Geophysics Of The Canary Islands Results Of Spains Exclusive Economic Zone Program Peter Clift

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Geophysics of the Canary Islands
Results of Spain’s Exclusive Economic Zone Program
Edited by
Peter Clift and Juan Acosta
Reprinted fromMarine Geophysical Researches, Volume 24, Nos. 1-2, 2003.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
A. C.I.P. Catalogue record for this book is available from the Library of Congress
ISBN 1-4020-3325-7
Published by Springer,
P.O. Box 17, 3300 AA Dordrecht, The Netherlands.
Sold and distributed in the U.S.A. and Canada
by Springer,
101 Philip Drive, Norwell, MA 02061, U.S.A.
In all other countries, sold and distributed
by Springer,
P.O. Box 17, 3300 AH Dordrecht, The Netherlands.
Printed on acid-free paper
All Rights Reserved
ﬀSpringer 2005
No part of the material protected by this copyright notice may be reproduced or
utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical,
including photocopying, recording or by any information storage and
retrieval system, without written permission from the copyright owner.
Printed in the Netherlands

Table of Contents
Foreword v–vi
J. ACOSTA, E. UCHUPI, A. MUN˜OZ, P. HERRANZ, C. PALOMO, M. BALLES-
TEROS and ZEE Working Group / Geologic evolution of the Canarian Islands of
Lanzarote, Fuerteventura, Gran Canaria and La Gomera and comparison of
landslides at these islands with those at Tenerife, La Palma and El Hierro1–40
J. ACOSTA, E. UCHUPI, A. MUN˜OZ, P. HERRANZ, C. PALOMO, M. BALLES-
TEROS and ZEE Working Group / Salt Diapirs, Salt Brine Seeps, Pockmarks and
Surﬁcial Sediment Creep and Slides in the Canary Channel off NW Africa 41–57
J. ACOSTA, E. UCHUPI, D. SMITH, A. MUN ˜OZ, P. HERRANZ, C. PALOMO,
P. LLANES, M. BALLESTEROS and ZEE Working Group / Comparison of
volcanic rifts on La Palma and EI Hierro, Canary Islands and the Island of
Hawaii 59–90
P. LLANES, A. MUN˜OZ, A. MUN˜OZ-MARTI´N, J. ACOSTA, P. HERRANZ,
A. CARBO´, C. PALOMO and ZEE Working Group / Morphological and
structural analysis in the Anaga offshore massif, Canary Islands: fractures and
debris avalanches relationships 91–112
A. CARBO´, A. MUN˜OZ-MARTI´N, P. LLANES, J. A
´
LVAREZ and EEZ Working
Group / Gravity analysis offshore the Canary Islands from a systematic survey 113–127
M. CATALA´N, J. MARTI´N DAVILA and ZEE Working Group / A magnetic
anomaly study offshore the Canary Archipelago 129–148
L.I. GONZALEZ DE VALLEJO, R. CAPOTE, L. CABRERA, J.M. INSUA and
J. ACOSTA / Paleoearthquake evidence in Tenerife (Canary Islands) and pos-
sible seismotectonic sources 149–160
E. ANCOCHEA and M.J. HUERTAS / Age and composition of the Amanay
Seamount, Canary Islands 161–169
Digital Terrain Model of the Canary Islands EEZ. Courtesy of Multibeam Maping Group, Instituto Espan˜ol de Oceanografia, Madrid,
Spain.

Foreword of the Director of the Oceanographic Spanish Institute
The eight papers contained in this special MGR issue reflect partly the successful collaboration
between a group of institutions and researchers working on a major research program since 1995:
the Spanish EEZ Program(Exclusive Economic Zone Program).
The Spanish EEZ program was set up in 1995 after a political mandate of the Spanish government
to prepare a full study - comprising hydrography, geology, geophysics and oceanography - of the
Spanish EEZ. Leaders of the study were the Instituto Espahol de Oceanografia (IEO) and the
Instituto Hidrogra´fico de la Marina (IHM).
Since its beginning, the program disposed one month per year on the use of the R/VHespe´rides
and other Spanish oceanographic research ships like the R/VCornide de Saavedra,theVizconde
de Ezaand theTofin˜o.
Other research groups, universities and private companies also have collaborated in the sea-
cruises.
Present special issue shows the first scientific results of the EEZ Program in the Canary Islands
area. Moreover, due to its scientific quality, the Program could be considered as an example of
cooperation between different institutions, teams and individuals working on the same project.
Finally, the IEO, which supports part of the program, should express its deep gratitude to all
captains, crews and technicians of the different oceanographic vessels that participated in the
research campaigns. Their work made this issue possible.
Concepcio´n Soto
Directora del IEO
Foreword of the Director of the Hydrographic Marine Institute
Article 132.2 of the Constitutional Law sets the grounds for public property of the natural
resources of the Spanish Exclusive Economic Zone (ZEE for its Spanish acronym), implying the
sovereign right to explore, exploit, conserve and administer all living and non-living resources
coming from the sea-bed and the adjacent waters of the maritime area that goes from the end of
the territorial sea to a distance of two hundred sea miles, counting from the base line from where
its width is measured.
According to the agreement of the Council of Ministers of April 23
rd
, 1993, the Ministry of
Defence is authorized to use the BIO ‘‘Hespe´rides’’ to carry-out research campaigns for data
gathering during one month per year.
The Hydrographical and Oceanographic Research Plan of the Spanish Exclusive Economic Zone
(ZEE) was approved by Ministerial Order 55/1994 of May 30
th
, ampliﬁed by the Ministerial Order
94/1993 of September 21
st
, in which the FAS Cartographic Plan was approved.
On May 25
th
of 1994, the framework cooperation agreement between the Ministry of Defence and
the Spanish Oceanographic Institute (IEO for its Spanish acronym) concerning Hydrographical
and Oceanographic Research on the ZEEE was approved. This Framework Agreement assigns

the hydrography of the area to the Marine Hydrographic Institute, using the multi-beam
sounding devices installed on the BIO ‘‘Hespe´rides’’; and the data gathering that leads to a better
knowledge of the physical structures of the seabeds to the IEO.
During the years 95, 96 and 97 data gathering has been carried-out on the Balearic Islands and
during the years 98, 99 and 2000 on the Canary Islands with campaign heads coming alternatively
from IHM and IEO personnel.
The results of the various campaigns were extraordinaire, especially because of the very close
collaboration between the participating Institutions, more specific with the IEO, a collaboration
of which the results clearly can be seen in this scientific work about the Canary Archipelago and in
future joint works that surely will be carried-out
CN. D. Fernando Quiro´s Cebria´
Director del Instituto Hidrogra´fico de la Marina

Marine Geophysical Researches (2003) 24: 1–40 © Springer 2005
10.1007/s11001-004-1513-3
Geologic evolution of the Canarian Islands of Lanzarote, Fuerteventura,
Gran Canaria and La Gomera and comparison of landslides at these
islands with those at Tenerife, La Palma and El Hierro
J. Acosta
1,∗
, E. Uchupi
2
, A. Muñoz
1
, P. Herranz
1
, C. Palomo
1
, M. Ballesteros
1
& ZEE Working
Group
3
1
Instituto Español de Oceanograf´ıa. Grupo de Cartograf´ıa Multihaz. Coraz´on de Mar´ıa, 8, 28002 Madrid
2
Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution, Woods Hole, MA 02543, USA
3
A.Carb´o, A. Muñoz-Mart´ın, Univ.Complutense, Madrid; J.Mart´ın-D´avila, M.Catal´an and J.A. Mar´ın, Real Ob-
servatorio de la Armada. S.Fernando, C´adiz; F.P´erez-Carrillo, C. Mat´e, Instituto Hidrogr´aﬁco de la Marina.
C´adiz.
∗
Corresponding author (E-mail:[email protected])
Key words:multibeam mapping, Canary Island, avalanches, geomorphology
Abstract
In this paper we discuss the results of a swath bathymetric investigation of the Canary archipelago offshore area.
These new data indicate that volcanism is pervasive throughout the seaﬂoor in the region, much more that would
be suggested by the islands. We have mapped tens of volcanic ediﬁces between Fuerteventura and Gran Canaria
and offshore Tenerife, La Gomera, El Hierro and La Palma. Volcanic ﬂows are present between Tenerife and La
Gomera and salic necks dominate the eastern insular slope of La Gomera. This bathymetry also supports land
geologic studies that indicate that the oceanic archipelago has acquired its present morphology in part by mass
wasting, a consequence of the collapse of the volcanic ediﬁces. In the younger islands, Tenerife, La Palma and El
Hierro, the Quaternary (1.2 to 0.15 Ma) debris avalanches are readily recognizable and can be traced offshore for
distances measured in tens of km. Off the older islands, Lanzarote, Fuerteventura, Gran Canaria and La Gomera
(<20 to 3.5 Ma), the avalanches have been obscured by subsequent turbidity current deposition and erosion as well
as hemipelagic processes. The failure offshore western Lanzarote is in the form of a ramp at the base of the insular
slope bound on the seaward side by a scarp. Its size and the lack of evidence of rotation along its landwards side
precludes the possibility that it is a slump. It probably represents a slide whose outer scarp is caused by break-up
of the slide. Mounds on the ramp’s surface may represent post-displacement volcanic structures or exotic blocks
transported to their present locations by the slide. The failures offshore Fuerteventura are so large that, although
they occurred in the Miocene-Pliocene, exotic blocks displaced from upslope are still recognizable in the insular
margin morphology. The Canary Island insular margin appears to be a creation of Miocene-Pliocene mass wasting
and more recent turbidity current deposition and erosion, and hemilepagic deposition. Failures offshore La Gomera
are due to debris ﬂows and/or turbidity currents. These events have obscured earlier mass wasting events.
Introduction
In this study we use multi-beam data acquired in
the Canary Islands by the Instituto Español de
Oceanograﬁa to determine the role that landslides
have played in the construction of the islands present
morphology. In the course of our investigation we
discovered that volcanic ediﬁces are quite extensive,
much more that expected from the extent of volcan-
ism in the islands. Volcanic structures were imaged
by multibeam recordings between Fuerteventura and
Gran Canaria and offshore Tenerife, La Gomera, El
Hierro and La Palma. Probable volcanic ﬂows also
were imaged between Tenerife and La Gomera as

2
Figure 1.Submarine topography of the Canary Island archipelago region. Bathymetric contours are from GEBCO sheet 5.08 and base map
from U.S. Naval Oceanographic Ofﬁce 51017. Insert map is modiﬁed from Wynn et al. (2000). Contour in meters. 1=Alegranza; 2=Graciosa;
3=Roque del Oeste; 4=Roque del Este.
well as salic necks on the eastern insular slope of La
Gomera. The most spectacular of these features are
the mega-avalanches, particularly those off Tenerife,
El Hierro and La Palma. As other studies have demon-
strated, landslides are amongst the most signiﬁcant
processes in the creation of the morphology of ma-
ture oceanic volcanic islands. They have been reported
from the Hawaiian Islands (Moore et al., 1989, 1994),
Reunion Island (Labazuy, 1996) and the Canary Is-
lands (Watts and Masson, 1995; Urgeles et al., 1997,
1999; Carracedo et al., 1999a, 1999b). Moore et al.
(1989, 1994) recognized at least 68 such ﬂows off
Hawaii, some of which are 200 km long, incorpo-
rate as much as 5000 km
3
of volcanic material and
cover an area of 100,000 km
2
. Mass wasting facies
off Hawaii take two forms: (1) slow moving slumps,
up to 110 km wide and up to 10 km thick, character-
ized by transverse blocky ridges and steep toes that
are up to 230 km long, and (2) 0.05–2 km thick, fast
moving debris avalanches (Moore et al., 1989). To
date eleven giant slides also have been mapped in the
Canary Islands affecting the subaerial and submarine
slopes of the islands of La Palma, El Hierro, Tenerife,
Fuerteventura and Gran Canaria (Navarro and Coello,
1989; Holcomb and Searle, 1991; Carracedo, 1994,
1996; Masson and Watts, 1995; Watts and Masson,
1995; Masson, 1996; Masson et al., 1997; Guillou
et al., 1998; Urgeles et al., 1998, 1999; Teide Group,
1997; Stillman, 1999). Masson et al. (2002) have
summarized the results of these investigations.
Regional setting
The Canary archipelago is located on the continen-
tal rise off Cape Juby, northwest Africa (Figure 1).
Fuerteventura and Lanzarote at the eastern end of the
chain are 100 km from the African coast, and El Hierro
and La Palma at its western end are 500 km from the
coast. Lanzarote and Fuerteventura are along the crest
of the northeast trending Canary Ridge, on the upper
continental rise at a water depth of about 2000 m. Its
northeast terminus is deﬁned by the less than 200 m
deep, ﬂat-topped Conception Bank. This ridge may be

