Karnamadakala Rahul Sharma and Parth Bhatia
4. Extractive Regimes in the Coal Heartlands of India: Difficult
Questions for a Just Energy Transition 74
Vasudha Chhotray
5. Climate Justice Implications of the Relationship between
Economic Inequality and Carbon Emissions in India 98
Haimanti Bhattacharya
Contents

6. Climate Action Plans and Justice in India 115
Arpitha Kodiveri and Rishiraj Sen
7. Social Mobilizations for Climate Action and Climate Justice in India 140
Prakash Kashwan
8. Reimagining Climate Justice as Caste Justice 162
Srilata Sircar
9. Intersectional Water Justice in India: At the Confluence of Gender,
Caste, and Climate Change 183
Vaishnavi Behl and Prakash Kashwan
10. Realizing Climate Justice through Agroecology and
Women!s Collective Land Rights 207
Ashlesha Khadse and Kavita Srinivasan
11. Conclusion: Pathways to Policies and Praxis
of Climate Justice in India 229
Prakash Kashwan and Eric Chu
About the Editor and Contributors 246
About the Poets and Artists 250
Index 251

Poems
!Global Warming" 24
Samvedna Rawat, trans. Veena Chhotray
!Stage" 139
Waharu Sonavane, trans. Bharat Patankar and Gail Omvedt
!#e House with No Windows" 161
Praneeta Mudaliar
Artworks
Empowerment 1
Nidhin Donald
Let Justice Bloom 49
Anupriya
Green Solidarity 97
Anupriya
Water Mother 182
Anupriya
Connected Worlds 206
Anupriya
Poems and Artworks

2.1 Analysis of key social equity or justice dimensions in recent
urban climate change plans in India 34
3.1 Source of solar power policies across states 60
3.2 Presence of policy instruments for energy justice in state solar
policy documents 62
5.1 Data description 103
5.2 Statistical summary of the data 104
5.3 Measures of correlation between variables 107
5.4 Regression results 108
6.1 Analysis of the NAPCC on social justice considerations 122
6.2 SAPCCs and climate justice considerations 124
10.1 Operational land holdings of women from di! erent social classes in India 212
10.2 Operational holdings of women and women cultivators by
state in 2010–2011 and 2015–2016 213
Tables

5.1 Geographical scope (shaded dark) of empirical analysis 102
5.2 GDP of India (at constant 2004–2005 prices) 105
5.3 Monetary value of exports and imports of India 105
5.4 Carbon emissions in India 105
5.5 Economic inequality indicators for India 106
Figures

ACCCRN Asian Cities Climate Change Resilience Network
AKRSP [I] Aga Khan Rural Support Programme (India)
AMRUT Atal Mission on Rejuvenation and Urban Transformation
AP Andhra Pradesh
ASUS Ambedkar Slum Utthan Sangathan
BCCL Bharat Coking Coal Limited
BJP Bharatiya Janata Party
CBA Chhattisgarh Bachao Andolan
CBDR Common But Di!erentiated Responsibilities
CCL Central Coal"elds Limited
CDKN Climate and Development Knowledge Network
CIL Coal India Limited
CMM Chhattisgarh Mukti Morcha
CoP Conference of Parties
CRDPs Climate-Resilient Development Pathways
CSE Centre for Science and Environment
CSR Corporate Social Responsibility
DGSM Dasholi Gram Swarajya Mandal
EIA Environment Impact Assessment
EIA/SIA Environmental and Social Impact Assessments
ERR Earthquake Rehabilitation and Reconstruction
FLCs Forest Labour Co-operatives
FRA Forest Rights Act
Abbreviations

GDP Gross Domestic Product
GEAG Gorakhpur Environmental Action Group
GHGs Greenhouse Gases
GIZ German Agency for International Cooperation
GST Goods and Services Tax
GW Gigawatt
GWSSB Gujarat Water Supply and Sewerage Board
HPERC Himachal Pradesh Electricity Regulatory Commission
HRtWS Human Right to Water and Sanitation
HSAA Hindu Succession (Amendment) Act
IAS Indian Administrative Service
ICJ India Climate Justice
ICJF Indian Climate Justice Forum
IMF International Metalworkers Federation
INDCs Intended Nationally Determined Contributions
ITUC International Trade Union Confederation
IUCN International Union for Conservation of Nature
JLG Joint Liability Groups
JMACC Jharkhand Mines Area Coordination Committee
JMM Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
JNNURM Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission
JOHAR Jharkhand Organization for Human Rights
KSSP Kerala Sastra Sahitya Parishad
kWh Kilowatt-hour
LARRA Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act
LSGIs Local Self Government Institutions
LVC La Via Campesina
MAKAAM Mahila Kisan Adhikaar Manch
MGNREGA Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act
MKSP Mahila Kisan Sashaktikaran Pariyojana
MMDRA Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation) Act
MP Member of Parliament
MP Madhya Pradesh
MW Megawatt
NABARD National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development
NAPCC National Action Plan on Climate Change
NBA Narmada Bachao Andolan
NCDHR National Commission on Dalit Human Rights
NCRB National Crime Records Bureau

NDCs Nationally Determined Contributions
NESPON North Eastern Society for the Preservation of Nature and Wildlife
NGO Non-governmental Organization
NGT National Green Tribunal
NHG Neighbourhood Group
NRLM National Rural Livelihoods Mission
NTPC National #ermal Power Corporation
NTUI New Trade Union Initiative
NVDP Narmada Valley Development Project
OBC Other Backward Classes
ODF Open Defecation Free
PACS Primary Agricultural Co-operative Societies
PESA Panchayat (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act
PESA Panchayat (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act
PIL Public Interest Litigation
PMCCC Prime Minister$s Council on Climate Change
PSUs Public Sector Undertakings
PV Photovoltaics
RE Renewable Energy
RECs Rural Electric Co-operatives
REDD Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation
RESCO Renewable Energy Service Company
RSS Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh
RTI Right to Information
SAPACC South Asian People$s Action on Climate Crisis
SAPCCs State Action Plans on Climate Change
SC Scheduled Castes
ST Scheduled Tribes
SECL South Eastern Coal"elds Limited
SHG Self-help Group
SIPB State Investment Promotion Board
SSP Sardar Sarovar Project
T-Zed Towards Zero Carbon Development
TERI #e Energy and Resources Institute
TNRLM Tamil Nadu Rural Livelihoods Mission
TNWC Tamil Nadu Women$s Collective
TUED Trade Unions for Energy Democracy
UAPA Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act
UIDSSMT Urban Infrastructure Development Scheme for Small and Medium
Sized Towns

ULBs Urban Local Bodies
UN United Nations
UNDP United Nations Development Programme
UNDRIP United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples
UNDROP United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Peasants and Other
People
UNDROP United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Peasants and Other
People Working in Rural Areas
UNFCC United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change
UNHCR UN High Commissioner for Refugees
UP Uttar Pradesh
USAID US Agency for International Development
VECs village energy committees
WA SMO Water and Sanitation Management Organisation
WB West Bengal
WCD World Commission on Dams

My ongoing engagements with international and national debates on climate justice are
a result of an intellectual journey over the past two decades that has brought me time
and again to the complex intersections of environmental protection and social justice.
Market-based solutions became the backbone of ostensible global responses to climate
change at the United Nations Climate Change Conference held in Bali in December
2007. !e sense of excitement among environmental economists then is di"cult to
describe from where we are today. However, to those of us who had spent time in the
#eld, this euphoria was evidently and grossly misplaced. !e journey that market-
based solutions would have to take, from Bali to places like Bastar in Chhattisgarh,
where they would be eventually implemented, is not paved with the freedom of choice
that pro-market advocates like to celebrate.
Markets are designed to facilitate the accumulation of surplus in the hands of those
who can channel it higher up in the $food chain%. In most cases, the market ecosystem
is essentially a centralizing force and does not work for the poor and marginalized.
Unfortunately, this argument o&en falls through the cracks due to the lack of
interdisciplinary work that is needed to produce knowledge that may help inform public
debates on these complex questions. !e market-based solutions institutionalized at the
Bali climate conference, especially carbon o'sets and carbon emissions trading, have
proven to be colossal failures.
Perhaps even more embarrassingly, the advocates of market-based climate solutions
lost the battle of ideologies to right-wing reactionary forces. Even in the supposedly
knowledge-driven market economies of the Global North, ultra-conservatives have been
successful in labelling neoliberal policies, such as o'sets and cap-and-trade policies, as
Preface and Acknowledgements

xviii Preface and Acknowledgements
part of $the radical Le&'s progressive wish list%. !is is not surprising to many on the le&
but this also o'ers much food for thought for students of policy analysis, who focus
rather narrowly on coming up with $e"cient solutions%. While smart analyses can be
helpful, the belief that such analyses are su"cient to drive policy change has proven
to be a chimera. !is is why it is necessary to cultivate a strong awareness of the extent
to which the bene#ciaries of the status quo use their political and economic power to
thwart sensible debates on the unprecedented environmental and social crises.
!is edited volume is meant as an early intervention to bring consideration of social,
economic, and environmental justice to the centre of climate change debates in India.
Considering the vastness of the subject matter at hand, there seems to be no better way
than to convene a group of fresh voices engaging speci#cally with each of the many
aspects of climate justice. Unlike many other edited volumes, this one is not merely a by-
product of a conference or a workshop. !e contributors were kind enough to respond
to my invitation to write a chapter speci#cally for this volume. Yet, this was not easy, as
this collaboration entailed working through more than one dra& of the chapter abstract
followed by several dra&s of each chapter. Such close and enriching collaboration with
the contributors helped produce chapter texts that o'er fresh insights at the cutting edge
of these pressing debates.
Climate justice debates in India in the past have foregrounded struggles against
the strangulating hold of the forces of global capitalism, neocolonialism, and neo-
imperialism. !ese are valid concerns – a frontal response to these regressive forces is
necessary to realize a better future for the planet and the majority of the population of
the world. Yet, the task of addressing the serious threat that the climate crisis poses to
the lives and livelihoods of poor and marginalized groups, including the urban poor,
cannot wait for victories against those formidable adversaries. Equally important, the
bene#ciaries of the status quo continue to seek to mould the global climate policy process
and national policymaking processes to suit their interests.
!is is why it is risky to focus narrowly on climate advocacy driven solely by the
goal of reducing average atmospheric temperatures, no matter how radical the target.
Such advocacy is premised on two assumptions that are rarely made explicit: in many
instances, aggressive climate action is equated with climate justice. If climate crisis
a'ects the poor and the marginalized the most, wouldn%t $#xing% the climate crisis
automatically minimize vulnerabilities and produce climate justice( Or so the argument
goes. Unfortunately, any such expectations must be tempered. As the chapters in this
volume show, in the pursuit of climate justice, the means matter as much as the ends. A
second and related unstated assumption is that we must prioritize climate action before
we can pursue climate justice. In the words of Jonathan Logan, one of the founders of
Extinction Rebellion (XR) America, $If we don%t solve climate change, Black lives don%t
matter. If we don%t solve climate change now, LGBTQ [people] don%t matter … I can%t say
it hard enough. We don%t have time to argue about social justice.%

Preface and Acknowledgements xix
Make no mistake, the arguments that the likes of Logan are making are based on an
ideology of authoritarian environmentalism. It seeks to use the climate crisis as a totalizing
cause to marginalize considerations of a just world. !ese developments should alert
advocates of environmental and climate justice in India. We already have the ingredients
necessary for an authoritarian and Malthusian movement on climate action. It is not a
coincidence at all that in his novel, !e Ministry for the Future, Kim Stanley Robinson
chose to use India as the site for a hypothetical unilateral deployment of planetary-scale
solar geoengineering operations. Deeply entrenched socioeconomic inequalities and a
disturbingly widespread acceptance of political authoritarianism are essential ingredients
for the rise of climate authoritarianism. Yet, this is not merely a war of wits. Any visions
of an alternative world must also outline concrete pathways to translate those visions
into reality. In this spirit, this volume seeks to mainstream climate justice within nascent
discussions on climate policy and programme development in the Indian context.
Each chapter engages with speci#c here-and-now issues that sit at the intersection
of the climate crisis and socioeconomic crises, of which we have plenty. However, none
of the contributors relies on simplistic technocratic solutions that are o&en presented as
silver bullets. Each chapter points to more di"cult but enduring tasks of building social,
economic, and environmental resilience in sectors as diverse as food, water, energy,
including coal and the transition to renewable energy, urbanization, and climate policy
development at both the national and state levels. None of the contributors expects to
see any major changes to occur without powerful grassroots mobilizations coupled with
supportive political and policy advocacy. !e history of environmental social movements
in India o'ers deep lessons about building more inclusive climate social movements.
While each chapter o'ers a deep-dive into a speci#c topic, a comparative reading of the
chapters o'ers cross-cutting insights that will help build bridges across sectors.
In curating this volume, I have drawn inspiration from many conversations that
helped animate some of the key arguments that appear in this volume. !is included a
fortuitously timed invitation in April 2020 to address a webinar as part of the aptly named
Solidarity Series: Conversations During Lockdown and Beyond organized by the Centre
for Financial Accountability, New Delhi. A second virtual talk delivered in February
2021 as part of a series on Anti-Caste Politics and Environmental Justice co-organized
by Seshadripuram Evening Degree College, Bangalore, and Anti-racist Research and
Policy Center (ARPC), American University, created a productive space for some deeper
thinking on questions of caste-based oppressions and its implications for climate justice.
Two grants from the University of Connecticut were vitally important to this process.
A Research Excellence Program grant from the O"ce of Vice President for Research
supported travels to India in the summer and winter of 2019. A Human Rights Faculty
Seed Grant for my research on Economic and Social Rights in a Climate-Changed World
allowed me the space in Spring 2021 to conduct the last round of work on the editing and
writing for this volume.

xx Preface and Acknowledgements
!e re)ections, arguments, and insights that appear in the volume are a result of
engagements with many activists, researchers, and scholars. Rahul Banerjee and Soumya
Dutta generously shared their rich understanding of the histories of di' erent strands
of environmental and climate movements in India. Several conversations with Nagraj
Adve, Rajeswari Raina, and others involved in the Teachers Against Climate Crisis group
motivated me to expand the circle of engagement for this volume. Navroz Dubash at the
Center for Policy Research (CPR) and colleagues at India Climate Collaborative o'ered
valuable support for the widest possible dissemination of the book.
I am grateful to each of the contributors who worked patiently and diligently on
this long and sometimes arduous journey and to the artists, poets, and translators for
their creative contributions. !e photograph on the book cover showing #shing boats
parked in a clock-shape in the village of Champu Khangpok, Langolsabi, Loktak Lake,
is by photographer Deepak Shijagurumayum. !e photograph also represents the spirit
of Naamee Lup, which is a banner representing the collaborative work of the NGO
Indigenous Perspectives, Fisherfolk Unions, ESG Bangalore, and other civil society
organizations. We are thankful to Ram Wangkheirakpam, the Convenor of Indigenous
Perspectives, Manipur, for his kind support. Special word of thanks for Eric Chu who
provided valuable inputs on numerous occasions. !is volume has bene# ted from the
diligent copy-editing work of Chitralekha Manohar and her team at !e Clean Copy and
a very supportive steering of the editorial process by Anwesha Rana and Qudsiya Ahmed
at Cambridge University Press.
!e love, care, and discipline that keeps me on track comes from my family in Storrs –
Saroj, Zia, and Sophie – who have lent strength and emotional energy every step of the
way. I dedicate this volume to the social justice advocates and climate activists who have
demonstrated the courage and conviction needed for persevering in the hope of a more
just world.
Storrs, CT Prakash Kashwan
April 5, 2022

Empowerment by Nidhin Donald

CHAPTER 1
Introduction
Climate Justice in India
Prakash Kashwan
Arundhati Roy famously described the COVID-19 pandemic as a
portal, a gateway between one world and the next. We can choose to walk
through it, dragging the carcasses of our prejudice and hatred, our avarice, our
data banks and dead ideas, our dead rivers and smoky skies behind us. Or we can
walk through lightly, with little luggage, ready to imagine another world. And
ready to fight for it. (Roy 2020)
As inspiring and insightful as these words are, such juxtaposition of utopia and
dystopia barely scratches the surface of what and who we are as a nation. The soul-
crushing images of burning pyres in parking lots turned into makeshift graveyards,
which international and national media have immortalized, offer a clue, as does the
sombre poetry of Parul Khakhar (Tripathi 2021). India is a land pockmarked with
a million fires.
The COVID-19 crisis has come as a shock to many middle-class Indians. Yet, to
India!s Dalits, Adivasis, women, and other marginalized groups, haunted by centuries
of oppression, this crisis is yet another in a long list of historical and ongoing crises.
For example, the coalfields of Jharia in Jharkhand have been burning for over a
century now. As a result, at least 130,000 families have, quite literally, lived through
a century-long trial by fire (Rahi 2019). Since 1995, the state-owned Bharat Coking
Coal Limited (BCCL) has claimed to have a "master plan!, which is possibly gathering
dust in some almirah of the coal ministry (S. Kumar 2021). One would imagine that
a pandemic like COVID-19 might scare the minister whose job includes ensuring

Introduction 3
the welfare of the 3.6 million people who work in mines with a less than adequate
supply of fresh air. Yet, in 2020, India!s coal minister valorized coal workers as "our
coal warriors who are toiling day and night to keep the lights on even during the
corona pandemic! (Press Information Bureau 2020). They toiled very hard indeed.
A year later, as India struggled to confront the monstrous second wave of the
pandemic, Central Coalfields Limited (CCL), a subsidiary of Coal India Limited
(CIL), recorded the highest-ever single-day coal dispatch of 80 railway rakes (PNS
2021). Unfortunately, such exceptional productivity in the middle of a pandemic
came at a steep cost, as at least 400 CIL employees died from COVID-19. CIL
appealed publicly to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, requesting about 1 million
doses of vaccines for its employees (Singh 2021). However, it is unclear if CIL!s request
was fulfilled. Nevertheless, India!s coal workers and the residents of Jharkhand, the
latter hardened by century-long neglect and violence of extractivism, continue to be
caught in the crossfire between advocates of national development and stakeholders
in the ongoing contestations over the impending renewable energy transition. The
involvement of these varied parties and interests has not translated into negotiating
power for mine workers, as seen among their counterparts in the West, who have
managed to mobilize under the banner of a just transition.
In the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic, the Government of India "unleashed
coal!, that is, they opened up coal mining to the private sector. In doing so, Prime
Minister Modi declared that he was "unshackling [coal mining] from decades of
lockdown!, as he wanted "India … to be a net exporter of coal! (Varadhan 2020).
This celebration of coal is linked to long-standing traditions of coal nationalism
(Lahiri-Dutt 2016). For the Indian prime minister, the advocacy and support for
expanding coal mining does not appear to conflict with the country! s ambition of
playing a prominent role in global climate negotiations. At the Leaders Summit
on Climate convened by United States President Joe Biden, Modi announced the
US–India Clean Energy Agenda 2030 Partnership, which is to "proceed along two
main tracks: the Strategic Clean Energy Partnership and the Climate Action and
Finance Mobilization Dialogue! (CNBC TV18 2021). How might these partnerships
and India!s continued expansion of coal mining shape India!s climate action, and
the welfare of the multitude of coal miners, most of whom work under extremely
exploitative conditions# What will happen to the young boys descending steep
chutes – little more than "rat holes! – to dig coal from hard rock, with just a pickaxe
and a torch, in the Jaintia Hills in eastern India (Chandran 2016)#
These snapshots from the year of the pandemic help to outline how Indian leaders
respond to crisis situations. They also offer a glimpse of what a major and widespread
crisis portends for the majority of India!s people, whose lives are locked in multiple

4 Prakash Kashwan
intersecting circles of crises and immiseration. A consideration of how myriad
social, economic, and ecological crises reinforce the vulnerabilities experienced by
the most marginalized, and their efforts to overcome those vulnerabilities, should be
at the heart of the pursuits of climate justice.
Climate change in a grossly unequal society
The climate crisis is occurring in a world of extreme inequalities. The history of
disproportionate contributions to the accumulation of greenhouse gases (GHGs)
responsible for the current crisis is truly staggering. As of 2019, a handful of
countries, including the United States, United Kingdom, countries of the former
Soviet Union, Germany, France, Poland, Canada, and Japan, contributed about
75 per cent of the world!s historically accumulated emissions. China alone was
responsible for about 18 per cent. The majority of the world!s countries collectively
contributed only 7 per cent to the total GHG emissions present in the atmosphere
today. These inequalities would be even more significant if one were to account
for the transfer of consumption emissions via international trade or travel. India
has contributed less than 3 per cent to the accumulated emissions (Ritchie 2019).
Despite contributing a negligible share to the accumulated stock of GHGs, various
global indices rank India among the countries most vulnerable to the effects of the
ongoing climate crisis (Reuters 2018). As such, India is a victim of international
injustices associated with the climate crisis.
India is also home to the largest population of poor people anywhere in the world
and is one of the most unequal countries globally today. Ranked according to the
Gini coefficient, a national-level measure of inequality in income distribution, India
was second only to Russia as of 2018 (Chaudhuri and Ghosh 2021). Concepts such
as income inequality and poverty do not quite capture the deep-seated nature and
wide-ranging effects of caste-based oppressions. Dalit men are lynched for falling
in love with non-Dalit women, and Dalit women are routinely raped with impunity.
India!s National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) reported that 10 Dalit women were
raped daily in 2019 (Kumar 2020). Even more worryingly, Dalit women are often
"raped to keep them $in their place%! (Nagaraj 2020). The disadvantages that Dalit
women face are a product of the oppressive caste system and patriarchal norms
at home and in the society at large. The oppression of Dalit men and women is
instrumental to the power, authority, and privileges upper-caste men enjoy in India.
Caste hierarchy is therefore an embodiment of violent social norms with widespread
social acceptance in today! s India (Coffey et al. 2018).
Considering these challenges, the editor and contributors to this volume have
grappled with how best to refer to a normatively repelling social reality in which

Introduction 5
many Indians consider references to "lower! caste and "upper! caste as objective
descriptions. Caste is socially constructed and therefore always political, even when
discussed in other contexts. In this text, we will use the vocabulary of "upper caste!
and "lower caste! to designate groups of people, their experiences, and how they are
represented in public discourse. The quotation marks here indicate our personal
disavowal of this system of caste hierarchy and its continued normalization in public
discourses and writings.
1
But for the sake of brevity, we use these phrases without
scare quotes in the remainder of this volume.
The nexus of the climate crisis and socioeconomic and political inequalities is at
the root of various types of climate injustices. For decades, hundreds of thousands
of poor Indians have died prematurely because of unacceptably high levels of air
and water pollution. A recent study estimates that about 2.5 million people in India
die every year because of toxic air (30.7 per cent of all deaths in the country) (Vohra
et al. 2021). Similarly, the tens of millions of people displaced by annual floods,
the hundreds of deaths because of heatwaves, and enormous disruptions to poor
people!s lives due to climate disasters find scant mention in the national press.
These statistics are rarely a subject of public debate in India, except when a health
minister, who also happened to be a doctor, denied the existence of data that link air
pollution to premature deaths in India (Kaur 2019). Clearly, the worst impacts of air
pollution and the climate crisis are being denied, ignored, and normalized, because
these burdens fall on the urban poor, women, Dalits, Adivasis, Muslims, and other
marginalized people with little political voice. Accordingly, India is an archetypal
site for the manifestation of the myriad injustices associated with the climate crisis.
The COVID-19 pandemic has further exacerbated India!s inequality problem.
The catastrophic failure to plan for the widely anticipated second wave of the
COVID-19 pandemic exposed the dark underbelly of India!s public institutions, and
the lack of freedoms afforded to the press and civil society (Ghoshal and Das 2021).
In 2020 alone, an additional 75 million people in India were pushed into poverty,
accounting for nearly 60 per cent of the global increase in poverty that year (Lee
2021). In the same period, India counted 55 new billionaires, or about one billionaire
every week, despite a major economic slowdown in the wake of the hastily declared
and rashly managed nationwide lockdown (Bhargava 2021).
Unequal societies are badly governed – they do not have what it takes to rein in
the exploitative and polluting models of extractive development that corporations
and political-economic elite find beneficial and perpetuate. A careful reading of the
1
I am grateful to Srilata Sircar for this formulation.

6 Prakash Kashwan
available scientific evidence would suggest that inequality, not poverty, is the biggest
polluter (Oxfam International 2020).
Failure to remedy environmental degradation and stabilize the global climate
system aggravates these injustices; yet not all environmental and climate action
addresses injustices. Paradoxically, many types of interventions meant to mitigate
the impacts of climate change are likely to further reinforce these pre-existing
inequalities. As this volume goes to press, 1,500 families in central Assam!s Nagaon
district are fighting to regain control of 276 bighas (a varying measure of land area
used in India and other parts of south Asia) of farmland forcibly acquired for a
15-MW (megawatt) solar plant being developed by Azure Power Forty Private
Limited. According to a group of over 150 academics, activists, lawyers, students,
filmmakers, and other concerned citizens, the land acquisition process in this case
violates Assam!s land laws as well as the residents! human rights (The Hindu 2021).
Similar injustices are likely to repeat all over the country, as India plans to rely on
the expansion of solar and wind power to achieve its intended nationally determined
contributions (INDCs) to the Paris Climate Agreement. However, if not handled
with the utmost care, this keenly anticipated renewable energy revolution could add
significantly to India!s long-standing and worsening land wars (Levien 2013).
To those focusing on radical climate action, the injustices resulting from such
action may seem mere aberrations. Indeed, in the Global North, where debates
surrounding climate justice have been around for longer, some scholars and activists
equate radical climate action to climate justice (cf. Kashwan 2021). However, the
climate crisis, climate denialism, and the dismal outcomes of international climate
negotiations share the same roots: the influence of exploitative and extractive
systems of global capitalism, which are propelled by a nexus of multilateral financial
institutions and national political and economic elites. The power of this loosely
organized, yet extremely nimble, web of transnational elite networks is rooted in
histories of colonialism, imperialism, and neocolonialism (Bachrach and Baratz
1962). Activists and scholars focusing on global capitalism have paid inadequate
attention to how such networks thrive on intersectional inequalities borne of the
confluence of gender, caste, class, and religious identities within countries. To this
day, these inequalities help forge social relations, institutional arrangements, and
political structures that shape socioeconomic, environmental, and policy outcomes.
Furthermore, the climate crisis greatly exacerbates these inequalities and injustices.
Climate Justice in India is the first comprehensive book-length effort to examine
how the climate crisis and some of the proposed solutions are inextricably linked to
social and economic justice in Indian society. In this volume, we push back against
climate policy discussions that deprioritize questions of inequalities and injustice, as

Introduction 7
if they can be addressed post facto. Some policymakers and policy experts assume
that the agenda of climate justice has potentially negative consequences for India!s
international negotiating positions (Swarnakar 2019). However, such nationalism
rings hollow. It is evident that no nation can thrive, internationally or locally, without
ensuring the well-being of all of its people, environment, and ecology.
Analysing the policies and politics of climate action is the necessary first step
to preventing vested interests from derailing meaningful progress in climate
action and climate justice. Yet better data or improved analyses of how to "balance!
the considerations of climate action with those of climate justice are unlikely
to be sufficient to bring about such a change. Decades of social science evidence
suggests that meaningful institutional, political, and economic reforms that serve
the interests of marginalized groups like Adivasis, Dalits, and women cannot be
accomplished without formidable social and political mobilization (Kashwan 2017).
With this in mind, we articulate a politically conscious approach to climate justice
that draws on social scientific theories suited to an analysis of the socioeconomic
and political realities of India. We take the histories of colonialism and the realities of
neo-imperial capitalist capture seriously; we also avoid post-modernist abstractions
that fail to address the role of specific actors and agencies in producing climate
vulnerabilities at the global, national, and sub-national levels. Moreover, since the
beneficiaries of the status quo pursue their agendas by taking over political and
policy processes, we need a forceful engagement with these processes to reclaim
power from extant regimes.
Through the chapters in this volume, we make five key contributions to the
ongoing debates and nascent scholarship on climate justice in India. One, we advance
debates on climate justice beyond the long-standing stalemate between questions of
international climate justice and the grave domestic inequalities that climate change
is likely to greatly exacerbate. For instance, we examine the contents of national- and
state-level climate action plans, analyse the evolution of urban climate governance
and investigate the relationship between economic inequality and state-level carbon
emissions. Two, we bridge the ever-present gap between critical social science
scholarship and largely technocratic, apolitical policy-oriented writings. We employ
historically informed, empirically grounded, and conceptually rich social science
analyses to inform policy and programmatic debates about climate justice in India.
For example, in two chapters, we apply the concept of intersectionality to investigate
how gender- and caste-based inequalities together influence access to drinking
water and the outcomes of agroecological farming.
Three, we seek a carefully curated balance between conceptual richness and the
sectoral and contextual specificity of the varied manifestations of climate injustice