Figure 2 . Topographic map of the Canary archipelago region.Offshore contours in meters are based on multi-beam echo sounding data collected during the prese nt investigation and onshore
ones also in meters from data provided by Servicio Geogr ´aﬁco del Ejercito, Cartograf ´ıa Digital, 100 by 100 m grid, Madrid.
3

5
Figure 3.Geologic maps of Lanzarote and Fuerteventura. Compiled from Coello et al. (1992), Carracedo and Rodr´ıguez-Badiola (1993),
Ancochea et al. (1996) and Stillman (1999).
aligned along the contact between attenuated con-
tinental crust on the east and oceanic crust on the
west (Emery and Uchupi, 1984). The rest of the
archipelago, Gran Canaria, Tenerife, La Gomera, La
Palma and El Hierro, at water depths of 3000 to
4000 m, are on oceanic crust of Jurassic age (Uchupi
et al., 1976). Gran Canaria, Tenerife and La Gomera
trend east-west parallel to the oceanic fracture zone
trends in the region with Tenerife’s long axis being
oblique to this trend. La Palma and El Hierro, at the
western end of the island chain, are offset to the north
and south of this trend (Figure 1).
A subsurface oceanic basement high appears to
link La Palma to Ilhas Selvagens (Figure 1) (Uchupi
et al., 1976). From the Ilhas to the northeast end of
the Canary Ridge are two northeast trending ridges,
subparallel to the Canary Ridge, along whose cres-
ts are seamounts (Dañobeitia and Collette, 1989). One
of these volcanic structures, Dacia Seamount, is ﬂat-
topped. Sediments in the lows between the ridges
grade south into the Canary Island Basin west of the
Canary Ridge and north into the Agadir Canyon with
the drainage divide located near 30
◦
30

N (Figure 1).
The seaﬂoor of the Canary Islands Basin ranges from
3000 m on its eastern side to 4000 m along its west-
ern side. Here a slight shallowing of the basin ﬂoor
to less than 4000 m reﬂects the subsurface high link-
ing La Palma and Ilhas Selvagens. A gap in the high
near 17
◦
30

W, 29
◦
30

N serves as passageway for tur-
bidity currents into the Madeira Abyssal Plain to the
west (insert, Figure 1). Gaps between the Canary Is-
lands along the southern side of the basin serve as
passageways for the southerly ﬂowing North Atlantic
Deep Water (NADW) at a depth of 2000-3800 m and
northerly ﬂowing Antarctic Bottom Water (AABW)
below 3800 m.

6
Figure 4.A. Shaded relief image of the western margins of Lanzarote and Fuerteventura and side slopes of Banquete and Amanay Banks .
Illumination is from northwest.B. Shaded relief image of Lanzarote and Fuerteventura margins and Banquete and Amanay Banks showing the
distribution of landslide areas west and south of Fuerteventura (Puerto Rosario, Southern Puerto Rosario and Las Palmas debris avalanches)
and east of Gran Canaria. We infer that the highs along the northwest edge of the Puerto Rosario avalanche are exotic blocks. No such features
appear to be present off Lanzarote where the margin consists of westerly dipping platform cut by northwest aligned channels and ridges some of
which are capped by circular highs. This terrain probably is the creation of slumping and subrecent and historical lava lava ﬂows. The seaﬂoor
beyond the platform is dominated by northeast trending highs and lows. We infer that this morphology is the creation of southerly ﬂowing North
Atlantic Deep water (NADW) and named the region the Lanzarote Sediment Drift. The mounds and moats east of Lanzarote and Fuerteventura
are described and discussed in Acosta et al. (this issue).

7
Figure 5.3D diagram of the western margin of Lanzarote and Fuerteventura looking north. The two ﬂat-topped highs south of Fuerteventura
are Banquete (attached to Fuerteventura) and Amanay Banks. The high at the extreme right of the diagram is the tip of Gran Canaria.
Volcanism in the Canary Islands region has oc-
curred at various times since the Late Cretaceous, the
oldest represented on Fuerteventura, to the present in
the western, La Palma and El Hierro (Le Bas et al.,
1986). Based on their eruptive histories Carracedo
(1994) divided the islands into three groups, those
that have had eruptions in historic times (<500 years;
Tenerife, La Palma; Lanzarote and probably El Hi-
erro), those with a history of Quaternary volcanism
(Fuerteventura and Gran Canaria) and those lacking
evidence of Quaternary volcanism (La Gomera). Indi-
vidual islands appear to have gone through four geo-
morphic phases: a seamount phase, a shield-building
submarine and subaerial phase characterized by rapid
growth and massive slope failures, a period of qui-
escence and deep erosion (erosional gap), and post-
erosional stage of volcanic activity. In some islands the
last phase also is characterized by renewed mass wast-
ing. Lanzarote, Fuerteventura and Gran Canaria are in
the post-erosional phase, Gomera in the repose stage
(gap stage) and Tenerife, La Palma and El Hierro are
in the shield stage of development (Carracedo, 1999).
The tectonic setting of the Canary Islands consists
of rift-type clusters of aligned eruptive vents (sin-
gle or triple) and caldera-type depressions (Carracedo,
1994). Where the wide arcuate landslide depressions
are related to triple rift geometry, they tend to be lo-
cated at the junction between the two most active rifts
with the third one acting as buttress for the landslide.
It is the development of these triple rifts and the con-
centration of dikes leading to the destabilization of
the ﬂanks through magma overpressure and mechan-
ical and thermal overpressure of pore ﬂuids that lead
to gravitationally unstable volcanic ﬂanks (Carracedo,
1994, 1996; Elsworth and Day, 1999).
Methods
In 1995 the Instituto Español de Oceanografía and
the Instituto Hidrográﬁco de la Marina began an in-
vestigation of the Spanish Exclusive Economic Zone.
During this investigation the bathymetry of the region
was mapped using a multibeam system during which
100 per cent coverage was obtained. At the same time
high-resolution parametric seismic reﬂection proﬁles,

8
Figure 6.Geologic maps of Gran Canaria and La Gomera. Compiled from Hausen (1965), Cantagrel et al. (1984), Funck and Schmincke
(1998), Mehl and Schmincke (1999), Van den Bogaard and Schmincke (1998) and Schmincke and Sumita (1998).
as well as gravity and magnetic, were also recorded
in the surveyed areas (Muñoz et al., 1998). This pa-
per describes the results of the multibeam bathymetric
investigation of the Canary archipelago from 27
◦
10

N
to 29
◦
15

N and from 13
◦
30

Wto19
◦
15

W.
The survey of the archipelago during four cruises
from 1998 to 2001, aboard the R/V Hespérides and
R/V Vizconde de Eza, was carried out using a variety
of multibeam sounding systems that were used sepa-
rately or in combination. Simrad EM1000, EM 1002
and EM 300, in conjunction with GPSD and inertial
navigation systems, were used to survey shallow wa-
ters and EM12S in deep waters. Acoustic backscatter
data were displayed in real time by means of sides-
can sonar trace. A Microsystems SV-Plus Velocimeter
was employed to correct depths for variation of sound
velocity in the water column. The multibeam data
were logged and post-processed in a Unix environ-
ment. Simrad Mermaid-Merlin software was used at
sea for logging and real time quality assessment of the
acquired data using color swaths bathymetric plots.
As data collection per day in excess of 300 Mbytes
is not uncommon, data validation is a major problem
with multibeam systems. A Neptune package was used
in post-cruise processes of the data. This post-cruise
processing included the application of cleaning and
editing tools for attitude, navigation and bathymetric
data. The use of statistical analyses was of consid-
erable help in detecting spurious data. The use of
Geographic Information Systems (Cﬂoor from Roxar
and IberGIS from ICI) allowed us to create, not only
bathymetric maps, but also digital terrain models and
3D block diagrams of the surveyed area. In addition
to computer mapping, the application of GIS also al-

9
lowed complex spatial analyses of data. Thus, for the
ﬁrst time, the availability of such swath bathymetric
and terrain maps of the whole Canary archipelago al-
lows us to appreciate the extent of catastrophic slope
failures. In the present study we describe for the ﬁrst
time the landslides that contributed to the present mor-
phology of the seaﬂoor surrounding the older islands
of Lanzarote, Fuerteventura, Gran Canaria and La
Gomera. We also incluce a brief discussion on the
landslides of the younger islands, Tenerife, La Palma
and El Hierro.
Recognition of gravity driven facies
Mass wasting is important in the geologic evolu-
tion of oceanic islands ediﬁces during the shield-
building phase. As described by Normark et al. (1993)
landslides produced by the collapse of volcanic edi-
ﬁces take various forms ranging from slumps, debris
avalanches to debris ﬂows. Slump movement is an
elastic-plastic ﬂow involving rigid blocks that are in-
ternally undeformed and are displaced along curved
slip surfaces. If not modiﬁed by concurrent or sub-
sequent volcanism, slumps tend to have well-deﬁned
amphitheaters at their proximal ends that broadly cor-
respond to the detachment surfaces of the slumps. The
displaced material is generally found on the volcano
ﬂanks, reﬂecting the limited seaward transport of the
displaced strata. The surface of the slump structures
may be characterized by transverse ridges and scarps
and on their seaward ends by scarps onlapping the
undisturbed seaﬂoor. These structures are rare in the
Canary Islands and to date have only been described
in El Hierro (Masson et al., 2002) and off the eastern
side of Gran Canaria (Funck and Schmincke, 1998).
Data from the present investigation suggest that such a
structure may be present along the western margin of
Lanzarote.
Debris avalanches cutting the ﬂanks of volcanic
ediﬁces are elastic ﬂows made up of internally rigid
blocks that roll, slide and glide along shear planes.
The avalanches are longer and thinner than slumps,
with their inner side being marked by embayments. In
Hawaii avalanches display a middle and distal train of
hummocky debris (Normark et al., 1993) and scattered
over their surfaces are blocks tens of km in horizontal
dimension on their proximal ends to<1kmontheir
distal end. Jacobs (1995) proposed that avalanches
might be the end result of slumping and suggested that
as slumps travel across uneven slopes they break down
and accelerate into avalanches. Why some terrains fail
by slumping, while others having the same structure
and petrology fail by formation of debris avalanches is
yet to be resolved.
Debris ﬂows are plastic ﬂows that are character-
ized by shear throughout the ﬂow. Such a ﬂow may
develop when a debris avalanche breaks apart. As de-
ﬁned by Masson et al. (2002) such ﬂows only affect
the sedimentary cover of the submarine island slopes,
whereas debris avalanches and slumps cut into the ex-
trusive and intrusive rocks of the island. Such a debris
ﬂow in the Canary Islands is the Canary Debris Flow
off El Hierro that supposedly was triggered by the El
Golfo Debris Avalanche. Both debris avalanches and
debris ﬂows in turn can evolve into turbidity currents,
a viscous ﬂuidal ﬂow (Varnes, 1958).
Turbidity currents triggered by debris avalanches
and debris ﬂows are recorded in the Madeira Abyssal
Plain. Volcanic turbidites on this plain go back 17 Ma
with their occurrence increasing markedly at 7 Ma, a
time when the volcanic ediﬁce in Tenerife was grow-
ing (Weaver et al., 1998). According to Masson et al.
(2002) turbidites during the last 7 my reached the
Madeira Abyssal Plain every 100 ky. Thus Masson
et al. postulated that if each turbidite event documents
a debris avalanche in the Canary Island archipelago,
then the 80 volcaniclastic turbidites at Ocean Drilling
Program ODP Site 951 in the Madeira Abyssal Plain
since 7 Ma is a minimum record of the volcanic
collapses in the Canaries during that time.
In the present investigation we use data provided
by the multi-beam bathymetric map and relief and 3D
diagrams to identify the facies described above. Even
though avalanche scars and valleys have been modiﬁed
by later lava ﬂows, sedimentation and by subaerial and
submarine erosion, scars created by mass wasting can
still be recognized in Gran Canaria and exotic blocks
on the Fuerteventura insular margin. Slope segments
not affected by such avalanches tend to terminate
abruptly down slope, are more irregular and much
steeper than scarps created as a result of an avalanche;
they have gradients as high as 30
◦
. In contrast, those
slope segments affected by avalanches tend to be
smoother than the original rough volcanic slope and
have gradients ranging from 10
◦
on mid slope to 5
◦
on
the lower slope/upper rise (Gee et al., 2001a; Masson
et al., 2002). Slope segments created by avalanches
also can be distinguished from those created by tur-
bidity currents by their concave upward proﬁle, their
low relief and their linear ﬂat-bottomed channels. In
contrast, slopes created by turbidity currents are con-

10
vex upward and are characterized by a high relief trunk
tributary/distributary system (Masson et al., 2002). V-
shaped channels in a slope created by an avalanche are
restricted to the uppermost insular slope and merge
down slope into a single ﬂat-bottomed low, a chan-
nel that lacks distributaries and maintains its character
to its distal end. These valleys also display features
that have not been observed in the V-shaped turbidity
current canyons, such as arcuate steps and longitudi-
nal parallel ridges undulating down channel disrupting
the valley ﬂoors. Such ridges, described from known
volcanic avalanches, are either the creation of com-
pression or scour. If compressional, they were created
by velocity differences in adjacent ﬂows such as in the
ridges in the Mount St. Helens Avalanche, offshore
British Columbia and offshore Norway (Voight et al.,
1981; Prior et al., 1982; Bugge et al., 1988). The
distal ends of avalanches consist of lobes onlapping
each other and the undisturbed deep-sea sediments be-
yond the catastrophic ﬂow. The surface of these lobes
tends to be disrupted by linear hummocks and lows
that Voight et al. (1981) have interpreted as grabens
and horsts formed as a result of lateral spread within
the apron.
The most unique feature displayed by 3D dia-
grams created from the multibeam surveys is the rough
surfaces of the avalanches. Side-looking sonar and
seismic reﬂection recordings demonstrate that some of
these features represent post-avalanche volcanic cones
and others represent exotic blocks scattered over the
surface (Moore and Clague, 2002). The dimensions of
the exotic blocks (hundreds of meters long and tens
of meters thick) are clear evidence that they could
only have been transported by a massive ﬂow, not
by turbidity currents. The lack of coherent deforma-
tion structures (e.g. transverse fault zones and scarps)
in the avalanche deposits is another argument against
slow and episodic slumping. Furthermore, the dis-
tances of the exotic blocks from probable sources also
demonstrate that they could not have been transported
to their present site by slumping.
Various processes may account for the present lo-
cation of the blocks. They may have glided along the
surface of the avalanche to their present sites with the
excess pore water pressure in the avalanche acting as
a lubricant. Possibly they were carried to their present
location within the ﬂow or along its surface where they
were supported by a matrix of ﬁne sediment (Bugge
et al., 1988; Lee et al., 1993). As the blocks retained
their identity during their transport it indicates that the
blocks were more resistant to the internal shear of the
ﬂow than the other material making up the avalanche.
Teide Group (1997) noted that some of the blocks
had enough momentum to outrun the main part of the
ﬂow. Offshore Tenerife these blocks also controlled
the locations of the post-avalanche turbidity current
fans beyond the exotic blocks.
Ages assigned to the various debris avalanche de-
posits mapped in the Canary archipelago are generally
(but not always) based on the ages of the collapse
structures onshore from which the debris avalanche
deposits appear to originate; alternative approaches
include inferences from the thicknesses of later sed-
iment cover as imaged by backscatter measurements,
and indirect upslope correlations from major turbidite
units in adjacent basins (Masson, 1996; Masson et al.,
2002). However, as documented by the bathymetry
map compiled by the present swath data, the onshore
and offshore structures are not continuous, but are sep-
arated by a several hundred meter high scarp on the
upper insular slope. Also differences in backscatter
measurements between adjacent ﬂows may not reﬂect
different ages, but the presence of a volcanic cover or
differences in rate of deposition.
Collapse of the Canarian Volcanoes
Islands in posterosional stage
Lanzarote-Fuerteventura: Inshore
Lanzarote and Fuerteventura, at the eastern end of the
Canary Island archipelago, are separated by the less
than 50 m deep La Bocaina Channel (Figure 1). They
form a contiguous high, the Canary Ridge, with its
northern end being deﬁned by Conception Bank at
30–31
◦
N. Ancochea et al. (1996) proposed that the
Canary Ridge was constructed by a row of volcanoes
aligned subparallel to the African coast, volcanic ed-
iﬁces that were built during several submarine and
subaerial phases. The ridge and the islands along its
crest appear to be the result of three igneous episodes
and one erosional cycle. The earliest volcanic episode,
the seamount phase, is represented by the Basal Com-
plex along the west side of Fuerteventura (Figure 3).
In Lanzarote this complex may be buried in the center
of the island at depths of 900–2700 m below sea level
(Coello et al.,1992). The tabular lavas and pyroclastic
rocks resting unconformably or comformably on the
Basal Complex represents the shield phase. This vol-
canic phase was followed by an erosional cycle that
in turn was followed by another volcanic cycle repre-

11
sented by lava ﬂows and volcanic cones oblique to the
long axes of the islands.
Two Miocene volcanic ediﬁces, Famara and Los
Ajaches, constructed during the shield phase have
been mapped over the Basal Complex in the northeast-
ern and southwestern parts of Lanzarote (Figure 3).
Famara, with an elevation of over 600 m, was built
during late Miocene-Pliocene eruptive cycles 10.2-
8.7, 6.5-5.7 and 4.9-3.9 Ma (Carracedo and Rodríguez
Badiola, 1993; Coello et al., 1992; Ibarrola et al.,
1988; Hausen, 1959). Los Ajaches ediﬁce, with a
maximum elevation of 560 m, was build up in the
Miocene between 16 and 12 Ma (Ibarrola et al.,
1988; Coello et al., 1992). The western part of this
volcano is covered by younger ﬂows (Abdel-Monen
et al., 1971; Coello et al., 1992; Carracedo and
Rodríguez Badiola, 1993). Ancochea et al. (1996) in-
ferred that Famara was originally 1.0–1.3 km high and
Los Ajaches 1.1–1.4 km high. The post erosional vol-
canic phase in Lanzarote that followeda2mylong
erosional phase following the construction of Famara
(Miocene-Pliocene) and Los Ajaches (Miocene) con-
sists of scattered volcanoes and associated lava ﬁelds
of late Pliocene-Holocene age trending northeast and
east-northeast (Coello et al., 1992). Some of these
ﬂows were extruded as recently as the 18th century.
Raised marine terraces and beaches and Tertiary ma-
rine and lacustrine limestone at elevations of 55-60,
20 and 10 m document uplift of Lanzarote since the
Pliocene (Hausen, 1959; Coello et al., 1992; Still-
man, 1999). 12 Quaternary marine terraces from 0 to
70 m above sea level support such uplift (Zazo et al.,
2002). The terraces document an uplift of 1.7 cm/1000
years for Lanzarote and Fuerteventura for the last mil-
lion years. Present elevation of the last interglacial
deposits further suggest that during the last 300,000
years Lanzarote has experienced subsidence of about
0.7 cm/1000 years whereas Fuerteventura has been
stable during that time. Limestone and conglomeratic
layers composed of rounded pebbles of colored lime-
stone also occur in Graciosa and limestone ejecta in
Roque del Este. Sediments similar to these, unsorted
coral breccia-conglomerates, also have been described
from Molakai and Lanai, Hawaiian Islands. Moore
and Moore (1984, 1988), Moore et al. (1994) and
Moore (2000) proposed that these sediments, occur-
ring<60 m above sea level and nearly 2 km inland
from the present shoreline in Molokai, were deposited
by a giant tsunami wave triggered by one of the
submarine slides mapped on the lower slopes of the
Hawaiian Islands. However, the association of the
deposits in Lanzarote and Fuerteventura with marine
terraces and their occurrence at elevations of less than
10 m above sea level in Graciosa and Roque del Este
suggest that such an origin is unlikely for these de-
posits. Some workers have even rejected a tsunami
origin for the deposits in the Hawaiian Islands and
have interpreted the elevation of these sediments in
Molakai as a result of uplift due to lithospheric ﬂexure
rather than deposition by a giant tsunami wave (Grigg
and Jones, 1997).
Fuerteventura can be divided into three topo-
graphic provinces parallel to the island’s long axis
(Figure 2). Along the west side is the Western Domed
Area, in the center a Central Depression and on the
east side the Eastern Rise. The Western Domed Area
is an elongate oval area, with an elevation of 200 to
300 m, in which the seamount Basal Complex is ex-
posed (Figure 3). Stillman (1999) inferred that the
uplift, which occurred as a result of either isostatic
rebound or thermal uplift, is recent. Prior to the uplift
of the Western Domed Area the Central Depression
extended westward to the coast. The Central Depres-
sion, with an elevation of 100 m to 200 m, probably
ﬁrst formed as much as 18 Ma (Stillman, 1999) and is
now covered by a succession of recent sediment and
Pliocene and Pleistocene volcanic rocks. The East-
ern Rise dips eastward with a 20
◦
gradient and is
cut by ‘barrancos’ separated by sharp-crested divides
(Cuchillos) draining radially away from the center of
the island toward the west (Ancochea et al., 1996).
This terrain is a remnant of the shield phase.
Volcanism in Fuerteventura was initiated sometime
after the Cenomanian (Late Cretaceous) and before
or during the Paleocene (Stillman, 1999). Submarine
volcanic activity occurred, perhaps only episodically,
between the Paleocene and the late Oligocene with
initial emergence of parts of the island taking place
before 20 Ma (Figure 3). Fragments of plutonic rocks
indicate part of the island was undergoing erosion at
that time (Robertson and Stillman, 1979). During the
shield stage volcanic phase three volcanic structures
were built in the northern (Northern Volcanic Com-
plex, 14-12 Ma), central (Central Volcanic Complex,
20-18 Ma and from 17.5-13 Ma) and southern (South-
ern Volcanic Complex, 16-14 Ma) parts of the islands
(Figure 3). Amanay Bank and El Banquete (Figures 1
and 2) offshore the southern end of Fuerteventura may
correspond to other volcanic ediﬁces. The summits
of the northern central and southern volcanic com-
plexes may have reached heights of 2300–3000 m,
2600–3300 m and 1600–2100 m above sea level (Still-