8 Prakash Kashwan
in both rural and urban India. This includes discussions on inequalities in carbon
emissions, energy justice, natural resource extraction, gender- and caste-based
determinants of access to clean drinking water and agroecological farming, urban
climate justice, climate movements, and analyses of national and state climate action
plans using a climate justice lens. Four, our contributions are grounded in a deep
understanding of the Indian context, but each chapter also speaks more broadly
to themes prominent in debates on climate justice in other countries of the Global
South. Five, the contributions to Climate Justice in India reflect a philosophy of
theoretical, methodological, and epistemological pluralism.
In the next section, I offer information essential to understanding the historical
and more recent causes of the climate crisis. The third section contains a broad
framework for climate justice, which formed the basis of my editorial engagement
with the volume!s contributors. In this framework, I complement the key constituent
elements of justice, as argued by justice theorists, with a focus on political and policy
processes needed to bring about transformative change. Analyses of policies and
policy processes include thinking through the workings of intersectional inequalities
given India!s social, economic, and political contexts. In the final section, I offer a
broad overview of the major ongoing debates on climate justice and, accordingly,
situate individual contributions to this volume.
Background: Colonial and post-colonial sources of climate
vulnerability
The most common conceptualizations of climate justice speak of an uneven
distribution of the costs and burdens of the ongoing climate crisis along axes of
nationality, ethnicity, gender, sexuality, caste, and class, among others. These are
the distributional aspects of climate justice. Other important dimensions of justice
include procedural, recognitional, and reparational work. A systematic analysis
of the historical, political, and economic contexts of the genesis and development
of the ongoing climate crisis is indispensable to a nuanced understanding of the
contemporary manifestations of injustice and the pursuit of climate justice.
Colonization, imperialism, and capitalism
Colonialism is the domination and subjugation of a people by another, most
commonly the settler and non-settler European colonization of the Americas,
Australia, and parts of Africa and Asia (Kohn and Reddy 2017). Colonial rule led
to massive extractions of natural resources and the rampant exploitation of people

Introduction 9
in the colonies to serve imperial expansion. The mobilization of the unpaid labour
of colonized and enslaved people for the production of "cheap nature! were central
to "the endless accumulation of capital! (Moore 2016, 79). Economist Utsa Patnaik
estimates that between 1765 and 1938, the East India Company and the British
Raj siphoned off at least £9.2 trillion ($44.6 trillion) worth of unaccounted wealth
(Sreevatsan 2018). Patnaik also shows that the combined drain from Asia and the
West Indies constituted about 6 per cent of Britain!s gross domestic product (GDP)
from 1780 to 1820, a crucial period in its industrial transition.
The processes of colonialism and capitalism shaped the political-economic system
that emerged in the postcolonial era. This included the Bretton Woods Institutions,
that is, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund founded in 1944.
Gross inequalities in international economic, trade, and financial systems enable the
continued exploitation of resources and people on the periphery and fuel patterns of
wasteful and profligate consumption in the Global North. These patterns of resource
use drive the exploitation of the global atmospheric commons, which act as sinks for
GHGs from industrially advanced countries (Bassey 2012). However, the legacies
of colonization extend far beyond material exploitation. Colonialism deepened
the feudal tendencies inherent in Indian society and weaved caste hierarchies into
political and institutional structures. Such institutionalization of social and political
hierarchies initiated processes of internal colonialism, in which large sections of
populations within formerly colonized states were colonized by their own ruling
elite, often acting in the name of "development! (Calvert 2001, 51). More broadly,
the present-day social, cultural, psychological, political, economic, and institutional
effects of colonialism are equally important (O!Dowd and Heckenberg 2020).
Let me cite three examples to illustrate the contemporary effects of colonialism and
the postcolonial politics of resource control. One, policies related to the management
of natural resources that rely on forest–farm distinctions draw on caste–tribe
differentiations that were present in precolonial India but solidified significantly
under colonial rule. These distinctions supported resource extraction regimes that
were crucial to the colonial project and continue to shape contemporary models of
forest governance, regimes of forest rights, and the extraction of valuable minerals,
which fuels domestic and global capitalism (Kashwan 2017). Two, the development
of the ecologically fragile northeast India as the country! s hydropower hub is a
direct result of New Delhi!s political dominance, long-standing patterns of uneven
regional development, and a reliance on top-down models of development and
governance in "a racialized frontier region! (Gergan 2020, 1–2). Three, most Indian
cities were designed with the dual goals of facilitating assorted trade and commerce
and protecting the health and wealth of a small population of colonial elite, while

10 Prakash Kashwan
pushing the majority of urban populations to the margins. For example, colonial
town planners, financiers, and property developers collectively secured Bombay as a
space for commerce by categorizing different types of neighbourhoods as legitimate
or illegitimate (Chhabria 2019). This helped "delimit the city as a distinct object and
progressively exclude laborers and migrants, who were forced into the so-called
$slums%! (Chhabria 2019). The colonial-era patterns of class-driven differentiation
are also evident in present-day Mumbai (Farooqui 1996; Bhide 2015).
These examples are meant to illustrate specific outcomes that are rooted in and
reinforce well-entrenched social, economic, and political inequalities. The patterns
of pervasive disparities common to settler colonial societies of the Americas are also
present in India, such as in the discriminatory and subjugated incorporation of the
states and peoples of northeastern India (Noni and Sanatomba 2015). Additionally,
internal colonization also manifests via caste- and tribe-based inequalities in every
sphere of the economy, society, and politics (Desai and Dubey 2011). Routine and
generalized policies and programmes cannot address such deep-seated inequalities,
which requires deeper engagement.
Caste-, tribe-, and ethnicity-based discrimination
Adivasi communities are distributed across regions rich in forests and other
natural resources; this has made them targets of land grabs, resource grabs, and
green grabs, that is, taking control of a territory in the name of environmental
conservation (Kashwan, Kukreti, and Ranjan 2021). Similarly, Dalits and Muslims
have been subjected to political and economic control by beneficiaries of the status
quo, primarily people from the higher castes (Dey 2019). The pervasive nature of
such inequalities is evident in the fact that Dalits, Adivasis, and Muslims are under-
represented at the highest levels in nearly every sector of society, including the press,
cinema, science, higher education, and political leadership. Some scholars argue
that the emphasis in social science research on "the binary of colonialism versus
nationalism! is why Dalits and their questions have been missing from academic
knowledge production in India (Rawat and Satyanarayana 2016, 9). The existence of
internal colonialism and these deeply entrenched inequalities has grave implications
for environmental and climate vulnerabilities.
Take, for example, the widely discussed topic of air pollution. It is well known
that exposure to air pollution depends on class position – the poor are exposed to
the worst forms of pollution for the longest duration in a 24-hour cycle (Wu et al.
2020). Yet "class! is only one of the many dimensions of inequality and discrimination
that is relevant to the production of vulnerabilities. Gender is another important

Introduction 11
determinant of disadvantage. A study by the Council on Energy, Environment
and Water (CEEW) shows that household heating and cooking accounted for 40
per cent of the pollution in Delhi in December 2020 and January 2021 (Livemint
2021). Indeed, the burden of household chores falls disproportionately on women,
who experience the most direct impacts of indoor air pollution in both urban and
rural settings.
The enormity of the problem becomes apparent when one accounts for the cross-
cutting effects of caste, class, gender, and religion. Addressing such intersectional
disadvantages requires broad interventions and transformative change in the social,
cultural, economic, and political spheres. Climate crisis exacerbates the effects of
pre-existing inequalities. Moreover, the pervasive nature of multiple inequalities
blunts public demand for more egalitarian policies (Melo, Ng!ethe, and Manor 2012).
Clearly, the pursuit of climate justice is a daunting challenge. However, attempts to
narrow the definition of climate justice are unhelpful. Climate justice simply cannot
be separated from broader and entrenched socioeconomic and political inequalities.
Climate justice: a conceptual framework
The vastness and complexity of the climate justice agenda necessitate the use
and development of theories and insights from multiple disciplines. Of course,
interdisciplinary and collaborative discussions and interventions among researchers,
activists, and policymakers require all participants to be familiar with the basic tenets
of justice theory and how these may be combined with insights from the social and
natural sciences. In the absence of such engagement, as Lianghao Dai argues, we risk
promoting fake interdisciplinary collaborations (Dai 2020).
In this section, for a more comprehensive understanding of climate justice and
its manifestations, I introduce concepts foundational to justice theory. These include
the three constituent elements of justice – distribution, procedural, and recognition
– which justice theorists use frequently. Towards the end of this section, I discuss
two additional aspects – restitution and reparation – that have entered climate
justice debates relatively recently
.
Distributional justice refers to the fair distribution of the costs and burdens
of climate change and societal responses to it. As mentioned previously, climate
change responses create opportunities for some, and costs and burdens for others.
Carbon offset projects, in which industrial giants and multinational corporations
"compensate! for their emissions by funding forest conservation projects in the
Global South, have led to the violent dispossession of indigenous and other forest-
dependent people (Kashwan 2015; Ghosh 2020). Researchers refer to these and other

12 Prakash Kashwan
projects that seek to recompense for industrial emissions and consumerist lifestyles
in the Global North as instances of carbon colonialism (Agarwal and Narain 1991).
Procedural justice is about whether the groups most affected by climate change
have adequate opportunities and the means to engage in the brainstorming, design,
and implementation of climate policies and actions. Recent scholarship urges us
to look beyond the distributional and procedural dimensions to examine whether
marginalized groups are recognized as legitimate claimants and stakeholders in
relevant political and policy processes, and if their experiences of the costs and risks
of climate change inform the design of policies and programmes meant to advance
climate action (Schlosberg and Collins 2014; Chu and Michael 2019).
Each of the three dimensions of climate justice can be applied to one or more
of the following areas of climate change policy and research: climate mitigation,
climate adaptation, and climate resilience. Climate mitigation includes actions
aimed at reducing and eliminating GHG emissions. Climate adaptation refers to the
measures intended to minimize the impacts of climate change, some of which may
help reduce vulnerabilities to the future effects of climate change.
The failure of the international community and national government to ensure
just climate mitigation and adaptation interventions means that ongoing climate
change imposes unmitigated burdens and costs on poor and marginalized groups.
Many of these impacts have been studied through the lens of climate resilience, which
draws attention to anticipatory interventions meant to strengthen communities!
abilities to withstand the effects of climate change (Kim, Marcouiller, and Woosnam
2018). However, in some cases, the concept of "resilience! has been used to focus
too narrowly on the actions and strategies of vulnerable communities, without
accounting for the structural forces of colonialism, patriarchy, and casteism, which
are responsible for communities! lack of resilience or high vulnerability (Cote and
Nightingale 2012; Kashwan and Ribot 2021).
The intersection of the two analytical planes discussed here – three constituent
elements of justice (distributional, procedural, and recognition) and three aspects of
climate change (mitigation, adaptation, and resilience) – yields a useful scaffolding
for understanding climate justice. While these dimensions are the mainstay of much
past academic work and activism, recent debates recognize the importance of two
other dimensions: restitution and reparation.
Restitution refers to the restoration of something – often lost or stolen – to its
rightful owner. For example, lands and territories that settler colonial, national
governments, or other dominant social groups took away from indigenous and other
rural communities, thereby creating a class of dispossessed peasants. Rectifying
these past injustices requires the restitution of "access to land, territory, water,

Introduction 13
forests, especially in light of the global land grabbing during the past decade! (Borras
and Franco 2018, 1319). In the context of the climate crisis, philosophers argue that
some actors, for example, fossil fuel corporations and the countries of the Global
North, which are responsible for the climate crisis, owe restitution to those most
affected by it (Gardiner 2011). This principle informs the demands of countries in
the Global South, that industrially advanced countries pay for the loss and damages
linked to the climate crisis. Indeed, such demands could also be applied within
national borders. In India, this relates most directly to the restitution of land, forest,
and other resource rights to Dalits and Adivasis, who suffer high rates of landlessness
and criminalization of resource use because of state control of resources.
Demands for the protection of resource rights and restitution of lost lands are
codified in acts of Parliament, such as the Panchayat (Extension to Scheduled
Areas) Act (PESA), 1996, and the Forest Rights Act, 2006 (FRA). However, the
state has failed to implement these laws because they threaten the undue advantage
that powerful actors in the state and society enjoy in the status quo. For example,
as of May 2021, 40 per cent of states had not formulated the rules necessary for
the implementation of PESA (Pandey 2021). Unfortunately, the lingering effects of
the caste–tribe dichotomy and instrumental use of the narratives of Adivasi rights
towards forest protection have led to a neglect of Dalit land restitution (Prasant and
Kapoor 2010). Moreover, Dalits have also been victims of the enclosure of village
commons by forest departments throughout the country (see Table 3.1 in Kashwan
2017, 58). Such appropriation and continued occupation of village commons violate
the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Peasants and Other People Working
in Rural Areas (UNDROP), adopted by the UN General Assembly in October 2018
(Kashwan, Kukreti, and Ranjan 2021).
The provisions of UNDROP apply to Dalits and other landless rural workers
too. Unfortunately, domestic debates about land reform and redistribution to Dalits
have never really taken off because of mainstream Hindu society! s delegitimization
of Dalits as agriculturalists (Rawat 2011). The marginalizing and invisibilizing of
Dalit land claims continue in neoliberalized India today; some even argue that land
dispossession exacted in service of "new economy projects may be liberating for
Dalits! (cf. Agarwal and Levien 2020, 696). The promise that neoliberal economic
reform will bring prosperity to the poor is yet to be fulfilled, in part because these
reforms have never really articulated and incorporated the interests of poor people.
On the contrary, the corporate control of the economy and free flow of speculative
global finance have led to the selective withering of the welfare state and the
militarization of the state!s appropriation of land and natural resources (Ram 2012;
Agarwal and Levien 2020).

14 Prakash Kashwan
All of these outcomes are because of the multiple and concentrated disadvantages
that Dalits, Adivasis, the northeast tribes, and Muslims face in a neoliberalized India.
These groups lack representation in the public sphere–they are unable to shape
public agendas, they are excluded from political and policy processes, and they lead
precarious lives because of their high income and wealth poverty. The neoliberal
reset of the welfare state, and capture of the political agenda by advocates of global
capitalism in India and elsewhere, work through these debilitating inequalities and
exclusions (Kashwan, MacLean, and García-López 2019). This is why there is little
sustained and informed public debate on the alarming levels of pollution in Indian
cities, the dangerously high fluoride content of drinking water in many parts of the
country, and extreme disparities in access to safe sanitation (Chaudhuri and Roy
2017). These background conditions make a huge percentage of India!s population
highly vulnerable to climate shocks and stresses. COVID-19 exposed the glaring
forms of exclusion and marginalization that the urban poor, especially migrant
workers, face (Suresh, James, and Balraju 2020). Advocates of climate justice need to
grapple with these long-standing inequalities present in every nook and cranny of
India!s vast and complex rural and urban geographies.
Overview of the chapters and their debates
India is a land of competing inequalities; it presents a challenge to researchers of
inequality and justice. If the devastating images of COVID-19 are any indication,
urban India is likely to be a climate justice hotspot in the near future. The UN
estimates that between 2018 and 2050, India will have 416 million new urban
dwellers (UN-DESA 2018). Such rapid urbanization will put significant pressure on
rural and forested areas, which are the sources of natural resources needed for urban
infrastructure development and the sustenance of large urban populations.
The nature of urban growth and manner of urban climate mitigation and adaption
planning and execution have significant implications for urban climate justice (Shi
et al. 2016). Eric Chu and Kavya Michael take on this challenging topic in Chapter
2; they analyse ongoing interventions related to urban climate adaptation, risk
reduction, and resilience-building actions. However, instead of adopting a narrow
programmatic focus, they situate these developments within the country! s recent
history of neoliberal economic transformation and long-standing socioeconomic
inequalities. Although Indian leaders identify local development priorities as the
main entry point for climate mitigation and adaptation in India!s cities, market
actors often assume control of these opportunities to the exclusion of the majority of
urban populations (Khosla and Bhardwaj 2019).

Introduction 15
An equally important area of focus is the much-anticipated transition to renewable
energy, which has prompted a vigorous scholarly and policy debate on energy justice
in the Global North (Sovacool et al. 2017). Yet there has been little work on this
transition in the Indian context (Yenneti and Day 2015). In Chapter 3, K. Rahul
and Parth Bhatia fill this gap by exploring the benefits and challenges of adopting
energy democracy and energy justice. They look at three types of renewable energy
developments in India: large-scale renewable energy projects, solar pump sets, and
energy access programmes. In India, however, the framework for a just transition
has been criticized from the perspective of the context and vulnerabilities of
workers employed in mining and various other operations of the fossil fuel industry
(Roy, Kuruvilla, and Bhardwaj 2019). Still, the majority of people employed in the
sector work under exploitative and environmentally hazardous conditions that are
common to India!s coal industry (Lahiri-Dutt 2016).
Recent work has enhanced our understanding of the political economy of India!s
extractive regime (Adhikari and Chhotray 2020). In Chapter 4, Vasudha Chhotray
builds on her field research in Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh to expand the scope of
just transition research beyond labour; she situates it within broader political and
economic systems with high levels of inequalities. Chhotray also highlights the
multifaceted spaces that social and climate justice activists could mobilize for a just
transition.
Ensuring justice in the ongoing transition is not easy, especially because of the
pervasive changes in the economy and politics. Haimanti Bhattacharya offers one
example of a major pervasive change in Chapter 5. Based on her recent and ongoing
research, Bhattacharya shows that the relationship between carbon emissions
from fossil fuels and inequality in consumption expenditure at the state level has
undergone a major transformation since the onset of the economic reforms in 1991.
Bhattacharya!s findings reinforce the proposal other scholars have made in favour
of a carbon tax, based on household consumption, and that such taxes should be
utilized to pursue broad-based goals of energy and transportation justice (Azad
and Chakraborty 2020). Similar policies in other sectors of the economy should be
the focus of India!s climate strategy. Unfortunately, such a policy focus is missing
from India!s national and state climate action plans, as Arpitha Kodiveri and Rishiraj
show in Chapter 6. They review India!s national and state climate action agendas to
determine if and how they incorporate concerns of climate justice.
Despite India being among the most vulnerable countries, the Indian Parliament
has not even debated, let alone enacted, a climate change law. Instead, India!s climate
change responses are governed by various executive orders and ad-hoc climate action
plans; this is a cause for concern. Quite tellingly, the country! s first climate change

16 Prakash Kashwan
bill was a private member!s bill that influential Bharatiya Janata Party leader Jayant
Sinha introduced in March 2021. This bill seeks to provide a framework "by which
India can develop and implement clear and stable climate change policies! under
the Paris Climate Agreement (Farand 2021). This is an intriguing proposal coming
from a member of parliament (MP), who represents the coal-producing Hazaribagh
district in Jharkhand; this illustrates the complexity of politics over climate strategy.
The justice implications of these developments are quite significant. Emissions from
the ongoing burning of fossil fuels and profligate consumption by a rapidly growing
Indian elite class must then be offset by planting forests, modifying agriculture and
other land-use patterns, or resorting to other carbon dioxide removal techniques.
Net-zero plans essentially transfer the burdens of climate action between different
sectors of the economy, for example, when industrial emissions are sought to be offset
by planting trees in village commons (Skelton et al. 2020). In essence, the nascent
plans for India!s climate response are rife with potential for domestic injustices of
numerous types.
None of this is new. As I show in Chapter 7, many of India!s climate activists have
been warning of these possibilities since the early years of the new millennium. That
said, I argue that a fuller appreciation of the complex challenge of social mobilization
for climate justice requires a deeper understanding of the history of environmental
movements and the debate on the varieties of environmentalisms in India. To this
end, I investigate three of the most successful environmental movements in India
and highlight the implications of the multi-scalar nature of both environmental
and climate movements and their engagements with mainstream political spaces.
These analyses shed light on the trajectories of arguments about international and
domestic climate justice in India, and the promise of India!s nascent climate youth
movements. However, it is important to grapple with myriad ways in which social
inequalities shape Indian environmental movements (Sharma 2012).
In Chapter 8, Srilata Sirkar poses the unspoken caste question in India!s
environmental and climate debates. Echoing similar demands about attending to
questions of racial justice in the United States and building on recent work conducted
in India, Sirkar asserts that caste justice is climate justice. She makes a strong
case that India!s climate movement needs to be an anti-caste one (Ranganathan
2022). Normative visions of the type Sirkar articulates offer important points of
departure for redrawing policies, programmes, and strategies that are necessary for
realizing climate justice.
Until this volume, there has been a notable and near-total silence on caste and
the impact that climate change may have on Dalits in India (Onta and Resurreccion
2011). However, gender has been the focus of quite a bit of research on climate

Introduction 17
adaptation recently (Rao et al. 2019). The last two chapters conduct explicitly
intersectional analyses of the joint effects of gender- and caste-based inequalities
on access to safe drinking water, agriculture, and, more broadly, climate action. In
Chapter 9, Vaishnavi Behl and I explore how the intersections of gender-, caste-,
and class-based inequalities shape access to clean drinking water in the Garhwal
Himalayas and Gujarat. Intersectional injustices also permeate climate adaptation
and resilience interventions implemented by multilateral donor agencies and well-
known non-governmental organizations (NGOs). We point to the intractable nature
of caste and gender inequalities and the limitations of addressing them through
programmatic interventions, for example, in the much talked about UN Sustainable
Development Goals (Patnaik and Jha 2020). These debates invite climate justice
scholars and activists to engage with questions of transformative societal change
(Rao and Kelleher 2005; Nightingale et al. 2020).
In Chapter 10, Ashlesha Khadse and Kavita Srinivasan apply the lens of
intersectional agrarian justice to analyse ongoing policy and programmatic
initiatives meant to promote agroecology, with an emphasis on securing women
farmers! land rights (Borras and Franco 2018). These authors apply the framework
of intersectional agrarian justice to investigate state-level policies and programmes
in Tamil Nadu and Kerala, including the role of women!s organizations. Moreover,
they use intersectionality to explain what policy and programmatic interventions
are likely to work best. In the end, they argue in favour of a hybrid approach that
integrates the goal of securing women!s land rights with the state effort of promoting
agroecology interventions – each is indispensable to advancing intersectional
agrarian justice. Their research calls attention to themes of agrarian climate justice
and food sovereignty (Agarwal 2018).
In the concluding Chapter 11, Eric Chu and I summarize the key insights from
the volume to facilitate broader conversations on climate justice in India and
beyond. We reflect on the importance of unifying the diverse voices of academics
and social activists engaged in researching various sectoral manifestations of climate
governance and climate justice in India. Looking ahead, we outline an engaged
research and scholarship agenda that advances academic debate while contributing
to the praxis of climate justice. We join others before us in calling for a move beyond
the old debates about international versus domestic climate justice to examine the
complex intersections of international and sub-national policies, programmes,
and resource mobilizations that shape the outcomes of climate action and climate
justice (Schlosberg and Collins 2014; Routledge, Cumbers, and Driscoll Derickson
2018; Dubash 2019). Furthermore, we argue for an increased focus on domestic
political engagements, accompanied by support and mobilization of transnational

18 Prakash Kashwan
human rights and climate justice networks (Kashwan, Kukreti, and Ranjan 2021).
Ultimately, though, social mobilizations and political engagements within India are
likely to be the major determinants of climate action and climate justice.
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Global Warming
The word is that the Earth
is warming by the day
And this warming is
gradually
changing the Earth"s axis
so much so
that it may change
its speed, its ways
Is it a mere coincidence
that the Earth is thought of as a woman#
—Translated by Veena Chhotray
Samvedna Rawat"s poem evokes a
powerful sense of connection between
women and the planet earth. By exploiting
and degrading the planet"s resources, we
have debilitated planetary systems and
thrust both the planet and marginalized
groups into a crisis, not of their own
making. However, the powerless—in this
case, both planet earth and women—have
a way of shaking things up. It is instructive
that the poet does not use the frame of
$Mother Earth", which has often been used
to paint an essentialized and apolitical
understanding of planet Earth. Instead,
the poem hints at the potential for healing
rooted in the anger and power of the
oppressed—just as Paulo Freire articulated
in the Pedagogy of the Oppressed: $It is only
the oppressed who, by freeing themselves,
can free their oppressors. The latter, as an
oppressive class, can free neither others
nor themselves." The soul-melting heat
of oppression is felt most intensely at
the intersection of many cross-cutting
identities and histories. So would the
most potent paths toward healing and
emancipation—of both the planet and its
oppressed people.

CHAPTER 2
Urban Climate Justice in India
Eric Chu and Kavya Michael
Introduction
Indian cities are especially vulnerable to climate change due to their rapid
population growth, high levels of socioeconomic inequality, and the general inability
of infrastructure and public services to adapt to projected impacts (Revi 2008;
Sharma and Tomar 2010). Although the neoliberal reforms introduced in India
since the early 1990s have enabled the broader participation of non-state actors in
decision-making, an ideological preference for entrepreneurial approaches to urban
governance have largely led to the withdrawal of the state from delivering basic
services (Datta 2015). Revenue shortfalls and lack of administrative capacity have
further decreased the ability of cities to deal with climate impacts and risks (Cook
and Chu 2018; Sharma et al. 2014). These effects are felt most acutely by the urban
poor, who are disproportionately exposed (Michael and Vakulabharanam 2016;
Satterthwaite et al. 2007).
Since the 1990s, there has been a growing awareness of climate change among
government officials. For the next two decades, governmental interventions in
Indian cities were confined to climate mitigation and targeted select manufacturing,
construction, and energy sectors (Dubash et al. 2018). To be fair, climate adaptation
was still a relatively nascent priority for India, and its policy focus was on furthering
its geopolitical role in global climate negotiations. As a nation that saw itself as a
rapidly industrializing global power, India aggressively pushed for the country! s "right
to development! despite its significant exposure to climate change impacts (Gupta
2010). Indian negotiators highlighted how industrialized nations could support India
through technology, resource, and capacity transfers that will allow it to "leap frog!

26 Eric Chu and Kavya Michael
from fossil-fuel-intensive to more sustainable forms of development. Widespread
awareness of climate adaptation only emerged in the late 2000s, spearheaded by
transnational, civil society, and national scientific bodies that documented changing
climatic patterns and advocated that subnational governments play a role in
addressing climate risks (Khosla and Bhardwaj 2019b; Sharma, Singh, and Singh
2014; Sharma et al. 2014). Since then, and as climate adaptation has moved from
the policy to the implementation space, there have been growing concerns that
structural inequalities in urban development in India may dilute or even redirect the
intended benefits of climate adaptation.
For cities across India, the combination of rapid urbanization and a changing
climate has resulted in the disproportionate exposure of poor and marginalized
communities to the impacts and associated risks of climate change (Chu and Michael
2019). The effects of climate change are mirrored in existing urban social relations
of ethnicity, class, caste, gender, and other forms of power differentials, which are all
arguably entrenched in forms of exclusion and inequality. For instance, Indian cities
have, over the past several decades, transformed into spaces of wealthy enclaves
and unplanned new towns at the periphery of older central cities (Vakulabharanam
and Motiram 2012). Informal settlements at the urban periphery have precarious
and insecure economies (Anand et al. 2014; Bhan and Jana 2015) where many
residents are at risk of eviction due to insecure land tenure arrangements. Here,
social structures characterized by marginalization and exclusion prevalent in rural
villages are replicated (Shrivastava and Kothari 2012). Changing temperatures
and precipitation levels, together with their cascading implications for health and
housing, have only exacerbated such social inequalities.
In India, climate change policies – especially those concerning adaptation and
resilience-building at the local scale – have often failed to recognize the particular
needs of vulnerable sectors and communities. The urban poor, particularly the
informal sector, often remain outside the ambit of urban planning mechanisms.
Consequently, climate actions in Indian cities have remained exclusionary and have
failed to address context-specific determinants of vulnerability and adaptive capacity
(Chu and Michael 2019). In this chapter, we argue that theories of urban climate
justice must go beyond including historically under-represented communities in
decision-making and uncovering the distributive implications of climate, and must
recognize intersecting and historically entrenched forms of socioeconomic, cultural,
and political inequalities as well as the multiple channels through which climate
change can exacerbate them.
Drawing on a longitudinal exploration of urban climate planning since the 1990s,
this chapter assesses the structural drivers of climate injustice in Indian cities, with a

Urban Climate Justice in India 27
focus on emerging adaptation and resilience priorities. We show examples from across
the country of how drivers of injustice manifest in the design and documentation
of adaptation actions as well as how they intersect to compound experiences of
injustice. To further climate justice in Indian cities, we argue for a renewed focus on
distributional, procedural, and recognitional justice from the bottom up. This may
involve broadening civic dialogue around urban planning and practice to include
demands for equity as the first step in reversing current exclusionary trends in urban
development planning and climate policymaking. As a result, urban climate justice
would be reoriented towards notions of inclusive development, human rights, and
socioeconomic transformation.
Indian cities in a changing climate
Indian cities are increasingly facing the impact of climate change – temperature
variability, droughts, flooding, cyclones, sea-level rise, and the linked environmental
health risks – and are recognizing the need for climate adaptation and resilience-
building. Poor communities are exposed to disproportionate risks from inadequate
water, housing, sanitation, drainage, and solid waste management facilities. With
its growing urban population, India will soon be one of the world!s most vulnerable
countries to climate change (Revi 2008; Yenneti et al. 2016). By the 2060s, it is
expected that there will be approximately 500 million additional people living in an
estimated 7,000 to 12,000 urban settlements across the country, most of whom will
experience compounding environmental stressors relating to water, sanitation and
environmental health, air and water pollution as well as climate change (Khosla and
Bhardwaj 2019a; Sharma and Tomar 2010).
Historically, urban development was not a priority as the country relied heavily
on the agricultural sector. However, the 74th Constitution Amendment Act (1992)
provided formal recognition for urban local bodies and vested them with the power to
undertake local sanitation, solid waste management, infrastructure, land provisioning,
and development planning (Jayal, Prakash, and Sharma 2006). The Tenth and
Eleventh Five Year Plans, designed for the years 2002–2012, both emphasized urban
areas as engines of economic growth and advocated market-friendly reforms in urban
infrastructure delivery. Under the Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission
(JNNURM), which ran from 2005 to 2014, public finances were directly allocated
to cities. JNNURM adopted a governance reform-based funding approach, which
meant that funds were supplied in conjunction with mandating reforms to local
jurisdictional capacities and systems to enable urban infrastructure development and
poverty alleviation across 65 cities (out of a total of 43,788 urban agglomerations and