12
man, 1999). The Southern Volcanic Complex at the
southern tip of Fuerteventura in the Jandía peninsula
is separated from the Central Volcanic Complex by
El Jable, a narrow low covered by eolian sands and
calcrete (Figures 1 and 3). Like the Central Volcanic
Complex this volcano also was centered offshore of
the present shoreline (Ancochea et al., 1996). The
volcano remnant of the Southern Volcanic Complex
consists of a northward facing convex scarp, La Pared,
cut by radial ‘arroyos’ draining westward and sepa-
rated by narrow divides (Cuchillos). North of La Pared
is an arcuate low marked by prominent valley formed
by the convergence of the gullies cut on La Pared.
At least half or more of the South Volcanic Complex
slid seaward in the Miocene producing the 3 to 7 km
wide, 45 km long north-northwest trending low east
of Amanay Bank. As in Lanzarote the shield phase in
Fuerteventura was followed a major phase of erosion
during which the Basal Complex was exposed and re-
lief was decreased to around 200 m in less than 2 m.y.
(Stillman, 1999). After the erosional phase Miocene
basalts and Pliocene to Pleistocene volcanic rocks cov-
ered a small area of the Basal Complex and the Central
Depression.
Stillman (1999) proposed that denudation of Lan-
zarote and Fuerteventura during the erosional cycle
was by massive landslides, multiple slips that trans-
ported the volcanic structures northwestward into the
sea. Stillman calculated that during this cycle as much
as 3000 km
3
was removed from Fuerteventura in less
than 2 m.y. The 17.6 to 16.5 Ma debris deposit cored at
Deep Sea Drilling Project (DSDP) Site 397 (Figure 1)
are evidence of such destruction in Fuerteventura or
Banquete Bank southwest of the island. The ﬂow has
an average thickness of 20 to 30 m, forms a 5 to 25 km
wide narrow tongue trending southwesterly along the
base of the African continental slope, has an area of
2000 km
2
and a volume of 50 km
3
(Arthur et al.,
1979). As the debris ﬂows are mainly hyaloclastics
with abundant palagonitized sideromelane shards they
probably reﬂect a submarine shield-building stage of
Fuerteventura or the bank (Schmincke and Von Rad,
1979). The microgabbro fragments in the ﬂow suggest
that part of Fuerteventura, or the bank, was already
above sea level.
Lanzarote-Fuerteventura: Offshore
Our present discussion is limited to the west side of
the Canary Ridge. In another paper (Acosta et al., this
issue) we discuss the nature and origin of the mor-
phology of sea ﬂoor of the Canary Channel east of the
ridge. The characteristic topographic features of the
western insular margins of Lanzarote and Fuerteven-
tura are ambiguous. The presence of features that may
be exotic blocks, however, has led us to infer that
mass wasting has played a major role in the shaping
of the margin. We argue that, the margin has been
created by mass wasting, turbidity current activity and
hemipelagic deposition.
Evidence of debris avalanches due to the collapse
of the volcanic ediﬁces is not apparent on the offshore
swath bathymetry west of Lanzarote. The multibeam
relief diagram of this slope does not display the mor-
phologic characteristics of debris avalanches, such as
coastal embayment and scars created by avalanches
(Figure 4). Instead it indicates that the margin is dom-
inated by a seaward-dipping platform bound by scarps
on the landward and seaward sides. Seaward of the
ramp is a northeast-oriented sediment wave, the Lan-
zarote Sediment Drift, that we infer to have been
sculptured by the southerly ﬂowing North Atlantic
Deep Water (NADW) at a depth of 2000–3800 m.
The ramp’s surface is cut by narrow gullies or rills
and above it rise 100 m high circular mounds (Fig-
ures 2, 4 and 5). These mounds are aligned at right
angles to the slope’s contours with the gullies between
them terminating abruptly up slope. We infer that the
highs are volcanic cones and the gullies were prob-
ably eroded out of a thin sediment cover. That the
cones are volcanic structures is plausible as Lanzarote
experienced extensive volcanism in the 18th century
(1730-36). Contemporary accounts cited offshore ex-
plosions and discoloring of the water, and ﬁnding of
unknown species of deep-sea ﬁsh killed and brought to
the surface (Carracedo and Rodíguez Badiola, 1993),
(Figure 3). The origin of the ramp is yet to be resolved.
It could be a massive slump, but as no rotation appears
to have taken place along the inner scarp it precludes
such a possibility. The ramp probably represents an
avalanche that broke apart during its displacement.
Like the Lanzarote the margin offshore Fuerteven-
tura also lacks features characteristic of a mass wast-
ing terrain. It too lacks coastal embayments and slopes
scars produced by avalanches. However, the land geol-
ogy with its history of catastrophic collapses of mass
wasting indicates that landslides played a major role
in the sculpturing the island’s margin. A spur-like fea-
ture south of 28
◦
30

N divides the northwest insular
margin of Fuerteventura in two (Figures 2, 4 and 5).
This feature was inferred by Ancochea et al. (1996)
to represent an erosional remnant of the Central Vol-
canic Complex whose center was located offshore of

13
Table 1.Statistics of Landslides
Dimensions of El Julan Debris Avalanche and Canary and Saharan debris ﬂows are from Masson et al.
(2002); thickness of units used to calculate volumes are from Masson et al. (2002) and Teide Group (1997);
ages are from Cantagrel et al. (1999), Carracedo et al. (1999a), Urgeles et al. (1997; 1999), Masson et al.
(2002) and extrapolation from onshore geology. Areas of units inshore and offshore were calculated by
tracing their outlines; cutting and weighting them, and converting their weights into areas by dividing them
by the weight of a known area. DA=Debris Avalanche; DF=Debris Flow; S=Slump.
Name Type Length (km) Max. Width Area Volume Age
(km) (km
2
) (km
3
)
Lanzarote S? >40 >30 >800 18-16 Ma
Fuerteventura
Puerto R. DA? 70 50 3500 >17.5 Ma
S Puerto R.D.C DA? 35 45 1200 >17.5 Ma
Gran Canaria
Las Palmas DA 45 25 1100 9 Ma; 4.0-3.5 Ma
Galdar DA 30 10 300 4.0-3.5 Ma
Agaete DA 30 7 200 12?/14? Ma
NW S 50 7 400 15 Ma
SW DA 30 10 250 4.0-3.5 Ma
R. Nublo DA 12 11 150 4.03.5Ma
La Gomera
I DF? 15 10 80 4.0? Ma
II DF? 10 15 80 4.0? Ma
III DF? 45 15 340 4.0? Ma
IV DF? 45 8 160 4.0? Ma
V DF? 40 16 300 4.0? Ma
VI DF? 20 5 40 4.0? Ma
VII DF? 24 7 50 4.0? Ma
VIII DF? 32 25 300 4.0? Ma
Tenerife
Teno DA 35 15 400 6 Ma
R. Garcia DA 95 30 2200 0.6-0.7? Ma
Icod DA 95 18 1500 <0.15 Ma
Tigaiga DA 30 10 200 >2.3 Ma
Orotova DA 75 40 2200 0.69/0.54 Ma
Anaga DA 33 15 500
Güimar DA 85 45 2600 <0.84 Ma
AD A2 248 0
BD A1 758 0
CD A753 0
La Palma
PV DA 50 35 1600 520 1.0-0.8 Ma
CN DA 43 30 700 80 <536->125 Ka
W-PN DA >40 15>300
E-PN DA 40 11 400
SC DA 50 35 1700 >1.0 Ma
El Hierro
Golfo DA 60 50 1700 170 9/15-10/17;17-9 Ka
PN DA 35 25 1300
LPI S 30 15 1300 545-261/176 Ka
LPII DA 45 340 350 <50 545-261/176 Ka
Julan Da 48 1800 130 500-300;130 Ka
Debris Flows
Canary DF 40,000 400 13–17 Ka
Saharan DF 48,000 60 Ka

Other documents randomly have
different content

THE ERLE
BOTHWELL HIS
COMMONYNG
WYTH JOHNE
KNOX.
It was whispered of many, that the Erle of Murray's displeasur was
as much sought as any haitterant that the Hammyltonis bayr against
the Erle Bothwell, or yitt he aganist thame. And in verray deed,
eather had the Duck verray fals servandis, or ellis by Huntley and
the Hammyltonis, the Erle of Murray his death was ofter conspyred
than ones: the suspitioun whairof burst furth so far, that upoun a
day the said Erle, being upoun horse to have come to the sermon,
was charged by one of the Duckis awin servandis to returne and
abyd with the Queyn. The bruyt thairof spred over all. What ground
it had we cane nott say; but schorte thairafter the Duck and some of
the Lordis convened at Glasgow; thair conclusioun was nott knowen.
The Erle of Arrane came to Edinburgh, whair the Erle Bothwell lay.
The Quene and the Court war departed to Fyff, and remaned
sometimes in Sanctandrois and sometimes in Falkland.
[761]
The Erle Bothwell, by the meanes of James
Barroun,
[762]
burges, and then merchant of
Edinburgh, desyred to speak with Johne Knox
secreatlie; which the said Johne glaidlie granted,
and spack him upoun a nycht, first in the said
James's lodgeing, and thairafter in his awin study. The summe of all
thair communication and conference was:—The said Earle lamented
his formare inordinate lyef, and especiallie that he was provocked by
the entysmentis of the Quene Regent to do that which he sore
reapented, alsweall against the Laird of Ormestoun,
[763]
whose
blood was spilt, albeit not in his defalt: But his cheaf dolour was,
that he had misbehaved him self against the Erle of Arrane, whose
favouris he was most willing to redeame, yf possible it war that sa
he mycht; and desyred the said Johne to geve him his best counsall,
"For (said he) yf I mycht have my Lord of Arrane's favouris, I wald
await upoun the Court with a page and few servandis, to spair my
expensis, whare now I am compelled to keap, for my awin saifty, a
number of wicked and unprofitable men, to the utter destructioun of
my living that is left."

RECONCILIATIOU
N BETWIX THE
ERLE OF ARRANE
To the which the said Johne ansuered, "My Lord, wold to God that in
me war counsall or judgement that mycht conforte and releave you.
For albeit that to this hour it hath nott chaunsed me to speik with
your Lordship face to face, yit have I borne a good mynd to your
house; and have bene sorry at my heart of the trubles that I have
heard you to be involved in. For, my Lord, my
[764]
grandfather,
goodsher, and father, have served your Lordshipis predecessoris, and
some of thame have died under thair standartis; and this is a part of
the obligatioun of our Scotishe kyndnes: but this is not the cheaf.
But as God hes maid me his publict messinger of glaid tydings, so is
my will earnest that all men may embrase it, which perfytlie thei can
not, so long as that thair remaneth in thame rancour, malice, or
envy. I am verray sorry that ye have gevin occasioun unto men to be
offended with you; but I am more sory that ye have offended the
Majestie of God, who by such meanes oft punishes the other sinnes
of man. And thairfoir my counsall is, that ye begyn at God, with
whom yf ye will enter in perfyte reconciliatioun, I doubt not but he
shall bow the heartis of men to forget all offenses. And as for me, yf
ye will continue in godlynes, your Lordship shall command me als
boldlie as any that serves your Lordship."
The said Lord desyred him that he wold tempt
[765]
the Erle of
Arrane's mynd, yf he wold be content to accept him in his favouris,
which he promessed to do; and so earnestlie travaled in that mater,
that it was ones brought to such an end as all the faythfull praysed
God for that aggrement. The greatest stay stood upoun the
satisfactioun of the Laird of Ormestoun, who, besyde his formare
hurte, as is before declared, was evin in that same tyme of the
commonyng, persewed be the said Lord
[766]
Bothwell, his sone
Maister Alexander Cockburne
[767]
tacken by him, and caryed with
him to Borthwick; but gentillye yneuch send back agane.
That new truble so greatlie displeased Johne Knox,
that he almost geve ower farther travalling for
amytie. But yit, upoun the excuse of the said Erle,

AND ERLE
BOTHWELL, ETC.
and upoun the declaratioun of his mynd, he re-
entered in laubouris, and so brought it to pass, that
the Laird of Ormestoun referred his satisfactioun in all thingis to the
judgments of the Erles of Arrane and Murray, whom to the said Erle
Bothwell submitted him self in that head, and thairupoun delyvered
his hand wryt. And so was convoyed by certane of his friends to the
loodgeing of the Kirk-of-Feild, whair the Erle of Arrane was with his
friendis, and the said Johne Knox with him,
[768]
to bear witnesse
and testificatioun of the end of the aggrement. As the said Erle
Bothwell entered at the chalmer dore, and wold have done those
honouris that freyndis had appointed, (Maister Gavin
Hammyltoun
[769]
and the Laird of Rikchartoun,
[770]
war the cheaf
freindis that communed,) the said Erle of Arrane gentillye passed
unto him, embrased him, and said, "Yf the hearttis be uprycht, few
ceremonyes may serve and content me."
The said Johne Knox, in audience of thame boyth, and of thair
freindis, said, "Now, my Lordis, God hath brought you to gitther be
the laubouris of semple men, in respect of such as wold have
travailled thairin. I know my laubouris ar alreaddy tacken in ane evill
parte; but becaus I have the testimonye of a good conscience befoir
my God, that whatsoever I have done, I have done it in his fear, for
the proffeit of you boith, for the hurt of none, and for the
tranquillitie of this Realme: seing (I say) that
[771]
my conscience
beareth witnesse to me, what I have sought and continewallie seak,
I the more patientlie bear the mysreporttis and wrangouse
judgementis of men. And now I leave you in peace, and desyres you
that ar the freindis to study that amitie may increase, all formar
offenses being forgett." The freindis on eather partie embrased
other, and the two Erles departed to ane wyndo, and talked by
thame selfis familiarlie a reasonable space. And thairafter the Erle
Boithwell departed for that nycht: and upoun the nixt day in the
mornyng returned, with some of his honest freinds, and came to the
sermoun with the Erle foirsaid; whairat many rejoised. But God had
ane other work to wyrk then the eyes of men could espy.