28 Eric Chu and Kavya Michael
towns) (Khosla and Bhardwaj 2019a; Sharma and Singh 2016). A separate scheme,
the Urban Infrastructure Development Scheme for Small and Medium Sized Towns
(UIDSSMT), was launched in 2005 to support municipalities with smaller budgets
and more capacity constraints (Sahasranaman 2012).
The central objective of these reforms was to decentralize larger (that is, Tier
1 and 2) cities as articulated under the 74th Constitution Amendment Act (1992)
by strengthening public management and governance functions. Together with
centrally-sponsored schemes such as Rajiv Awas Yojana, which ran from 2013 to
2014 and earmarked #322.3 billion for urban slum upgrading and poverty alleviation,
the JNNURM served as an entry point to address questions of inadequate urban
services delivery (Kundu 2014). Still, these schemes did not significantly address
risk reduction, socioeconomic vulnerabilities, and climate adaptation to lower
the overall impacts of increasingly extreme hazards. Also, although these reforms
were not explicitly neoliberal (as opposed to those later articulated under the
Smart Cities Mission), urban-level initiatives were often stymied by uncooperative
state governments who were reluctant to transfer political, financial, or planning
authority (Nandi and Gamkhar 2013).
During the same period – and spurred on by the approval of the National Action
Plan on Climate Change (NAPCC) in 2008 – ministries at the national, state, and
local levels began considering the implications of climate change for development
functions. The NAPCC focused more on mitigation actions such as greenhouse gas
reduction through reduced deforestation and regulation of industrial emissions and
less on adaptation efforts. It also offered no financial provisions for climate action
at the local level; hence, local governments continued to rely on intergovernmental
disbursements schemes such as JNNURM. This approach was widely considered to
be inadequate due to deficient capacities at the local level (Mehta and Mehta 2010).
Although there has never been an overt environmental agenda in urban
planning in India, the confluence of ideas and opportunities presented by the policy
mechanisms noted above began to spur actions to address climate change in cities.
Some cities began to realize that infrastructure and service delivery investments
must take into account climate impacts and support the local government!s ability
to address changing environmental risk profiles. These priorities have garnered
increasing political traction in response to the escalating intensity of climate-related
hazards. For example, three major cyclones – Helen (2013), Phalin (2013), and
Hudhud (2014) – struck the Bay of Bengal coastal region within a short timeframe
and Mumbai and Chennai both experienced devastating floods in 2015. Chennai
also has a history of experiencing extreme heat (Jeganathan et al. 2016). These

Urban Climate Justice in India 29
disasters laid bare the lack of preparedness and emergency planning and the fragility
of the country! s infrastructure.
In response, local governments availed of several intergovernmental schemes
to support climate-resilient development, including the National Mission for
Sustainable Habitat (2010), which emphasized building design, better urban
planning, waste management, early warning systems, and regulatory reforms.
Following the change in the central government in 2014, many of the schemes
were revised to focus more on smart technologies and economic competitiveness
in the context of sustainable development (Beermann et al. 2016; Fisher 2014). For
example, the Atal Mission on Rejuvenation and Urban Transformation (AMRUT)
was established in 2015 to channel #500 billion towards upgrading the urban water,
transportation, and greenery sectors and the Swachh Bharat Abhiyan or Clean India
Mission (2014–2019) promoted public health and sanitation across urban and rural
areas. The flagship Smart Cities Mission, launched in 2016, budgeted nearly #980
billion (including matching funds from state governments) to support technological
innovation in infrastructure and services provision. As of early 2021, 100 cities have
been selected to receive funding primarily through area-based initiatives such as
greenfield, transit, and service improvement projects.
Critiques of these schemes, particularly those enacted since 2014, have focused
on their "development first! approach, which has led to the side-lining of other
priorities, particularly climate risk management and vulnerability reduction for the
urban poor. The Smart Cities Mission has been explicitly critiqued for its neoliberal
biases – for example, promoting special purpose vehicles to securitize debts for
mega-infrastructure investors and developers and contracting out implementation
efforts to private consulting and engineering firms. Further, though more than
5,000 projects were proposed, there remains some level of uncertainty regarding
actual disbursements, expenses incurred over time, and the proportion of budgetary
allocations that were actually spent on implementing smart projects. In other cases,
large urban development projects were favoured, as they enabled the creation
of world-class elite cities. This political shift corresponded with a global surge in
resilience thinking (Bohland, Davoudi, and Lawrence 2019), which promoted the
idea that local governments should be resistant to a wide array of political, economic,
and environmental shocks (Borie et al. 2019).
However, in India and across the Global South, resilience thinking has been
criticized for its focus on technocratic solutions and a tendency to overlook
historically entrenched socioeconomic inequalities. At the same time, a reliance
on public–private partnerships and speculative land investments has increased
economic inequality and social exclusion (Bahadur and Thornton 2015; Chu 2020).

30 Eric Chu and Kavya Michael
For example, a green housing project in the outskirts of Bengaluru named Towards
Zero Carbon Development (T-Zed) promotes low carbon living by effectively
combining green forms of consumption with urban development (Bulkeley and
Castán Broto 2014). However, this project has little impact on ongoing inequalities
within the city, especially when more than 35 per cent of the population lives in
poor informal settlements that are highly vulnerable to climate impacts (Kumar,
Geneletti, and Nagendra 2016). Instead, the project channels resources towards
creating a gated community for a growing market of high-earning, green-minded
middle-class residents.
The myriad policy advancements in India over the past 30 years mostly support
the greater involvement of the private sector in urban development and a withdrawal
of the state from delivering basic services (Goldman 2011; Vakulabharanam
and Motiram 2012). This has led to land speculation and acquisition of land for
special economic zones, dispossession of the working class through slum evictions,
prioritization of private sector interests, and the emergence of new parastatal
bodies, special purpose vehicles, and quasi-autonomous bodies to govern cities
(Chattopadhyay 2017). Climate action also follows this logic, leading to a surge
in middle-class environmentalism that largely ignores the structural causes of
climate vulnerabilities and risks (Chu and Michael 2019). The experience of climate
injustice, therefore, stems from the interaction between historically entrenched
socioeconomic inequalities and development constraints that can be attributed to
recent neoliberal governance reforms, superimposed on a reality of increasingly
severe climate change impacts.
Emerging focus on climate adaptation and resilience
Awareness of climate adaptation as something separate from disaster risk reduction
was introduced in India by multilateral aid and philanthropic actors in the late 2000s.
India had a robust regulatory framework for addressing disaster impacts, which
drew from its experiences managing extreme events such as Cyclone Phailin in 1999
and the Kutch earthquake in 2001 (Jha, Basu, and Basu 2016; Pal, Ghosh, and Ghosh
2017). This framework was eventually codified through national and state disaster
management agencies. Prioritization of climate adaptation policies targeting long-
term climate stressors such as heat, precipitation, and sea-level rise took longer.
Low awareness was compounded by the uneven implementation of the 74th
Constitution Amendment Act (1992), which led to the unclear division of planning
and governance responsibilities across urban, state, and national authorities. Local
institutional complexities further stymied climate adaptation efforts as policy
responsibilities were disaggregated across urban bureaucratic functions (through

Urban Climate Justice in India 31
the municipal corporation) and land use management and planning functions
(through the urban development authority).
For many cities, climate adaptation priorities were also driven by external
capacities, resources, and policy support. Significant effort was needed to localize
climate models to arrive at projections of heat, precipitation, and sea-level
change, especially since such technical capacities did not typically exist within
local governments. International organizations such as the German Agency for
International Cooperation (GIZ), United Nations Development Programme
(UNDP), World Bank, the Rockefeller Foundation, ICLEI-Local Governments for
Sustainability, and, to a lesser extent, the US Agency for International Development
(USAID), helped introduce climate adaptation ideas and language in local planning
and policymaking in India. There were also several bilateral partnerships between
donors and local governments – for example, Kolkata!s partnership with UK Aid,
which was formalized in 2013. These initiatives initially focused on understanding
how changing rainfall, temperature, flooding, and sea-level rise would affect
infrastructure and urban communities. As awareness was low, they focused on
assessing which productive sectors were most exposed to climate impacts as well as
which sections of society were most vulnerable to climate risks.
Early programmes, such as those helmed by the Rockefeller Foundation!s Asian
Cities Climate Change Resilience Network (ACCCRN) – with their pilot efforts in
Indore, Surat, and Gorakhpur – prioritized the integration of climate science into
planning, management, and governance mechanisms through relatively representative
processes. A focus on procedural representation was prioritized given the high levels
of uncertainty and lack of understanding of the degree to which economic and
social sectors were exposed to different heat, precipitation, and flooding impacts.
Creating participatory arenas aided in co-generating locally relevant information on
socioeconomic vulnerabilities in hotspots of concentrated risk such as flood plains,
riverine settlements, and informal communities. Representative processes were
generally commended for successfully uncovering the key vulnerabilities and risks
facing cities, while structured participatory methodologies such as "shared learning
dialogues! facilitated discussions on common problems among previously disparate
urban leaders and bureaucrats (Sharma and Singh 2016). As such, early advances in
cross-sectoral communication and problem-solving within cities were identified as
key innovations.
However, researchers have retrospectively critiqued these early advances by
asserting that historically marginalized and vulnerable communities continued to
be excluded from formal planning processes, which subsequently led to negative
outcomes for them (Anguelovski et al. 2016; Shi et al. 2016). For example, although

32 Eric Chu and Kavya Michael
plans from Kota, Rajasthan, identified slum populations as especially vulnerable, the
subsequent decision-making and planning processes did not meaningfully engage
representatives from this group (Wilk et al. 2018). Rockefeller-led efforts prioritized
identifying empathetic city leaders to help improve awareness of climate impacts,
assess urban vulnerability, and identify projects that could both highlight the
benefits of proactive adaptation actions and potential ways to integrate them with
ongoing development priorities (Brown 2018). Given the relative lack of awareness,
a conscious coupling (or mainstreaming) of climate adaptation with on-the-ground
basic services, housing, health, and economic development priorities made political
sense. Although this approach took time and effort, it allowed adaptation priorities
to gain a foothold in cities and helped channel financial resources and coordinate
project designs.
Between 2008 and 2014, the Rockefeller Foundation and ICLEI-Local
Governments for Sustainability attempted to scale up adaptation action to other
cities using a less resource-intensive approach. This meant less handholding, a
condensed assessment process, and a more structured approach to drafting local
resilience strategies. By 2014, several additional cities produced resilience strategies,
including Kochi, Visakhapatnam, Bhubaneswar, Shimla, Mysore, Nainital, Patna, and
Gangtok, but the degree to which the recommendations were implemented by the
local administration is unclear. The scaled-up phase was less successful, as cities had
less incentive to participate and the condensed time frame made climate adaptation
resemble an externally driven development project rather than a genuine internal
programme with local buy-in, resource support, and leadership. Several cities, such
as Kochi and Visakhapatnam, showed some evidence that climate priorities had
been integrated into city disaster management plans and city development plans
with provisions to engage civil society organizations in first response and security
actions during disaster events. But other externally led initiatives suffered as long-
term institutionalization of climate priorities in urban planning, development, and
governance was met with resistance.
By 2014, political and ideological changes in the national government led
to widespread changes in how climate change priorities were articulated at the
policy level. The mantra of urban resilience rather than climate adaptation or
climate risk management gained a foothold through various government schemes
that consolidated economic progress, human security, and, to a lesser extent,
environmental sustainability under one large banner. A new wave of intervention
targeted the creation of smart and resilient cities – exemplified by the Smart Cities
Mission (2015) – but simultaneously placed renewed financial constraints on
local governments through the enactment of the Good and Services Tax (GST),

Urban Climate Justice in India 33
which replaced previous intergovernmental disbursement mechanisms such as the
JNNURM. Under the new tax regime, local governments were no longer guaranteed
revenue as state governments were not obliged to disburse it to them (in fact, many
did not). Domestic policy changes also mirrored changes in global institutional
priorities, with the Rockefeller Foundation launching the 100 Resilient Cities
(100RC) initiative around the same time.
Evidence from the field
Early urban climate adaptation plans across India helped identify policy champions
and relevant resources to further the nascent agenda, although these efforts were
later found to generally exclude perspectives from historically disadvantaged groups.
For example, even in a relatively rich city like Mumbai, research has shown that
differences in wealth and capacity account for high levels of household vulnerability
(Romero-Lankao, Gnatz, and Sperling 2016). Early plans were critiqued for
providing a surface-level acknowledgement of the different socioeconomic
vulnerabilities faced by the urban poor while failing to address structural drivers
of inequality and unequal exposure to risks. These drivers of vulnerability can
be attributed to the neoliberal political reforms introduced since the early 1990s,
which have led to the broad privatization of urban services, unequal distribution of
economic opportunities, and increasing concentration of political authority among
elites (Joshi 2014).
In Table 2.1, we explore recent climate adaptation and resilient development
plans across 19 Indian cities, ranging from small to large and inland to coastal
municipalities. Our intention is not to offer a comprehensive or exhaustive survey of
climate adaptation and resilience actions; instead, Table 2.1 provides a snapshot of
experiences and approaches to either strategically or comprehensively operationalize
climate priorities within existing land use, infrastructure, risk management, or
wider planning processes. We include standalone adaptation and resilience plans,
sector-specific policies (such as those targeting urban heat impacts), and more
general disaster management and sustainability strategies that prioritize climate
adaptation. Our goal is to offer a quick view of select efforts on the ground, drawing
on the authors! own research and policy engagements in various cities, while also
highlighting the different actors, interests, and resource pathways involved in the
process. We build upon ongoing comparative efforts (see Khosla and Bhardwaj
2019b; Singh et al. 2021) by offering insights on how to identify climate injustices
on the ground and shed light on approaches that can enable more just and equitable
adaptation actions going forward.

34 Eric Chu and Kavya Michael
Table 2.1 Analysis of key social equity or justice dimensions in recent urban climate change
plans in India
City Plan
Consideration of Justice
Key Approaches to Promoting Equity/Justice
Ahmedabad, GujaratHeat Action Plan (2017)
High The plan identified populations that are vulnerable to extreme heat during the summer months. The municipality was charged with creating a list of high-risk areas for extreme heat and organizing preventative training and outreach efforts for local communities. Actions included expanding cooling centres and shaded areas for outdoor workers, slum communities, and migrants.
Bhubaneswar, OdishaCity Disaster Management Plan$ (2014)
Low The plan acknowledged that several urban sectors and communities are more vulnerable to disaster impacts (heat waves, floods, earthquakes, fires, epidemics, and so on). It integrated community- level actions, including local risk and vulnerability assessments and training programmes in schools.
(Contd)

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Loves money. Emotional.
Grecian Nose with Hump.—Commanding and proud. A true friend. Quick-
witted and intellectual.
Medium, Slightly Aquiline Nose.—Affectionate. Easily hurt. Determined
when aroused. Gentle-mannered and musically inclined.
A Lumpy, Venous Nose.—Addicted to drink and apt to have other bad
habits. Careless in dress, spends freely.
Reading Character by the Form of the Lips
Thick, Sensuous Lips.—Lover of art and music. Affectionate. Truthful and
intellectual. The lips of a talented person. Able to think and express self well;
falls in love easily.
Thin, Compressed Lips.—Strong character. Cool-headed under trying
circumstances. Practical in all things. Quick-tempered. Shrewd in business.
Downward, Pouting Lips.—Sound intellect. Determined. Can command
others. Devoted to a few. Courageous when necessary. Often pessimistic.
Full, Upward-turned Lips.—Gay. Good company. Optimistic. Sentimental
to degree but of good judgment. Jealous at times. Lovable.
Thin Open Lips, Showing Teeth.—Weak character. Easily led. Moody when
angered. One to take life easy. Sometimes dangerous.
Sneering Lips.—Often dangerous character. Unfriendly and not easily
moved by pity. Often talented, but has few friends.
Cupid-Bow Lips.—Usually lovable nature. Fond of flattery and
amusement. Sometimes talented.
Reading Character by the Shape of the Ear
A Shell-like, Normal Ear.—Sentimental at times and fond of the romantic.
Tender-hearted, with affection for all. Enthusiastic. Fond of music.
A Long, Narrow Ear.—A deep thinker and philosopher. Cool-headed and
practical under trying circumstances. Strong-willed. Shrewd in business
deals.

A Short, Irregular Ear.—Accumulative of wealth. Work is recreation. Quick
decision in all matters of business. Economical.
Long and Wide Ear.—Pleasant company. Extravagant. Very optimistic. One
who will always get along in life and make money.
A Thick, Short Ear.—Fickle-hearted. Self-centered, with a jealous
disposition. A poor listener, but a great talker. A pessimist.
Short, Irregular Ear.—Thoughtful. Inventive nature. Learns from what he
sees and hears. Truthful. Trustful. Affectionate. Optimistic.

FORTUNE-TELLING BY GROUNDS IN A
TEACUP
Pour your tea into a white cup and drain off the liquid, leaving the
grounds in the cup. Shake them well so as to spread them over as much of
the surface as possible. They will form groups of imaginary figures, and the
fortune-teller must exercise ingenuity to discover in these figures
resemblances to familiar things. To the inexpert eye there may be nothing
but detached particles of tea, but to the chiromancer it will be easy to find
familiar forms.
Long wavy lines are interpreted as meaning loss and trouble.
The more lines there are, the greater their influence.
Straight lines indicate long life and peace.
Circles indicate that money will soon be received, but if they are
connected by straight lines, there will be a delay.
Squares and oblongs denote peace and happiness, while angular and
distorted figures foretell annoyance and worry.
A large number of lines running parallel signify a happy old age.
A crown brings honor and success.
A cross is a bad sign and usually means the death of a dear one.
But if there are two or more crosses, it means an unexpected honor.
A ring denotes marriage, while if there is a letter of the alphabet inside of
it or near by, it foretells the initial of a lucky spouse. If there are lines above
or below the ring, it means a disappointment.
A clover leaf is a good sign and usually denotes good luck.

Figures of flowers denote long life and happiness. If at the extreme
bottom of the cup, they mean a disappointment.
Figure of a tree near the top foretells disappointment. Several trees are a
sure sign of misfortune. A tree near a circle denotes a visit to the country. An
X is a good sign and means that your wishes will soon come true.
A mountain denotes a trip to be taken shortly.
A star denotes happiness, while the crescent of a moon means success.
Birds are a sign of good luck.
The figure of a fish denotes good news from a distance.
A snake is a sign of an enemy and tells you to beware.
A heart signifies joy and the receipt of money.
Any letter by itself denotes good news from a person whose initial letter
that happens to be.
A long line signifies a journey.
A circle with a cross inside usually foretells the birth of a child and is a
lucky sign.
An anchor means success in business. If near the top of the cup, it
speaks of fidelity and love.
A crown and a cross near each other denote that you will inherit a large
fortune.
People of poetical views will be able to find many more articles from
which they can draw their own interpretation.
Telling fortunes by means of coffee grounds in a cup follows the same
general rule, altho the figures are much less varied.

DREAMS AND THEIR INTERPRETATION
Dreams are the thoughts or impressions that occupy our minds when we
are asleep.
Every night, unless disease or strong excitement prevent, we are the
subject of a phenomenon which if it only occurred once in a lifetime we
would consider one of the greatest mysteries. We pass in an unconscious
moment from the usual world of deed and action into another world, where
we are unaware of what goes on around us; where we see, not with the
eyes, where we hear things of which the ear gives no impression; in which
we speak and are spoken to, altho no speech passes our lips or reaches our
organs of hearing.
In that world we are excited to joy, to grief; we are moved to pity, we are
stirred to anger; and yet these emotions are aroused by things that do not
exist. Time seems to have lost its landmarks; distance offers no barriers; the
dead return and the past comes once again to cheer or to grieve us.
We live in a land of Dreams. Many of the thoughts that pass thru our
brains are forgotten before we awake. It often happens that people talk in
their sleep, thus proving that they are dreaming, but on being awakened
they deny that they dreamed, for their dreams have left no trace upon their
memory.
The question whether we ever sleep without dreaming is as old as the
days of the ancient Greek philosophers, and there are many able authorities
on both sides of the question.
Locke, a great writer on mental phenomena, is of the opinion that
dreaming is not always present during sleep; but many of the ancient as well
as the modern writers contend that the mind is never at rest but continues
uninterruptedly even in sleep, and that to cease to dream would be to cease
to live.

Sir William Hamilton argues as follows: “When we dream, we are
assuredly asleep, but the mind is not asleep, because it thinks. It is therefore
manifest that mental processes may go on even tho the body is unconscious.
To have no recollection of our dreams does not prove that we have not
dreamed, altho the dream may have left no trace on our memories.”
Dreams, like our waking thoughts, are dependent on the laws of
association. Altho the senses, are usually torpid in sleep, some of them
continue to transmit to the mind imperfect sensations which they receive.
Experiments have been tried to determine how far external impressions will
cause dreams. A bottle of hot water applied to the feet of a sleeping man
caused him to dream that he was on the crater of a volcano and that the hot
earth was scorching his feet. Another man, having a blister applied to his
head, dreamed that he was being scalped by Indians. A match suddenly lit
may cause a man to dream of a terrible storm with lightning and thunder.
Darwin relates the case of a man who was born deaf and dumb, and who
never dreamed that he conversed with others except thru the sign language.
So, also, a blind man never dreams of seeing vivid colors. Thus we see that
our dreams are in many cases dependent upon our senses.
The condition of our digestion may also influence our dreams. If the
digestive functions are properly performed, our dreams are apt to be
pleasant, whereas every one knows the torturing dreams that may follow an
indigestible supper of Welsh rabbit or lobster. In the same way the dreams
that are caused by opium or other drugs or by intoxicating liquors are apt to
be of a disagreeable nature.
The mind works with wonderful rapidity during sleep. A person who is
suddenly awakened by a loud noise may dream of many things in the short
second before he awakens. A long story may spin itself out in his brain,—
adventure, robbery, war,—until he is awakened by what he believes is a shot.
A certain writer was suddenly aroused from a sound sleep by a few drops of
water sprinkled on his face. He dreamed of the events of an entire life in
which sorrow and happiness were mingled, of a fight on the banks of a
stream into which an enemy plunged him. We can dream more in a minute
of time than we can enact in a day.
So, too, dreams are often characteristic of the peculiar life and thoughts
of the dreamer. A miser will dream of saving money, a merchant of business
deals, a musician of melody, etc. As a general thing our dreams are wanting
in coherence. They do not seem true to life. They mix together things that

are absurd and unconnected. We never dream of the past as a thing that is
past, but as a reality. People that are long dead appear to us as living.
Do Dreams Foretell the Future?
It is a popular belief, and has been thru all ages, that dreams foretell for
us what will happen. Many remarkable cases seem to prove this. All nations
of antiquity believed in the divine nature of dreams. The Bible is full of
allusions to dreams and most of the important events were revealed to men
thru dreams.
Jacob dreamed that he saw a ladder which reached into the sky and that
angels were ascending and descending. His whole life was shaped by this
vision. His son, Joseph, was called “The Dreamer” by his brothers. We all
know the fascinating story of his dreams, his interpretations of the visions of
the butler and the baker and his reading of Pharaoh’s dream which
eventually obtained for him the position of ruler over Egypt. The Books of the
Prophets and of Daniel are based on dreams. So are many of the incidents of
the New Testament.
Coming down to more modern times, we find that many intelligent men—
writers, inventors, kings—believed in dreams.
Franklin believed that he obtained a clearer insight into political events
thru his dreams and often acted upon the inspiration he received while
asleep.
A celebrated doctor discovered a well-known remedy thru a dream.
Tartini, a celebrated musician, is said to have composed his “Devil’s Sonata”
under the inspiration of a dream in which the devil appeared to him and
invited him to try his skill upon his favorite fiddle. When he awoke, the music
was so firmly impressed upon his memory that he had no difficulty in writing
it out on paper.
The poet Coleridge is said to have composed his poem “Kubla Khan” in a
dream. He had taken an anodyne for some slight indisposition, and fell
asleep in his chair. When he awoke he retained the impression of over two
hundred lines of verse which had come to him in his slumber.
Cabanis, the philosopher, found in his sleep the conclusions of many
problems that he was not able to solve while awake. Condorcet, the
mathematician, found in his sleep the final steps in a calculation that baffled
him while awake.

Napoleon was a great believer in dreams and was often guided by them
in his campaigns.
Columbus, it is said, dreamed that a voice spoke to him saying, “God will
give thee the keys of the gates of the Ocean,” and that it was this that kept
up his courage.
In remote times the greatest of importance was attached to dreams. The
ancients resorted to them in cases of difficulty or calamity. When pestilence
spread among the Greeks before Troy, Homer represents Achilles as taking
refuge in dreams, his reason being,—
“Dreams descend from Jove.”
Aristotle, Plato, Zeno, Pythagoras, Socrates, Xenophon and Sophocles
have all expressed their belief in the divine or prophetic character of dreams.
A great number of historical instances are recorded in Greek and Latin
classics of dreams that came true. The night before the assassination of
Julius Cæsar, his wife Calpurnia dreamed that her husband fell bleeding
across her knees. She tried to warn him, but he laughed at her fears. On the
night that Attila died, the Emperor Marcian at Constantinople dreamed that
he saw the bow of the conqueror broken asunder. Cicero relates a dream
thru which a murderer was brought to justice.
Dreams were even allowed to influence legislation. During the Marsic War
(90 B.C.) the Roman senate ordered the temple of Juno to be rebuilt, in
consequence of a dream. There are many other examples in ancient history.
The old fathers of the Christian Church attached considerable importance
to dreams. Tertullian thought they came from God as one of a series of
prophecy, though he attributed many dreams to the influence of evil spirits.
St. Augustine relates a dream thru which he was convinced of the
immortality of the soul.
How Dreams Should be Interpreted
There are two kinds of dreams: those that are reproductions of one’s
waking thoughts or actions, or the result of digestive disturbances; and those
that proceed from some psychological condition which we cannot probe or
understand. Many dreams are of so trivial a nature that it would be foolish to
attribute any importance to them. Others seems to come from some outside
inspiration and are prophetic. The ancient sages who were celebrated as

interpreters of dreams had a maxim that the “Result of dreams often follows
their interpretation.” They meant that if you believe that a dream means a
certain thing, you will fashion your actions so that that thing will come true.
When the meaning of a dream is indefinite, many interpretations can be
put on it and all of them be capable of coming true. If you are told that a
dream means illness, you may take it so to heart that you will actually fall ill,
or if you are philosophical, you will shape your diet or your deeds so that
good health may result from the warning. If a man dreams that he will have
financial disaster, he may become so unfitted thru fear that he will neglect
his business and thus invite the ruin which he imagines the dream foretold.
Or he may, if he is wise, take the opposite course and so shape his business
methods that success will follow instead of ruin.
In the following tables we give the interpretations of common dreams as
they are and have been given from time immemorial in most of the best
known sources, with quite a number of original meanings as experience has
shown them to us. Remember that the interpretation of dreams may vary
with the peculiar conditions and circumstances surrounding the dreamer, and
what would be true in the case of a sickly person might have the opposite
meaning in the case of a robust man. “Man is master of his fate,” says a
poet. The troubles that cause one person to take a pessimistic attitude and
contemplate suicide serve to spur another on to new endeavors and new
successes.
This book is not intended to foster superstition, but to offer a means of
solving many of the mysterious occurrences in our lives and help you rise
above your surroundings to a higher plane of usefulness.
A Dictionary of Dreams
As a rule dreams are very complex and it is difficult to single out any
particular feature that stands forth and dominates the dream. But it
frequently happens that one idea is so vivid that it is remembered to the
exclusion of all the rest. When you have a dream of this kind refer at once to
the following list, look up the dominant thought of your dream and the
interpretation will be given. These meanings are not random guesses, but
are compiled from a number of very old books which have come down to us
from such seers, astrologers and psychologists as Cagliostro, Lenormand,
Albertus Magnus and others. Of course the meaning of the dream may be
considerably modified by what subconscious thoughts accompany the dream.