The Thurisday nixt
[772]
they dyned togetther; and thairafter the said
Erle Boithwell and Maister Gawane Hammyltoun raid to my Lord
Duckis Grace, who then was in Kynneill. What communicatioun was
betwix thame, it is not certanelie knowne, but by the reporte which
the said Erle of Arrane maid to the Quenys Grace, and unto the Erle
of Murray, by his wryttingis. For upoun Fryday, the ferd day after
thair reconciliatioun, the sermon being ended, the said Erle of Arrane
cam to the house of the said Johne Knox, and brought with him
Maister Richart Strang
[773]
and Alexander Guthre,
[774]
to whom he
opened the greaf of his mynd befoir that Johne Knox was called; for
he was occupyed, (as commounlie he useth to be after his
sermonis,) in directing of writtingis. Whiche ended, the said Erle
called the thre togetther, and said, "I am treasonablie betrayed;" and
with these wordis began to weape. Johne Knox demanded, "My
Lord, who hes betrayed yow?" "Ane Judas, or other (said he); but I
know it is but my lyef that is sought: I regard it not." The other said,
"My Lord, I understand not such dark maner of speaking: yf I shall
geve you any ansuer, ye maun speik moir plane." "Weill, (said he,) I
tack you three to witnesse that I oppen this unto you, and I will wryt
it unto the Quene: Ane act of treassone is laid to my charge; the
Erle Bothwell hes schawin to me in counsall, that he shall tack the
Quene, and put hir in my handis in the Castell of Dumbertane; and
that he shall slay the Erle of Murray, Lethingtoun, and otheris that
now mysgyde hir: and so shall I and he reull all. But I know that this
is devised to accuse me of treassone; for I know that he will inform
the Quene of it: But I tack you to witnes, that I oppen it hear unto
you; and I will pas incontinent, and wryte to the Quenis Majestie,
and unto my brother the Erle of Murray."
Johne Knox demanded, "Did ye consent, my Lord, to any part of that
treassone?" He ansuered, "Nay." "Then, (said he,) in my judgement,
his wordis, albeit thei war spoken, can never be treassone unto you;
for the performance of the fact dependis upoun your will, whairto ye
say ye have disassented; and so shall that purpose evanise and dye
by the self, onless that ye waiken it; for it is not to be supposed that

he will accuse you of that which he him self [hes] devised, and
whairto ye wold not consent." "O, (said he,) ye understand not what
craft is used against me: It is treassone to conceall treassone." "My
Lord, (said he,) treasson maun importe consent and determinatioun,
quhilk
[775]
I hear upoun neather of your partis. And thairfoir, my
Lord, in my judgement it shalbe more suyre and moir honorable to
you to depend upoun your [awin] innocencye, and to abyde the
injust accusatioun of ane other, (yf any follow thairof, as I think thair
shall not,) then ye to accuise, (especiallie after so lait
reconciliatioun,) and have none other witnesses but your awin
affirmatioun." "I know, (said he,) that he will offer the combatt unto
me; but that wold not be suffered in France; but I will do that which
I have purposed." And so he departed, and took with him to his
loodgeing the saidis Alexander Guthery and Mr. Richart Strang; from
whense was dyted and written a letter to the Quenis Majestie,
according to the formar purpose, which letter was direct with all
diligence to the Quenis Majestie, who then was in Falkland.
The Erle him self raid after to Kynneill, to his father, the Duckis
Grace.
[776]
How he was entreated, we have but the commoun
bruyte; but from thense he wrait ane other letter with his awin hand,
in sypher, to the Erle of Murray, compleanyng upoun his rigorous
handelling and entreatment by his awin father, and by his freindis;
and affirmed farther, that he feared his lyef, in case that he gat not
suddane reskew. But thairupoun he remaned not, but brack the
chalmer whairin he was put, and with great pain past to Striveling,
and from thense he was convoyed to the Hallyardis,
[777]
whair he
was keapt till that the Erie of Murray cam unto him, and convoyed
him to the Quene, then beand in Falkland, who then was sufficientlie
instructed of the hoill mater; and upoun suspitioun conceaved, had
caused apprehend Maister Gawan Hammyltoun and the Erle
Bothwell foirsaid; who knowing nothing of the formar
advertismentis, cam to Falkland,
[778]
which augmented the formar
suspitioun.

But yit the letteris of Johne Knox maid all thingis to be used more
circumspectlie; for he
[779]
did planelie foirwarne the Erle of Murray,
that he espyed the Erle of Arrane to be stricken with phrenesy, and
thairfoir willed not oure great credytt to be gevin unto his wordis and
inventionis. And as he advertised, so it cam to pass; for within few
dayis his seaknes increased; he devised of wonderouse signes that
he saw in the heavin; he alledged that he was bewitched; he wold
have bene in the Quenis bed, and affirmed that he was hir husband;
and fynallie, he behaved him self in all thingis so foolishelie, that his
phrenesy could not be hyd. And yit war the saidis Erle Bothwell and
Abbott
[780]
of Kylwynning keapt in the Castell of Sanctandrois, and
conventit
[781]
befoir the Counsall, with the said Earl of Arrane, who
ever stoode ferme, that the Erle Boithwell proponed to him suche
thingis as he advertissed the Quenis Grace of; but styflie denyed that
his Father, the said Abbote, or freindis, knew any thing thairof, eathir
yit that thei intended any violence against him; but alledged, that he
was enchanted so to think and wryte. Whairat the Quene, heghlie
offended, committed him to preasone, with the other two, first in the
Castell of Sanctandrois, and thairafter caused thame to be convoyed
to the Castell of Edinburgh. James Stewarte of Cardonall,
[782]
called
Capitane James, was evill bruited [of], for the rigorous entreatment
that he schew to the said Erle in his seaknes, being appointed
keeper unto him.
To consult upoun these accusationis, the hoill Counsalle was
assembled at Sanctandrois, the 18 day of Aprile, in the year of God
J
m
V
c
, and threscoir twa yearis;
[783]
in which it was concluded, that,
in consideratioun of the formar suspitioun, the Duck his Grace
should render to the Quene the Castell of Dumbartane,
[784]
the
custodie whairof was granted unto him by appointment, till that
lauchfull successioun should be sein of the Quenis body: But will
prevailled against reassone and promisses, and so was the said
Castell delivered to Capitane Anstrudour, as having power fra the
Quene and Counsall to receave it.
[785]

Psal. 2.
THE SECOUND
COMMONYNG OF
JOHNE KNOX
WITH THE QUENE
Thingis ordoured in Fyfe, the Quene returned to
Edinburgh,
[786]
and then began dansing to grow hote; for
hir freindis began to triumph in France. The certantie heirof came to
the earis of Johne Knox, for thair war some that schew to him, from
tyme to tyme, the estait of thingis; and amangis otheris, he was
assured, that the Queyne had daunced excessivelie till after
mydnycht, becaus that sche had receaved letteris that persecutioun
was begun agane in France, and that hir Uncles war begyning to
steir thair taill,
[787]
and to truble the hoill Realme of France. Upoun
occasioun of this text, "And now understand, O ye kingis, and be
learned, ye that judge the earth," he began to taxt the ignorance,
the vanitie, and the dyspyte of princes against all virtue, and against
all those in whom haitterent of vice and love of vertew appeired.
[788]
The reporte heirof maid unto the Quene, the said
Johne Knox was send for. Mr. Alexander Cockburne,
[789]
who befoir had bone his scolare, and then
was very familiare with him, was the messinger,
who geve him some knowledge both of the report
and of the reportairis. The Quene was in hir bed-chalmer, and with
hir, besydis the Ladyes and the commoun servandis, war the Lord
James, the Erle of Mortoun, Secreatarie Lethingtoun, and some of
the garde that had maid the report. He was called and accused, as
are that had irreverentlie spoken of the Quene, and that travailled to
bring hir in haitterent and contempt of the people, and that he had
exceaded the boundis of his text: And upoun these three headis,
maid the Quene hir self a long harangue or orisoun;
[790]
whairto the
said Johne ansuered as followis:—
"Madame, this is often tymes the just recompense which God geveth
to the stubburne of the world, that becaus thei will nott hear God
speaking to the conforte of the penitent, and for amendment of the
wicked, thai are oft compelled to hear the fals report of otheris to
thair greatter displeasur. I doubt not but that it cam to the earis of
proud Herode, that our Maister Christ Jesus called him a fox; but

thai told him not how odiouse a thing it was befoir God to murther
ane innocent, as he had laitlie done befoir, causing to behead Johne
the Baptiste, to reward the dansing of a harlottis doughtter. Madam,
yf the reportaris of my wordis had bene honest men, thai wold have
reaported my wordis, and the circumstances of the same. But
becaus thai wold have credyte in Courte, and lacking vertew worthy
thairof, thai mon haif somewhat to pleise your Majestie, yf it war but
flatterye and lyes. But such pleasour (yf any your Grace tack in
suche personis) will turn to your everlasting displeasour. For, Madam,
yf your awin earis had heard the hoill mater that I entreated; yf thair
be into you any sparckle of the Spreit of God, yea, of honestie or
wisdome, ye could not justlie have bene offended with any thing
that I spack. And becaus that ye have heard thair report, please
your Grace to hear my self reherse the same, so neyr as memory will
serve." (It was evin upoun the nixt day after that the sermon was
maid.) "My text, (said he,) Madam, was this, 'And now, O kings,
understand; be learned, ye judges of the earth.' After, Madam, (said
he,) that I had declaired the dignitie of kingis and reullaris, the
honour whairinto God lies placed thame, the obedience that is dew
unto thame, being Goddis lievtennentis, I demanded this questioun,
—But, O allace! what compte shall the most part of princes maik
befoir that Supreme Judge, whose throne and authoritie so
manifestlie and schamefullie thai abuse? That the complaynt of
Salomon is this day most trew, to wit, 'That violence and
oppressioun do occupy the throne of God here in this earth:' for whill
that murtheraris, blood-thrystie men, oppressouris, and
malefactouris dar be bold to present thame selfis befoir kingis and
princes, and the poor sanctis of God are banisshed and exyled, what
shall we say, But that the devill hath tacken possessioun in the
throne of God, which aught to be fearfull to all wicked doiris, and a
refuge to the innocent oppressed. And how can it otherwyse be? For
princes will not understand; thai will nott be learned as God
commandis thame. But Goddis law thei dispyse, His statutis and holy
ordinances thei will not understand; for in fidling and flynging thei ar
more exercised then in reading or hearing of Goddis most blessed
word; and fidlaris and flatteraris (which commonlie corrupt the

youth) are more pretious in thair eyes then men of wisdome and
gravitie, who by holsome admonitioun mycht beat doun into thame
some part of that vanitie and pryde whairintill all are borne, but in
princes tack [deepe] roote and strenth by wicked educatioun. And of
dansing, Madam, I said, that albeit in Scripturis I fand no praise of it,
and in prophane wryttaris, that it is termed the jesture rather of
those that ar mad and in phrenesye then of sober men; yitt do I not
utterlie dampne it, provyding that two vices be avoided: the formare,
That the principall vocatioun of those that use that exercise be not
neglected for the pleasur of dansing; Secoundly, That they daunse
not, as the Philisteanis thair fatheris, for the pleasur that thai tack in
the displeasur of Goddis people. For yf any of boyth thai do, as thai
shall receave the reward of dansaris, and that willbe drynk in hell,
onless thai spedilie repent, so shall God turn thair myrth in suddane
sorow: for God will not alwayes afflict his people, neither yitt will he
alwayes wynk at the tyranny of tyrantis. Yf any man, Madam, (said
he,) will say that I spack more, let him presentlie accuse me; for I
think I have nott only tueiched the somme, but the verry wordis as I
spack them." Many that stood by bair witnesse with him, that he had
recyted the verray wordis that publictlie he spack.
The Queyn looked about to some of the reaportaris, and said, "Your
wourdis ar scharpe yneuch as ye have spocken thame; but yitt thei
war tald to me in ane uther maner. I know (said sche) that my
Uncles and ye ar nott of ane religioun, and thairfoir I can nott blame
you albeit you have no good opinioun of thame. But yf ye hear any
thing of my self that myslyikis you, come to my self and tell me, and
I shall hear you."
"Madam," quod he, "I am assured that your Uncles ar enemyes to
God, and unto his Sone Jesus Christ; and that for manteanance of
thair awin pompe and worldlie glorie, that thei spair not to spill the
bloode of many innocents; and thairfoir I am assured that thair
interpryses shall have no better successe then otheris haif had that
befoir thame have done that thei do now. But as to your awin
personage, Madam, I wold be glade to do all that I could to your

Graces contentment, provided that I exceed nott the boundis of my
vocatioun. I am called, Madam, to ane publict functioun within the
Kirk of God, and am appointed by God to rebuk the synnes and vices
of all. I am not appointed to come to everie man in particular to
schaw him his offense; for that laubour war infinite. Yf your Grace
please to frequent the publict sermonis, then doubt I nott but that
ye shall fullie understand boyth what I like and myslike, als weall in
your Majestie as in all otheris. Or yf your Grace will assigne unto me
a certane day and hour when it will please you to hear the forme
and substance of doctrin whiche is proponed in publict to the
Churches of this Realme, I will most gladlie await upoun your Grace's
pleasur, tyme, and place. But to waitt
[791]
upoun your chalmer-
doore, or ellis whair, and then to have no farther libertie but to
whisper my mynd in your Grace's eare, or to tell to you what otheris
think and speak of you, neather will my conscience nor the
vocatioun whairto God hath called me suffer it. For albeit at your
Grace's commandiment I am heare now, yitt can not I tell what
other men shall judge of me, that at this tyme of day am absent
from my book and wayting upoun the Courte."
"You will not alwayis," said sche, "be at your book," and so turned
hir back. And the said Johne Knox departed with a reasonable meary
countenance; whairat some Papistis offended said, "He is not
effrayed." Which heard of him, he answered, "Why should the
pleasing face of a gentill woman effray me? I have looked in the
faces of many angrie men, and yit have nott bene effrayed above
measure." And so left he the Quene and the Courte for that tyme.
In this meanetyme, the negotiatioun and credytte
[792]
was great
betwix the Quene of England and our Soverane: letteris, curreouris,
and postis ran verray frequent.
[793]
Great bruyt thair was of the
interview and meating of the two Quenes at York, and some
preparatioun was maid thairfoir in boyth the Realmes. But that failed
upoun the parte of England, and that be occasioun of the trubles
moved in France, (as was alledged,) which caused the Quene and hir

HAWICK RAIDE.
SCHARPE LEFT
PREACHING AND
TOOK HIM TO
THE LAWES.
ANNO 1566 IN
MAIJ.
Counsall attend upoun the Sowth partes
[794]
of England, for
avoyding of inconvenientis.
That symmer, thair cam ane Ambassadour from the King of Swaden,
requyring marriage of our Soverane to his Maister the King.
[795]
His
intertenment was honorable; but his petitioun lyked our Quene
nothing; for such a man was too base for hir estait; for had nott
sche beyn great Queyn of France? Fye of Swaden! What is it? But
happy was the man that of suche a one was forsaken. And yitt sche
refuised nott one far inferiour to a vertouse King.
[796]
The Erle of Levenax and his wyff
[797]
war committed to the Towre of
London for trafiquin with Papistis. The young Lard of Barr
[798]
was a
travaler in that busines, and was apprehended with some letteris,
which war the cause of his and thair truble.
The Erle of Murray maid a privey raid to Hawick
upoun the fayre-day thairof, and apprehended
fyftie theaffis; of which nomber war sevintene
drowned;
[799]
otheris war executed in Jedburght. The principallis
war brought to Edinburgh, and thair suffered, according to thair
merittis, upoun the Burrow Mure.
[800]
The Quene was nothing
content of the prosperitie and gude successe that God gave to the
Erle of Murray in all his interprysses, for sche hated his uprycht
dealling, and the image of God which evidently did appear into him;
but at that tyme sche could not weall have beyn served without him.
The Assemblye of the Kyrk at Mydsymmer, the
[29th] of Junij,
[801]
anno 1562, approached, in the
which war many notable headis entreated
concernying good ordour to be keapt in the
Churche; for the Papistis and the idolatrie of the
Queyn began to truble the formar good ordouris.
Some ministeris, suche as Maister Johne Scharpe,
[802]
had left thair charges, and entered into other vocationis more

THIS
[804]
CAUSES
THE QUENIS
RELIGIOUN TO
HAVE MANY
FAVOURARIS.
profitable for the belly; against whom war actis maid, althought to
this day thei have nott bene putt in executioun.
The tennour of the Supplicatioun redd in oppen audience, and
approved by the hoill Assemblye to be presented to the Quenis
Majestie, was this:—
To the Quenis Majestie , and Hir Most Honorable Privey Counsall, the
Superintendentis and Ministeris of the Evangell of Jesus Christ
within this Realme, together with the Commissionaris of the hoill
Churches ,
[803]
desyre Grace and Peace from God the Father of
our Lord Jesus Christ, with the Spreit of rychteouse judgement .
Having in mynd that fearfull sentence, pronunced by the Eternall God
against the watchemen that see the sweard of Goddis punishement
approche, and do not in plane wordis foirwarne the people, yea, the
Princes and Reularis, that thei may repent, we can not but signify
unto your Hienes, and unto your Counsall, that the estait of this
Realme is sic for this present, that onless redress and remeady be
schortlie provided, that Goddis hand can not long spayr in his anger,
to stryck the head and the taill; the inobedient Prince and synfull
people: For as God is unchangeable and trew, so must he punische
in these our dayis, the grevouse synnes that befoir we read he hes
punished in all aiges, after that he hes long called for reapentance,
and none is schawin.
And that your Grace and Counsall may understand
what be the thingis we desyre to be reformed, we
will begyn at that quhilk we assuredlie know to be
the fontane and spring of all other evillis that now
abound in this Realme, to wit, That idoll and
bastard service of God, the Messe; the fontane, we
call it, of all impietie, not only becaus that many tack boldnes to syn
be reassone of the opinioun which thei have conceaved of that idoll,
to wit, That by the vertew of it, thei get remissioun of thair synnes;
but also becaus that under the cullour of the Messe, are hoores,

GRUDGEING OF
THE NOBILITIE
ONE AGAINST
OTHER
adulteraris, drunkardis, blasphemaris of God, of His holy Word and
Sacramentis, and such other manifest malcfactouris, manteaned and
defended: for lett any Messesayare, or earnest manteanar thairof be
deprehended in any of the foirnamed crymes, no executioun can be
had, for all is done in haiterent of his religioun; and so are wicked
men permitted to live wickedlie, clocked and defended by that
odious idoll. But supposing that the Messe war occasioun of no such
evillis, yit in the self it is so odiouse in Goddis presence, that we can
not cease with all instance to desyre the removing of the same,
alsweall frome your self as from all otheris within this Realme,
tacking heavin and earth, yea, and your awin conscience to record,
that the obstinat manteanance of that idoll shall in the end be to you
destructioun of saule and body.
Yf your Majestie demand, why that now we ar more earnest then we
have bein heirtofoir; We ansuer, (our formar silence no wiese
excused,) becaus we fynd us frustrat of our hope and expectatioun;
quhilk was, that in processe of tyme, your Grace's heart should have
bein mollifyed, so far as that ye wold have heard the publict doctrin
taught within this Realme; by the quhilk, our farther hope was, that
Goddis Holy Spreit should so have moved your hearte, that ye
should have suffered your religioun (quhilk befoir God is nothing but
abominatioun and vanitie) to have been tryed by the trew tueich-
stone, the writtin word of God; and that your Grace fynding it to
have no ground nor fundatioun in the same, should have gevin that
glorie unto God, that ye wold have preferred his treuth unto your
awin preconceaved vane opinioun, of what antiquitie that ever it hes
bene. Whairof we in a parte now discoraged
[805]
cane no longer
keape silence, onless we wold mack our selfis criminall befoir God of
your blood, perisheing in your awin iniquitie; for we plainlie
admonishe you of the dangearis to come.
The Secound that we requyre, is punishement of
horrible vices, sic as ar adultery, fornicatioun, open
hurdome, blasphemye, contempt of God, of his
Word, and Sacramentis; quhilkis in this Realme, for

lack of punishement, do evin now so abound, that syne is reputed to
be no syne. And thairfoir, as that we see the present signes of
Goddis wrath now manifestlie appear, so do we foirwarne, that he
will stryck, or it be long, yf his law without punishement be
permitted thus manifestlie to be contempned. Yf any object, that
punishementis can nott be commanded to be executed without a
Parliament; We answer that the eternall God in his Parliament has
pronounced death to be the punishement for adulterye and for
blasphemye; whose actis yf ye putt not to executioun, (seing that
Kingis ar but his lieutennentis, having no power to geve lyefe, whair
he commandis death,) as that he will reputt you, and all otheris that
foster vice, patronis of impietie, so will he nott faill to punishe you
for neglecting of his judgementis.
Our Third requeast concerneth the Poore, who be of thre sortis: the
poore lauboraris of the ground; the poore desolat beggaris,
orphelyns, wedoes, and strangaris; and the poore ministeris of Christ
Jesus his holie evangell, quhilk ar all so crewallie entreated by this
last pretended Ordour tacken for sustentatioun of Ministeris, that
thair latter miserie far surmonteth the formar. For now the poore
lauboraris of the ground ar so oppressed by the creualtie of those
that pay thair Thrid, that they for the most parte advance upoun the
poore, whatsoever they pay to the Quene, or to any other. As for the
verray indigent and poore, to whome God commandis a
sustentatioun to be provided of the Teyndis, they ar so dyspised,
that it is a wonder that the sone geveth heat and lycht to the earth,
whair Godis name is so frequentlie called upoun, and no mercy
(according to his commandiment) schawin to his creaturis. And also
for the Ministeris, thair lyvingis ar so appointed, that the most parte
shall lyve but a beggaris lyef. And all cumeth of that impietie, that
the idill bellies of Christis ennemyes mon be fedd in thair formare
delicacie.
We dar nott conceall frome your Grace and Honouris our conscience,
quhilk is this, That neather by the law of God, neather yitt by any
just law of man, is any thing dew unto thame, who now most

creuellie do exact of the poore and riche the Two partes of thair
Benefices, as they call thame: And thairfoir we most humblie
requyre, that some other Ordour may be tacken with thame, nor
that thei be sett up agane to impyre above the people of God, eathir
yitt above any subject within this Realme. For we fear that sic
usurpatioun to thair formar estaite be neather in the end pleasing to
thame selfis, nor profitable to thame that wold place thame in that
tyrannye. Yf any think that a competent lyving is to be assigned to
thame, we repugne not, provided that the Lauboraris of the ground
be nott oppressed, the Poore be nott utterlie neglected, and the
Ministeris of the word so scharplie entreated as now thay ar. And,
finallie, that those idill bellies, who by law can crave nothing, shall
confesse that thei receave thair sustentatioun, nott of debt, but as of
benevolence. Our humble requeast is thairfoir, that some suddane
ordour may be tacken, that the poore Lauboraris may fynd some
releaf, and that in everie parochine some portioun of the Teyndis
may be assigned to the sustentatioun of the Poore within the same;
and lykwise that some publict releaf may be provided for the Poore
within Broughtis; that collectouris may be appointed to gatther, and
that scharpe comptis may be tacken, alsweall of thair receat as of
thair deliverance. The farther consideratioun to be had to our
Ministeris, we in some parte remitt to your Wisdomes, and unto thair
particular complayntis.
Oure Fourt petitioun is for the mansses, yardis, and gleibes, justlie
apperteanyng to the Ministeris, without the quhilkis it is unpossible
unto thame quyetly to serve thair chargeis; and thairfoir we desyre
ordour to be tacken thairinto without delay.
Oure Fyft concerneth the inobedience of certane wicked personis,
who not onlie truble, and have trubled Ministeris in thair functioun,
but also disobey the Superintendentis in thair visitatioun; whairof we
humblye crave remeady; which we do not so much for any fear that
we and our Ministeris have of the Papistis, but for the love that we
bear to the commoun tranquillitie. For this we can not hyd from your
Majestie and Counsall, that yf the Papistis think to triumphe whair