Thus while pearls may represent tears, yet if they are accompanied by the
idea of love the indication is favorable, and means a gift of affection.
Abandoned—Dreaming that you are deserted by your friends denotes
their affection and love, but to dream that you have abandoned someone
you love is a sign of disappointment.
Abbey—The ruins of an abbey mean good fortune; if seen by moonlight,
wealth.
Abroad—Dreaming that you are in a strange land signifies success in your
undertakings.
Absence—To be absent from home means a joyful reunion. To see people
who are absent foretells speedy return.
Abundance—To dream of abundance shows a false security.
Account—A bank account signifies bankruptcy.
Acorns—Are a sign of loss of money or of love.
Almonds—If you dream of eating them it denotes an evil from which you
will escape.
Alms—Giving alms denotes good fortune, receiving alms means loss of
money.
Altar—Denotes a speedy marriage to the one you love. If already
married, renewed prosperity.
Anchor—Denotes a successful enterprise.
Angel—To see an angel means a long voyage and success.
Angry—If you are angry, it portends an enemy.
Antelope—A speedy recovery from illness.
Ants—A colony of ants signifies industry leading to wealth. One ant
means a disappointment.
Anvil—Seeing or hearing an anvil means happiness.
Ape—Means an enemy. If running from you, safety.
Apples—Signify gain. If you are eating them, disappointment; if on a tree,
good news.
Apricots—If you dream of eating them, it means good news; if you see
them on the tree or otherwise, a pleasant surprise.

Arbor—To be in an arbor means disappointment in love.
Argument—To hold an argument with anyone means that justice will be
done.
Arm—To dream of breaking or injuring an arm signifies sudden fortune to
a friend.
Army—To be marching with an army means “Beware of a false friend.” If
encamped, it means speedy success.
Artichokes—Signify embarrassment or pain.
Artist—Means that your love suit will be successful.
Ashes—Signify embarrassment and loss.
Asparagus—To eat it, means success and health.
Ass—Signifies a quarrel or scandal.
Aunt—Portends wealth from an unexpected source.
Authority—Signifies better times.
Baby—To hold one means true love; to rock one, embarrassment.
Bagpipe—To hear or play a bagpipe signifies trouble.
Baker—To see or speak to a baker means plenty.
Baking—If you dream of baking pies or cakes, a visitor; if bread, a loss.
Ball—Dancing at a ball means harmony and pleasure. Playing ball signifies
loss of money.
Balloon—To go up in a balloon means unexpected fortune. To see one
means a message from home.
Bank—Depositing in a bank, beware of loss; drawing money out a bank,
trouble at home.
Barber—Being shaved by a barber, a long journey.
Barley—To dream of barley in the field means health and fortune.
Barn—If full, a happy marriage; if empty, poverty.
Barracks—To see soldiers in a barracks means peace and prosperity.
Basin—An empty basin foretells a loss; a full basin, unexpected wealth.

Basket—A full basket means ease and prosperity. An empty one means
new endeavor in order to achieve success.
Bathing—Signifies happiness; in a pond, it means misfortune; in a
running brook, it means disappointment.
Bat—If flying, means a quarrel with a friend; if at rest, pleasure.
Battlefield—Signifies great honor.
Beans—If cooked, they signify a quarrel; if raw, danger.
Bear—Seeing a bear foretells misfortune.
Bed—To see a strange bed means trouble; to sleep in a bed, good luck.
Beer—Signifies unfruitful endeavor.
Bees—To catch or watch them means success; to be stung by them,
failure.
Beggar—To give alms means an unforeseen present; to be a beggar,
unexpected health.
Bell—Hearing the marriage bell means happiness; a church bell, alarm or
misfortune. A dinner bell means a feast or wedding.
Bench—To sit on a bench, “Beware of a rival.”
Bereavement—Losing a relative or friend signifies a visit.
Betrothal—Foretells pleasures that may be brief.
Bible—To see a Bible is a reproach for evil deeds. To read a Bible, luck.
Billiards—Means loss thru dissipation.
Birds—Seeing birds of any kind foretells trouble and annoyance. If
singing, however, they bring tidings of new pleasure.
Biscuit—Eating a biscuit denotes rejoicing.
Bite—To bite anyone signifies trouble. To be bitten signifies treachery of a
supposed friend.
Blackbird—Foretells scandal and deceit.
Blindness—To lead a blind person means success in love. To dream of
being blind means you will receive valuable information.
Blood—To see blood signifies a faithful lover.

Blows—To give or receive blows means forgiveness for wrongs done.
Boat—To row in a canoe or boat signifies an inheritance of money.
Boil—To suffer from a boil means unforeseen difficulty.
Bonnet—To wear a new bonnet means rivalry.
Book—Reading a book signifies failure; to give a book means victory over
an enemy.
Boots—To dream of new boots means success in business; of old boots, a
quarrel.
Bottles—A full bottle signifies sickness; an empty one, melancholy.
Brandy—Signifies “Beware of trouble!”
Bread—To dream of eating bread denotes profit in business.
Briars—Signify disputes.
Bricks—Signify a happy marriage and prosperity.
Bridge—To pass one means success. To fall from one, loss of business. To
walk over a bridge, good fortune. To walk under one, disappointment.
Brook—Domestic happiness and friendship.
Bugs—Signify an enemy who wishes to harm you.
Bull—Denotes unexpected gain.
Butcher—Foretells sorrow thru the loss of a friend.
Cabbage—Indicates long life and happiness.
Cage—To dream of a cage with bird means liberty; empty it means
servitude.
Cakes—Denote prosperity.
Calf—Is a sign of assured success.
Camel—Seeing one means riches; riding on one, disappointment.
Candle—A lighted candle signifies unexpected favor. An unlighted one
means “Beware of trouble!”
Candy—To make or eat candy signifies good luck.
Cane—Signifies dissipation and waste.

Captive—To dream that you are in prison is a sign of luck.
Cards—To play cards means a successful marriage.
Carpenter—Denotes a new turn among business affairs.
Cart—Indicates sickness; with a horse before it, disgrace.
Carving—To dream of carving meat means business prosperity.
Cat—A white cat means a gift; a black cat means deceit or quarrel.
Cave—To be in a cave denotes loss.
Cellar—To be in a dark cellar means sickness or absence from home.
Cemetery—To be in a cemetery foretells the death of a friend.
Chain—Foretells a union of people hitherto separated.
Cheese—Foretells success and a journey.
Cherries—To eat cherries denotes love. To gather them, faithfulness.
Chess—To play a game of chess foretells business troubles.
Chestnuts—Denote troubles at home.
Chicken—To cook a chicken means good news; to eat one, arrival of a
friend.
Child—To dream of children in health denotes pleasure and fortune; if ill,
the dream is a warning.
Church—Signifies good fortune and many friends.
Cider—To drink cider denotes a dispute.
City—To be in a strange city means a speedy marriage.
Clams—Denote closeness and parsimony.
Clock—Seeing or hearing a clock denotes marriage.
Coal—Seeing or burning coal signifies persecution.
Cobbler—To dream of one mending shoes means trouble in money
matters.
Cock—A crowing cock denotes sudden trouble.
Coffee—Drinking coffee is a sign of heavy trouble.
Coffin—Denotes a speedy marriage.

Cooking—To dream that you are cooking indicates a wedding.
Corkscrew—Means vexation; if in a bottle, trouble.
Corn—Is significant of riches and abundance.
Corpse—To dream of a dead body denotes long life, also news from
friends.
Cow—Is significant of prosperity and abundance.
Crab—To see a crab walking means that your endeavors will come to
naught.
Cradle—Indicates an increase in the family.
Cricket—Is a sign of hospitality and a visit.
Crocodile—Indicates a catastrophe.
Cross—To see a cross is a sign of tranquillity.
Crow—Means humiliation and disgrace.
Crowd—You will receive good news.
Crutches—Indicate losses if you gamble.
Cucumber—Is a sign of serious illness.
Cypress—Foretells the death of a loved one.
Dancing—Indicates a handsome present of someone you love.
Debts—To dream of owing money means business safety.
Devil—To dream of the devil is a warning to turn over a new leaf.
Dice—To dream of dice indicates scandal and dishonor.
Dirt—Denotes sickness.
Dishes—Breaking dishes denotes a family quarrel.
Dispute—Among friends, indicates renewed friendship.
Ditch—To dream of seeing or falling into a ditch foretells bankruptcy.
Dog—To see a dog indicates faithfulness of a friend. To be bitten means
treachery.
Door—An open door means opportunity; a closed door, adventure.

Dove—Means happiness at home.
Drawing—Indicates a rejection of marriage.
Drowning—To dream of drowning means good news from abroad; to
rescue a drowning person is a sign of happiness.
Drum—To see or hear a drum indicates a trifling loss.
Drunk—To see a drunken person means bad news; to be drunk means
disgrace.
Duck—Is a sign of profit and pleasure.
Duel—To fight a duel means dissension.
Dwarf—Signifies “Beware of foes!”
Eagle—Is a sign of worthy ambition.
Eating—To dream of eating means a happy marriage or a rich inheritance.
Eclipse—To see an eclipse means a loss in business.
Eels—Are sign of vexation.
Eggs—Eating eggs indicates a journey.
Elephant—To ride an elephant means that you will be called upon to do a
service.
Elopement—Signifies a speedy marriage after trouble.
Embroidery—Signifies love and ambition.
Engaged—To dream of being engaged is a sign of a quarrel with someone
you love.
Euchre—To play euchre signifies failure in business.
Eyes—To dream of eyes is a portent of bad luck.
Face—To dream of a smiling face indicates joy.
Failure—To dream of failure in business or in love means that you will
soon be successful.
Falling—To dream of falling means a sudden improvement in your
condition.

Fan—Is a sign of rivalry between women.
Farewell—To dream of parting is a sure sign of a lawsuit.
Farmer—To dream of a farmer denotes an increase in earnings.
Feast—To be seated at a feast means that there is trouble ahead.
Feathers—White feathers mean friendship; dark feathers, loss.
Field—To walk in a field means visitors.
Figs—To eat figs is a sign of interrupted pleasures.
Fingers—To dream of injured fingers denotes grief.
Fire—To see a house on fire is a sign of caution.
Beware of false friends. To kindle a fire denotes anger.
Fish—To catch fish means success in business; to eat fish means beware
of deceitful friends.
Flag—To see a flag means coming trouble in business; to carry one,
means unexpected honor.
Flame—To see a flame is a sign of good news.
Flea—Is a sign of triumph over one’s enemies.
Flood—To dream of a flood is a sign of misfortune.
Flowers—To dream of flowers is a sure sign of success in business or love.
Flute—To play or hear a flute means news of a birth.
Fly—To dream of flies is a warning that someone is jealous of us.
Fog—To be lost in a fog is a warning of coming trouble.
Fountain—To see a running fountain denotes health and abundance.
Fox—Signifies triumph over enemies.
Frog—Is a sign of vexation and annoyance.
Funeral—To see or attend a funeral is a sign of a birth or marriage.
Fur—To wear fur signifies long life and happiness.
Gallows—To see a gallows is a sign of dignity, honor and wealth.
Gambling—Is a warning against deception.

Garden—To walk in a garden denotes a bright future.
Garlic—Signifies deception by a woman.
Garter—To find a garter foretells a letter or a happy marriage.
Ghost—To dream of seeing a ghost means beware of sickness.
Gift—To receive a present denotes danger.
Gloves—To buy or wear gloves means a new-found friend.
Goat—To dream of a white goat means prosperity; of a black goat,
sickness.
Gold—Dreaming of gold denotes profit and success. A bag of gold
indicates a gain.
Grain—A field of ripe grain is a sign of prosperity.
Grapes—To see or eat grapes denotes enjoyment and plenty.
Grass—Indicates long life.
Grasshopper—Means loss of savings.
Grave—To look into an open grave means the loss of a friend. To sit near
a grave is a sign of good luck.
Guitar—Means deception and treachery.
Hail—To dream that you are in a hailstorm denotes trouble and sadness.
Hair—To comb your hair is a sign of perplexity and anxiety.
Ham—To eat ham is a sign of happiness.
Hammock—To lie in a hammock indicates a speedy marriage.
Harp—To dream of a harp means the death of a dear one.
Harvest—Denotes wealth and abundance.
Heart—To dream of heart trouble indicates danger. The picture of a heart
means true love.
Heaven—To dream that you or someone else is in heaven is a sign of
peace and prosperity.
Hell—To dream of the infernal regions is a warning to reform.
Hen—A sign of profit.

Hermit—Denotes a treacherous friend.
Hill—Going up a hill means success; going down one, failure.
Hog—To dream of a hog is a lucky dream for speculators, but unlucky for
lovers.
Hole—Falling into a hole is a sign of many obstacles.
Honey—Signifies success in business.
Horse—Seeing a white horse means unexpected fortune. A black horse
means deceit. Riding a horse means reciprocated love.
Hotel—To stop at a hotel means success.
House—To be in a new or strange house is a sign of consolation.
Hunger—Is a sign of profitable employment.
Husband—For a wife to dream of her husband betokens a quarrel. If the
dream is pleasant it may mean an agreeable surprise.
Ice—Denotes gratitude.
Imp—Is an occasion on which to exercise caution.
Infant—Happiness in the married state.
Ink—To upset an ink bottle is a sign of someone attempting to injure you.
Insanity—To dream of being insane is a sign that you are overworked.
Iron—To dream of a flatiron denotes that you will go thru a cruel
experience.
Island—To be on an island in the ocean means luck; in a lake or river,
loneliness.
Ivory—Is a sign of profitable enterprise.
Ivy—Denotes a happy termination of courtship and a fortunate marriage.
Jail—To be in jail or prison is a sign that you will have unexpected honor
bestowed.
Jewels—To wear much jewelry indicates coming poverty; to see it on
another foretells a lawsuit.

Joy—To experience great joy is a sign that you will have bad news.
Judge—Is a sign of coming punishment.
Jug—Indicates the acquaintance of a great man.
Key—A bunch of keys denotes treachery on the part of a supposed friend.
A single key means loss.
Kill—To kill a person denotes a coming quarrel.
King—To see a king denotes satisfaction in business.
Kiss—To receive a kiss denotes that you will be betrayed. To kiss another
means good news from a friend.
Kitchen—To be in a kitchen denotes the coming of visitors.
Kite—To see or fly a kite denotes failure in your plans.
Knife—Denotes inconstancy and dissension in your family.
Knitting—Is a sign of mischievous talk on the part of friends.
Knocks—Denote embarrassment and difficulties.
Ladder—To go up a ladder means success; to go down, humiliation.
Lake—A warning to be careful.
Lamb—This is a favorable sign to single people and indicates courtship.
Lame Person—To dream of seeing a cripple or lame person means
business misfortune.
Lamp—To carry a lamp means trouble; to upset one, loss.
Lantern—To carry a lantern means a safe adventure.
Laughter—To laugh heartily in your sleep, “Beware of trouble!”
Lawyer—Dreaming of a lawyer denotes the marriage of a dear friend.
Leaves—Dry leaves are a sign of indisposition which will not last long.
Letter—To receive a letter usually means good news and prosperity.
Lettuce—Denotes poverty.
Lightning—Indicates a quarrel among lovers.