thai may, and to do what thai list, whair thair is not a partie able to
resist thame, that some will think, that the godlie mon begyn whair
thai left, who heirtofoir have borne all thingis patientlie, in hope that
Lawes should have brydilled the wicked; whairof yf thai be frustrat,
(albeit that nothing be more odiouse to thame then tumultis and
domesticall discord,) yit will men attempt the uttermost, befoir that
in thair awin eyes thai behold that House of God demolisshed, quhilk
with travaill and danger God hath within this Realme erected by
thame.
Last, We desyre that sick as have receaved remissioun of thair
Thriddis be compelled to susteane the Ministerie within thair
boundis, or ellis we foirwarne your Grace and Counsall, that we fear
that the people shall reteane the hoill in thair handis, unto sic tyme
as thair ministery be sufficientlie provided. We farther desyre the
kirkis to be repared according to ane Act set furth by the Lordis of
Secreat Counsall, befoir your Majesties arryvall in this countrey: That
Judges be appointed to hear the causes of divorsement; for the Kirk
can no longare sustean that burthen, especiallye becaus thair is no
punishement for the offendars: That sayeris and heararis of Messe,
prophanaris of the Sacramentis, such as have entered in [to]
benefices by the Papis bulles, and such otheris transgressouris of the
Law maid at your Grace's arryvall within this Realme, may be
seveirlie punished; for ellis men will think that thair is no treuth ment
in macking of sick Lawis.
Farther, We most humblye desyre of your Grace and Honorable
Counsall, a resolut ansuer to everie ane of the headis foirwritten,
that the same being knawin, we may somewhat satisfie such as be
grevouslie offended at manifest iniquitie now manteaned, at
oppressioun under pretext of Law done against the poor, and at the
rebelliouse disobedience of many wicked personis against Godis
word and holy ordinance.
God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, so reull your heartis, and
direct your Grace and Counsallis judgementis by the dyttament and
illuminatioun of his Holy Spreit, that ye may ansuer so as that your

ESAI.
ANSUERE TO
LETHINGTON.
consciences may be absolved in the presence of that rychteous
Judge, the Lord Jesus; and then we doubt nott but ye your selfis
shall fynd felicitie, and this poor Realme, that long hes bene
oppressed by wicked men, shall enjoy tranquillitie and rest, with the
treu knowledge of God.
These thingis redd in publict Assernblie,
[806]
as said is,
war approved of all, (and some wissed that moir
scharpness had bene used, becaus that the tyme
so craved,) but the monzeoris of the Court, and
Secreatarie Lethingtoun abuf otheris, could not
abyd such hard speiking; "For who ever saw it writtin (said he) to a
Prince, That God wold stryck the head and the taill: That yf Papistis
did what thei list, men wold begyn whair thei left." But abuf all
otheris that was most offensyve, that the Quene was accused, as
that sche wold raise up Papists and Papistrie agane. To put that in
the people's head was no less then treassone; for oathes durst be
maid
[807]
that sche never ment such thing. To whom it was ansured,
"That the Prophete Esaias used such manor of speiking; and it was
no doubt but he was weill acquented in the Court; for it was
supposed he was of the Kingis stock. But howsoever it was, his
wordis mack manifest, that he spack to the Court and Courteouris,
to Judges, Ladies, Princes, and Preastis: And yit, (sayes he,) "The
Lord shall cut away the head and the taill," &c. "And so," said the
first wryttar, "I fynd that such phrase was ones used befoir us. And
yf this offend you, that we say, 'Men maun begyn whair thei left,' in
case that Papistis do as thei do; we wold desyre you to teache us,
not so much how we shall speak, but rather what we shall do, when
our Ministeris ar strycken, our Superintendentis disobeyed, and a
plane rebellioun decread against all good ordour." "Complean," said
Lethingtoun. "Whom to?" said the other. "To the Quenis Majestie,"

JOHNE GORDOUN
AND OGILBY.
said he. "How long shall we do so?" quod the whole. "Till that ye get
remeady," said the Justice Cleark: "geve me thair names, and I shall
geve you letteris." "Yf the shepe," said one, "shall compleane to the
wolf, that the wolves and whelpis hes devoured thair lambis, the
compleanar may stand in danger; but the offendar, we feare, shall
have libertie to hunt after his prey." "Sic comparisonis," said
Lethingtoun, "are verray unsaverie; for I am assured, that the Quene
will neather erect, nor yit manteane Papistrie." "Let your assurance,"
said ane other, "serve your self, but it can not assure us, for hir
manifest proceadings speakis the contrair."
After sick tanting reassonyng of boyth the sydis, the multitude
concluded, that the Supplicatioun, as it was conceaved, should be
presented, onless that the Secreatarie wold forme one more
aggreable to the present necessitie. He promest to keap the
substance of ouris, but he wold use other termes, and ask thingis in
a mair gentill maner. The first writtar ansured, "That he served the
Kirk at thair commandiment, and was content, that in his dictament
should men use the libertie that best pleased thame, provided that
he was not compelled to subscryve to the flatterie of such as more
regarded the personis of men and wemen, then the simple treuth of
God." And so was this formar Supplicatioun gevin to be reformed as
Lethingtounis wisdome thought best. And in verray deid he framed it
so, that when it was delivered by the Superintendentis of Lotheane
and Fyfe, and when that sche had redd somewhat of it, sche said,
"Here ar many fair wordis: I can not tell what the heartis ar." And so
for our paynted oratorye, we war termed the nixt name to flatteraris
and dissemblaris. But for that Sessioun the Kirk receaved none other
ansuer.
Schort after
[808]
the conventioun of the Kirk,
chansed that unhappy persuyt whilk Johnne
Gordoun, Laird of Fynlater,
[809]
maid upoun the
Lord Ogilby,
[810]
who was evill hurt, and almost yit abydis mutilat.
The occasioun was, for certane landis and rights, quhilkis old
Fyndlater had resigned to the said Lord, which he was perseuing,

BOTHWELL
BRAKE WARDE.
THE FALS
BISHOPE AND
HIS TRAFIQUE
and was in appearance to obteane his purpose. Whairat the said
Johne and his servandis war offended, and thairfoir maid the said
persuyt, upoun a Setterday, at nycht, betwix nyne and ten. The
freindis of the said Lord war eather not with him, or ellis not weall
willing to feght that nycht; for thei took straikis, but geve few that
left markis. The said Johne was tane, and put in the Tolbuyth, whair
he remanent certane dayis, and then brack his warde, some judged,
at his fatheris commandiment; for he was macking preparatioun for
the Quenis cuming to the North, as we will after hear.
The interview and meating of the two Quenis, delayed till the nixt
year, oure Soverane took purpose to visyt the North, and departed
from Striveling in the moneth of August. Whitther thair was any
secreat pactioun and confederacye betwix the Papistis in the South,
and the Erle of Huntley and his Papistis in the North; or, to speak
more planelie, betwix the Quene hir self and Huntley, we can not
certanlie say.
[811]
But the suspitionis war wounderous vehement,
that thair was no good will borne to the Erle of Murray, nor yit to
such as depended upoun him at that tyme. The History we shall
faythfullie declair, and so leave the judgement free to the readaris.
That Johne Gordoun brack his ward, we have already heard, who
immediately thairafter reapared to his father George, then Eric of
Huntley;
[812]
and understanding the Quenis cuming, maid graite
provisioun in Strabogye, and in other partis, as it war to receave the
Quene. At Aberdene the Quene and Court remaned certane dayis to
deliberat upoun the affaires of the countrey; whair some began to
smell, that the Erle of Huntley was under gatthering, as heirefter
shalbe declaired.
Whill thingis war so wyrking in the North, the Erle
Bothwell brack his ward, and cam furth of the
Castell of Edinburgh, the 28th of August. Some say
that he brack the stancheour of the wyndo; utheris
whispered, that he gat easye passage by the yettis.
One thing is certane, to wit, The Quene was litill

COMMISSIONARI
S.
offended at his eschaiping. Thair passed with him a servand of the
Capitane's, named James Porterfield. The said Erle schew him self
not verray affrayed, for his commoun residence was in Lowthean.
The Bischope of Sanctandrois and Abbot of Crosraguell keapt secreat
conventioun that same tyme in Paslay, to whom resorted diverse
Papistis; yea, the said Bischope spack the Duck, unto whom also
cam the Lord Gordon from the Erle of Huntley, requyring him "to
putt to his handis in the South, as he should do in the North; and so
it should not be Knoxis crying nor preaching that should stay that
purpose." The Bischope, be he never so close, could not altogether
hyd his mynd, but at his awin table said, "The Quene is gone into
the North, belyke to seak disobedience: sche may perchance fynd
the thing that sche seikis." It was constantlie affirmed, that the Erle
Bothwell and the said Lord Gordon spack together, but of thair
purpoise we heard no mentioun.
That same year, and at that instant tyme, war
appointed Commissionaris by the Generall
Assemblie to Carryk and Cunighame, Maister
George Hay, who, the space of a moneth preached with great fruct
in all the churches of Carryk. To Kyle, and to the partis of Galloway
was appointed Johnne Knox, who besyde the doctrine of the
evangell schawen unto the commoun people, foirwarned some of
the Nobilitie and Baronis of the dangearis that he feared, and that
war appearing schortlie to follow; and exhorted thame to put thame
selfis in sic ordour as that thei mycht be able to serve the authoritie,
and yit not to suffer the ennemeis of Goddis treuth to have the
upper hand. Whairupoun a great part of the Baronis and Gentilmen
of Kyle and Cunynghame and Carrik, professing the treu doctrine of
the evangell, assembled at Ayre; and after exhortationis maid, and
conference had, subscrivit this Band. The tennour whairof followis:—
We, whais Names are underwrittin, do promesse, in the
presence of God, and in the presence of his Sone our Lord Jesus
Christ, that we, and everie ane of us, shall and will manteane
and assist the preaching of his holy Evangell, now of his mear

mercy, offered unto this Realme; and also will manteane the
ministeris of the same against all personis, power, and
authoritie, that will oppone the self to the doctrin proponed, and
by us receaved. And farther, with the same solempnitie, we
protest and promesse, that everie ane of us shall assist otheris;
yea, and the hoill body of the Protestantis within this Realme, in
all lauchfull and just actionis, against all personis; so that
whosoever shall hurt, molest, or truble ony of our body, shalbe
reaputed ennemye to the hoill, except that the offendar wilbe
content to submit him self to the judgement of the Kirk, now
establisshed amangis us. And this we do, as we desyre to be
accepted and favored of the Lord Jesus, and reaccompted
worthy of credyte and honestie in the presence of the godlie. At
the Brough of Air, the ferd day of September, the year of God J
m
V
c
threscoir twa zeiris.
Subscrivit by all these with thair handis, as followis:—
Mr. Michaell Wallace, Provest of Air,
[813]
James Lockart,
[814]
Williame Montgomery,
Johnne Craufurd of Wolstoun,
[815]
Glencarne ,
[816]
Ro. Boyd,
[817]
R. Failfurd ,
[818]
Matthew Campbell of Lowden, knyght,
Allane Lord Caythcart,
Johnne Mure in Wole,
Hew Wallace of Carnell,
James Chalmer of Gathgirth,
Hew Montgomery of Hesheilhead,
Johnne Fullartoun of Dreghorne,
I Williame Cunyghame , with my hand,
Skeldoun ,
[819]