Lily—A sign of innocence and happiness.
Lion—To dream of a lion means unexpected honor.
Lizard—Seeing a lizard indicates coming trouble.
Lottery—To dream of winning money in a lottery means loss.
Lovers—To see two lovers spoon is an indication of domestic trouble.
Macaroni—Eating macaroni is a sign of abundance.
Manure—Indicates depravity.
Map—To see or consult a map indicates a journey.
Market—Going to market is a sign of a joyous event.
Mask—To wear a mask or see someone else wear one indicates hypocrisy.
Meat—To eat or cook meat is a sign of a big reception.
Melon—Signifies hope and success.
Milestone—Seeing a milestone indicates a successful venture.
Milk—Dreaming of milk means success in love affairs.
Mirror—To see yourself in the glass denotes wounded pride or sickness.
To break one, misadventure.
Money—To find money means bad luck; to give it away or spend it
indicates success.
Monkey—Means “Beware of getting into mischief!”
Moon—To see the full moon denotes fidelity and joy; to see a crescent
means awakening affection. An eclipse of the moon means loss.
Mourning—To dream of wearing mourning indicates an invitation to a
wedding.
Mud—To find yourself in mud means the coming of wealth.
Mule—Seeing or riding a mule is a sure sign of difficulty.
Murder—To witness a murder means that you will soon see an old friend;
to dream of being murdered means caution.
Music—Hearing music in your sleep is a sign of luck.
Mustard—Eating mustard denotes pain and trouble.

Nails—Metal nails mean success; finger nails denote misadventures.
Nakedness—Threatened danger and poverty.
Necklace—Receiving one denotes jealousy and annoyance. If a girl wears
a necklace she will soon wed.
Needles—Are a sign of disappointment in love.
Nest—Seeing a nest with eggs denotes a quarrel. A nest with birds in it,
good luck.
Newspaper—Reading a paper means beware of gossip.
Nose—Dreaming of your own or someone’s nose denotes a new
acquaintance.
Nurse—Dreaming of a nurse is a sign of long life.
Nuts—Eating nuts denotes a voyage.
ndicate a safe enterprise.
Oaths—A man using blasphemous words signifies trouble.
Offer of Marriage—Denotes happiness for at least a year.
Oil—To dream of oil is a sign of good harvest and prosperity.
Olives—Indicate honors and dignity.
Onions—To dream of eating them means aggravation and disgrace.
Opera—To dream of being at the opera denotes temporary pleasure.
Orange—To eat an orange is a sign of coming amusement.
Orange Blossoms—To see or wear orange blossoms foretells a wedding.
Orchard—To see or be in an orchard signifies a successful business deal.
Ostrich—To dream of an ostrich means failure thru vanity.
Owl—To dream of an owl means that important secrets will be revealed.
Oyster—To dream of opening an oyster denotes honor; eating one
foretells a feast.
Pail—To carry a pail signifies a new acquaintance. If full it means gain.
Pain—To dream of suffering pain foretells a sickness and a speedy
recovery.

Painter—Denotes that your business affairs will improve.
Palm Tree—Denotes honor and victory.
Paper—To dream of reading a newspaper means that happiness will be
brief.
Parasol—To carry one denotes a voyage.
Parent—To dream of either father or mother means good news.
Parrot—To dream of a parrot foretells a robbery.
Pastry—To dream of eating pastry denotes annoyance; to bake pastry
means improvement in your condition.
Pawnbroker—To go to a pawnbroker signifies a serious loss.
Peaches—To dream of eating peaches denotes pleasure and contentment.
Peacock—Foretells victory.
Peanuts—To eat peanuts signifies a lawsuit.
Pearls—To dream of receiving or wearing pearls signifies tears and
distress.
Pears—Eating pears means long life and happiness.
Peas—To dream of peas means good fortune.
Pen—To dream of holding or writing with a pen means good tidings.
Pepper—To dream of pepper denotes affliction.
Pheasant—To kill a pheasant is a sign of good luck.
Piano—Playing on a piano denotes a speedy wedding. Buying one
signifies money from an unexpected debt.
Pig—To dream of a pig is a sign of good luck.
Pigsty—Indicates financial gain.
Pigeon—Seeing a pigeon in flight means reconciliation; at rest denotes
success.
Pillow—To dream of lying on a pillow indicates sickness.
Pills—Taking pills is a sure sign of trouble and famine.
Pine Tree—Dreaming of a lonely pine tree foretells danger.
Pins—To dream of pins is considered fortunate and means wealth.

Pirate—Foretells a fortunate adventure.
Pistol—To carry a pistol or revolver denotes a change in your prospects
for the better.
Pitch—Signifies “Beware of evil companions!”
Pitchfork—Means you will be punished.
Policeman—Is a sure sign of impending trouble.
Postman—Indicates good news, from abroad.
Poverty—To dream that you are poor denotes an unexpected addition to
your wealth.
Present—Dreaming of receiving gifts denotes a loss. To make a present
means success.
Preserves—To make or eat preserves indicates loss of time and money.
Priest—To dream of a priest denotes reconciliation with an enemy.
Procession—To watch a parade or procession means success in love.
Pump—To pump water is a sign of a speedy marriage.
Purse—An empty purse denotes that you will soon receive a present; a
full purse signifies a serious loss.
Quail—To see a quail denotes responsibilities in the family.
Quarrel—Means constancy and friendship.
Queen—To dream of a queen or princess is a sure sign of prosperity.
Quince—To dream of fresh or preserved quinces denotes a scandal.
Quoits—A warning not to gamble.
Rabbit—A running rabbit is a sign of disappointment.
Race—To witness a race denotes success in life.
Radish—To pick or eat a radish denotes a secret which you will shortly
learn.
Railroad—A token that you will change your residence soon.
Rain—Is a sign of reconciliation with an enemy.

Rainbow—To see a rainbow denotes that better days are coming. It is a
very good omen.
Rat—Beware of secret enemies.
Raven—To hear a raven croak portends misfortune.
Reading—To dream of reading a book is a sign that you are too lazy to
succeed.
Revenge—Denotes a speedy repentance.
Ribbons—To dream of wearing ribbons is a sign of a visit from one you
love.
Rice—To dream of eating or throwing rice denotes, the marriage of an
intimate friend.
Ride—To ride with either men or women denotes coming trouble.
Ring—To receive one means a gain; to place one on the finger of another
denotes marital trouble.
Rival—To dream of a rival is a sign that you will quarrel with the one you
love best.
River—To see a river denotes a change in your condition; to fall into one
means “Beware of your enemies!”
Robber—To be attacked by robbers is a sign of victory over a rival.
Rock—Sure sign of annoyance and loss.
Rose—This is always a sign of good luck. White roses signify constancy;
red, an offer of marriage.
Rosebush—Denotes a constant lover.
Ruins—To explore a ruin denotes a pleasant surprise.
Sailor—To dream of a sailor means good tidings from other lands.
Salad—Means “Beware of embarrassment!”
Salt—To dream of using salt means a rapid recovery of a sick friend; to
spill salt denotes disappointment.
Sausage—Is a sign of affliction or sickness.
Saw—Portends a satisfactory end in your affairs.

Scissors—Denotes that a friend will become an enemy.
Sea—To dream of the sea is a sign of a long journey.
Sermon—To hear a long sermon denotes mental trouble.
Servant—Dreaming of a servant means “Beware of being over-confident!”
Sewing—Means someone is plotting against you.
Sheep—Denotes gain in business.
Shell—A sea shell is a sign of success; a cannon shell, a sign of bad luck.
Ship—If at anchor a ship denotes happiness; if sailing, wishes fulfilled.
Shoes—Denote a speedy journey.
Shroud—To dream of a shroud is a very bad omen and often signifies
death.
Sickness—To dream of being ill is always a bad sign.
Singing—To sing in your sleep denotes vexation when awake.
Skating—To dream of skating is a sign of success.
Skeleton—The vision of a skeleton usually signifies a change for the
better.
Sleep—To dream that you are asleep indicates false security, and is a sign
to be cautious.
Slip or Fall—Indicates a rise in position.
Slipper—Is significant of comfort and satisfaction.
Smoke—To smoke a cigar denotes extravagant expectations; to see
smoke come out of a chimney denotes gain thru new efforts.
Snail—A crawling snail is a sign of coming dishonor.
Snake—Denotes treason, and is a caution to be careful whom you trust.
Sneezing—Is a sign of long life.
Snow—To see a falling snow signifies a visit from a lovely person.
Soap—Denotes pleasant revelations.
Soldier—To meet a soldier is a sign of a coming quarrel.
Spider—To see a spider spinning its web denotes success in business.

Spirit—To see a spirit in a dream is a caution to be more considerate of
those around you.
Sponge—Is a sign of greed and avarice.
Spy—To dream of a spy means “Beware of idle rumors!”
Stable—To dream of a stable denotes a welcome.
Stars—To dream of a star means happiness; a shooting-star, gain of
money.
Stocking—To put on or take off a stocking denotes a change in your
fortune.
Stones—To dream of throwing stones denotes suffering.
Stork—Seeing a stork means loss thru robbery.
Storm—Being caught in a storm denotes coming vexation.
Stove—Sitting near a stove is an indication of comfort and wealth.
Strange Room—Coming into a strange room denotes the solving of a
mystery.
Straw—Is an indication of coming poverty.
Strawberries—Are a sign of unexpected good fortune.
Sugar—Denotes want and suffering.
Sun—To dream of the sun is always lucky and portends a happy future.
Supper—To sit at supper means the news of a birth in the family.
Swan—Means that it will be long before you reach your desires.
Swastika—Is a sign of good luck.
Swimming—Is a sign of sure enjoyment.
Sword—To dream of wearing one is a sign of honor; to be wounded with
one is a sign of misfortune.
Table—To sit at a table denotes abundance.
Tailor—Is a portent of unfaithfulness.
Tea—To drink tea means beware of confusion and trouble.
Tears—To shed tears foretells joy and sympathy.

Teeth—To dream of losing your teeth foretells the death of a friend or the
loss of money.
Tent—To dream of being under a tent denotes a quarrel.
Theater—Being at a theater is a sign of coming sadness or loss.
Thimble—Denotes hard work to achieve success.
Thirst—To dream of being thirsty is a sign of affliction.
Thistle—To pluck a thistle foretells a dispute.
Thorn—Is a sign of loss of money.
Thunder—To dream of a thunderstorm denotes danger or death to a
friend.
Tiger—To meet a tiger is a warning against an enemy.
Toads—Dreaming of a toad means you will be disgusted with something
that will happen to you.
Torch—Denotes an invitation to a wedding.
Treasure—Finding a treasure or a heap of money indicates a
disappointment.
Trees—Dreaming of trees denotes “Keep up your courage.”
Turkey—To dream of a turkey is a sign of plenty.
Turnips—Denote disappointment and annoyance.
Turtle—To see a turtle is a sign of luck.
Twins—The coming of twins denotes honors and wealth.
Umbrella—To borrow one denotes prosperity; to carry one in a storm, you
will be beloved.
Uncle—To dream of an uncle denotes an advantageous marriage.
Unfaithful—Dreaming that your sweetheart is unfaithful is a sure sign of
true love.
Uniform—To wear a uniform is a sign of coming honors.
Urn—If it contains flowers it means a speedy marriage of someone in
your family. Empty, it means a loss.

Veil—To wear a white veil means a proposal of marriage; a black veil
indicates death or separation.
Vermin—Denotes plenty and prosperity.
Village—Walking thru a village denotes a trip abroad.
Vine—A sign of prosperity and fruitfulness.
Vinegar—To dream of drinking vinegar signifies sickness.
Violet—Denotes fidelity on the part of your sweetheart and success in
your undertaking.
Violin—Denotes sympathy and consolation.
Vise—To use a vise indicates wealth through industry.
Visitor—To dream of a visit foreshadows trouble; if others visit you,
loneliness.
Voice—To dream of hearing a voice means that absent ones are thinking
of you.
Voyage—Is a sign of a coming event that will alter your conditions.
Wagon—Denotes ease and pleasure.
Wall—Seeing a wall over which you cannot climb means prosperity after
much effort.
War—To dream of war denotes peace and prosperity.
Washing—Washing your clothes denotes that a misunderstanding will
soon pass away.
Wasps—Are a sign of annoyance and disappointment.
Watch—To dream of a watch means disappointment, and is a caution to
use your time to better advantage.
Watchman—To see a watchman denotes a trifling loss.
Water—To dream of water in any shape is a sign of improvement in your
condition.
Waves—To see waves at sea denotes that someone is trying to take
advantage of you.

Wedding—To dream that you are at a wedding is often a sign of a
funeral; if at your own wedding, it means a change of residence.
Well—To draw water from a well means success in your undertakings.
Wheat—Indicates a gain of much money.
Wheelbarrow—Is a sign of disability or infirmity. If broken it signifies loss.
Wife—If a man dreams that his wife is married to another it is a sign of a
quarrel that may be serious.
Window—Looking out of a window is a sign of bad luck.
Wine—To dream of drinking wine means a disappointment; to become
intoxicated means disgrace.
Wolf—To see a wolf is a sign of coming poverty. To be attacked by a wolf
the defeat of your enemies.
Woman—To dream of a fair woman, beware of deceit; an ugly woman,
beware of scandal.
Woods—To walk thru the woods is a sure sign of success.
Work—Dreaming of hard work denotes prosperity.
Worms—Seeing worms is a sign of coming ill health.
Writing—To dream of writing a letter indicates that someone is anxious to
hear from you; writing a book, foretells fame.
Xmas—To dream of Christmas is a happy omen, and means success in
love.
Yacht—To dream of being on a yacht denotes an important letter soon to
be received.
Yeast—Is a sign of abundance.
Youth—An old person dreaming of being young means a reunion with an
absent friend. A young girl dreaming of a youth can prepare for a speedy
marriage.
Zebra—To see one means you will travel abroad; to ride on one, means
“Beware of loss!”

Zephyr—To embroider or crochet with zephyr or wool denotes a meeting
with a person who will love you.

THE LANGUAGE OF FLOWERS
Oh, flowers, you darlings of Nature,
How lovely and sweet are you;
But the first to give you a meaning
Was a lover faithful and true.
May you convey what I would impart
To the maiden who’s captured my heart.
—Goldsmith .
There is a sentiment about flowers which appeals to the heart of
everyone. The lover conveys his message of love, the friend, his
token of friendship thru a bouquet or box of blooming flowers. Every
incident of our busy and eventful lives can be celebrated by the gift
of flowers. Births, christenings, birthdays, graduations,
confirmations, weddings, anniversaries and funerals:—all are
appropriately observed by the sending of plants or blossoms. It is
not strange, therefore, that among most nations a sentimental
language has been created in which the flower speaks its part and
repeats the message of the heart. While there is no fixed vocabulary,
the following table gives the sentiments most frequently associated
with flowers.
By combining flowers, various shades of sentiment can be
expressed and whole messages conveyed.
For instance—

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Climate Justice In India Volume 1 Prakash Kashwan Editor

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Climate Justice In India Volume 1 Prakash Kashwan Editor

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