Fargushill ,
[820]
Mr. of Boyd,
[821]
Johnne Lockart of Barr,
Williame Cunyghame of Capringtoun younger,
Robert Ker of Carsland,
Robert Crawfurd ,
David Crawfurd ,
Williame Cunyghame ,
Charles Campbell , Burgess of Air,
James Dalrymple of Stayre,
Mungo Mure,
James Reid,
James Kennedy, Burgess of Air,
George Lockart, Burgess thair,
Johne Cunynghame of Capringtoun,
Cunynghamheid ,
[822]
Vchiltrie,
[823]
George Craufurd of Lefnoreise,
Johne Mure of Rowallane,
Hew Cunyghame of Watterstoun,
Robert Cunyghame ,
Akynharvye ,
[824]
Myddiltoun,
[825]
Johne Wallace of Cragie,
Johne Boyd of Narstoun,
Robert Campbell of Kingzeanclewcht,
Gilbert Eccles,
Thomas Caythcarte, with my hand,
Allane Caithcart of Clawance,
[826]
Adam Reyd of Barskymming,
Johnne Caithcart of Gibiszard,
[827]
Johne Reid, with my hand,
Johne ...
[828]
Robert Schaw, Burgess thair,

Johnne Dunbar of Blantyre,
Robert Chalmer of Martnem,
[829]
Robert Huntar of Huntarstoun,
Robert Rankin,
Archibald Boyle,
Alexander Nysbett,
James Lockart,
Williame Stewart of Halrig,
Hectour Dunbar of Clousting,
James Campbell of Louchley,
Adam Caithcart of Bardarocht,
George Ryd of Chapellhouse,
Hew Wallace of the Meanfurd,
Robert Campbell of Cragdow,
Andro Neven of Monkredden,
Williame Caithcart,
David Craufurd of the Kerse,
Johnne Kennydye of Ternganoche,
Patrik Kennydie of Daljarocht,
[830]
Allane Caithcart of Carlton,
Robert Boyd of Pemont,
[831]
Williame Campbell of Horsclewcht,
[832]
Williame Caithcart, brother to the Lord Caithcart,
Johnne Macquhidaill ,
George Corry of Kelwod,
Williame Kennydie of Ternganocht,
Johnne Kennydie of Kirkmichaell,
Thomas MackAlexander of Corsclais.
[833][834]
These thingis done at Ayr, the said Johne passed to Nethisdaill and
Galloway, whair, in conference with the Maister of Maxwell,
[835]
a
man of great judgment and experience, he communicat with him
such thingis as he feared; who by his motioun wraytt to the Erle
Bothwell, to behave himself as it became a faythfull subject, and to
keape good quyetness in the partis committed to his charge, and so

wold his cryme of the breaking of the ward be the more easelie
pardoned. Johne Knox wrait unto the Dukis Grace, and earnestlie
exhorted him neather to geve eare to the Bischope
[836]
his bastard
brother, nor yit to the persuasionis of the Erle of Huntley; for yf he
did, he assured him, that he and his House should come to a
suddane ruyn.
By such meanis war the South partis keapte in reassonable
quyetness, during the tyme that the trubles war in brewing in the
North. And yit the Bischope and the Abbote of Corsraguell,
[837]
did
what in thame lay to have rased some truble; for besydis the fearfull
bruytes that thei sparsed abroad, (sometymes that the Quene was
tacken; sometymes that the Erle of Murray and all his band war
slane; and sometymes that the Quene had gevin her self unto the
Erle of Huntley,—besydis such bruites) the Bischope, to brek the
countrey of Kyle, whair quyetness was greatest, rased the Craufurdis
against the Readis for the payment of the Bischopis Pasche fynes;
but that was stayed by the laubouris of indifferent men, who favored
peace.

DISPUTATIOUN.
CROSRAGUELL
OFFFRED HIM
ANES TO
PREACH.
The Abbot of Crosraguell requyred disputatioun of
Johne Knox for mantenance of the Messe, which
was granted unto him, and whiche held in Mayboll
thre dayis. The Abbot had the advantage that he
requyred, to wit, He took upoun him to prove that
Melchisedeck offered bread and wyne unto God,
which was the ground that the Messe was builded
upoun to be a Sacrifice, &c. But in the travaill of thre dayis thair
could no prooff be produced for Melchisedeckis oblatioun, as in the
same disputatioun (which is to be had in print
[838]
) clearlie may
appear. The Papistis constantlie looked for a wolter, and thairfoir thei
wold maid some bragg of reassonyng. The Abbote farther presented
him self to the pulpit, but the voice of Maister George Hay
[839]
so
effrayed him, that efter ones he wearyed of that exercise.
After that the Quene was somewhat satisfyed of hunting, and other
pastyme,
[840]
sche cam to Abirdene, whair the Erle of Huntley met
hir and his Lady, with no small tryne, remaned in Court, was
supposed to have the greatest credyte, departed with the Quene to
Buchquhane, met hir again at Rothymay, looking that sche should
have passed with him to Strabogye. But in the jorney certane word
cam to hir that Johne Gordoun had brocken promesse in not re-
entering in ward; for his father the Erie had promessed that he
should enter agane within the Castell of Stryveling, and thair abyd
the Quenis pleasur. But whetther with his fatheris knowledge and
consent, or without the same we know not, but he refused to enter;
which so offended the Quene, that she wold not go to Strabogye,
but passed through Straythyla to Innerness, whair the Castell thairof
was denyed unto hir. The Capitane was commanded to keape it, and
looked for releaf, for so had Johne of Gordoun promessed; but being
thairof frustrat, the Castell was randered, and the Capitane named
Gordoun was executed; the rest war damned, and the handis of
some bound, but eschaiped.

SO WAS THE
DUCK, THE ERLIS
ERGYLE, MURRAY,
AND GLENCARNE,
WITH ALL THAIR
COMPANIES
AFTER SERVED.
[841]
1562.
This was the begynning of farther truble; for the
Erie of Huntley thairat offended, began to assemble
his folkis, and spaired not to speak that he wold be
revenged. But alwayes his Wyef bayre faire
countenance to the Quene; and it is verrely
supposed, that no other harme then the Quene hir
self could easilie have stand content with, was
ment unto hir awin persone. But the hoill malice lay
upoun the Erie of Murray, Secreatarie Lethingtoun, and upoun the
Lard of Pittarro. Yitt the Quene begane to be effrayed, and by
proclamatioun caused warne Stryveling, Fyffe, Anguss, Mearness,
and Straytherne, charge all substantiall men to be in Abirdene the
fyfth day of October, thair to remane the space of twenty dayis. In
hir returning from Innerness, sche required the Castell of Fynlater,
which was lykewise denyed, and so was Auchendowne, which more
inflammed the Quein. The Erie of Huntley was charged to caus
deliver the said housses, under pane of treasson. To schaw some
obedience, he caused the keyis of boyth to be presented by his
servand, Mr. Thomas Keyr. But befoir had the Quene send young
Capitane Stewarte, (sone to Capitane James,
[842]
who to this day
hes neather bein stout, happye, nor trew,) with sex scoir of soldartis,
to ly about the said place of Fynlater. They lodged in Culane, nott far
distant from the said place. Upoun a nycht Johne Gordoun cam with
a cumpany of horsemen, took the Capitane, slew certane of the
soldiouris, and disarmed the rest. This fact, done (as the Quene
alledged) under traist, so inflambed hir, that all hope of
reconciliatioun was past; and so the said Erle of Huntley was
charged, under pane of putting of him to the home, to present him
self and the said Johne befoir the Quene and Counsall within sax
dayis: whiche charge he disobeyed, and so was denunced rebell.
Whitther it was law or not, we dispute litill thairintill; but it was a
preparative to otheris that after war served with that same measure.
He was sought at his place of Strathbogye, but eschaped.
The evill encreased, for the Erle assembled his folk out of
all partes of the North. He martched forward towardis

THE ERLE OF
HUNTLEYIS
PRAYER.
Abirdene, and upoun the twenty-twa day of October, the year of God
J
m
V
c
threscoir twa yearis, cam to the Loch of Skein. His army was
judged to sevin or aught hundreth men. The Quenis army, boyth in
nomber and manhead, far surmounted his, and yitt he took no fear;
for he was assured of the most parte of thame that war with the
Quene, as the ishew did witness. Within the toune thei stood in
great fear; and thairfoir it was concluded that thei wold assaile the
uttermost upoun the feildis. The Forbesses, Hayes, and Leslyes, took
the vantgard, and promessed to feght the said Erle without any
other helpe. Thei passed furth of the toune before ten houris. Thei
putt thame selfis in array, but thei approached not to the enemye till
that the Erle of Murray and his cumpanye war come to the feildis,
and that was efter two at efter none; for he was appointed with his
cumpanye onlye to have beholden the battell. But all thingis turned
otherwyese then the most parte of men supposed.
The Erle of Huntley was the nycht befoir
determined to have retyred him self and his
cumpanye; but that mornyng he could not be
walkened before it was ten houres, and when he
was up on foote his spreitis failed him, (be reassone of his
corpolencie,) so that rychtlie a longe tyme he could do nothing.
Some of his freindis, fearing the danger, left him. When that he
looked upoun boyth the cumpanyes, he said, "This great cumpany
that approcheth neyest to us will do us no harm, thei ar our freindis.
I only fear yonder small cumpayne that stand upoun the hill-syd,
yone ar our enemyes. But we ar anew for thame, yf God be with
us." And when he had thus spoken, he fell upoun his knees, and
maid his prayer in this forme. "O Lord, I have been a bloode thristye
man, and by my meanes hes mekle innocent bloode bein spilt; but
wilt thou geve me victory this day, and I shall serve thee all the
dayis of my lyef."—Note and observe, good Readar, he confessed
that be had bein a blood-thristy man, and that he had bein the
cause of the schedding of much innocent bloode: but yitt wold he
have had victorye; and what was that ellis, but to have had power to
have schedd more, and then wold he have satisfied God for all

CORRECHY
BURNE, OR FARA
BANK.
THE
TREASSONABLE
FACT OF THE
NORTH.
SECRETARIE
LETHINGTOUN
HIS ORISONE ATT
CORRECHIE.
togetther. Wherein is expressed the nature of hypocrytis, whiche
neather farther feareth nor loveth God then present danger or
proffeitt suadeth. But to our Historye.
The Leslyes, Hayes, and Forbesses, espying the
Erle of Murray and his to be lyghted upoun thair
foote, maid fordwarde against the Erle of Huntley
and his, who stoode in Correchie Burne, (some call
it Fara Bank;)
[843]
but or thei approched, ney by
the space of the schote of ane arrow, they caist
frome thame thair spearis and long weaponis, and
fled directlie in the faces of the Erle of Murray and
his company. The danger espyed, the Lard of
Pettarro, a man boyth stout and of a reddy wytt,
with the Maister, now Lord Lyndsay, and Tutour of
Pettcur,
[844]
said, "Let us cast downe spearis to the
formest, and lett thame nott come amanges us, for thair is no doubt
but that this flying is by treassone." And so thei did: so that they
that fled keapt thame selfis apart frome the few nomber that war
marching upoun foote in ordour. The Erle of Huntley, seing the
vantgard flie, said unto his company, "Oure freindis ar honest men,
they have keapt promesse: lett us now rencounter the rest." And so
he and his, as suyre of victorye, martched fordwarte.
The Secreatarie, in few wordis, maid a vehement orisoun, and willed
everie man to call upoun his God, to remember his deuitie, and nott
to fear the multitude; and, in the end, concluded thus: "O Lord, thou
that reullis the heavin and the earth, look upoun us thy servandis,
whose bloode this day is most unjustlie sought, and to man's
judgement is sold and betrayed: Our refuge is now unto thee and
our hope is in thee. Judge thou, O Lord, this day, betwix us and the
Erle of Huntley, and the rest of our ennemyes. Yf ever we have
injustlie sought his or thair destructioun and bloode, lett us fall in the
edge of the sweard. And, O Lord, yf thou knowest our innocencye,
manteane thou and preserve us for thy great mercyes saik."

THE RESPONSE
OF THE ERLE OF
HUNTLEIS
WYTTCHES.
12 JUNIJ, 1566.
[845]
Schort after the speaking of these and the lyke
wordis, the formar rankis joyned, for Huntleyis
cumpany maid great haist. They war repulsed by
the Maister of Lyndsay, and the cumpanyes of Fyffe
and Anguss. Some of thame that fledd returned,
and followed the Erle of Murray, but gave na
straykis till that Huntleyis cumpanye geve back. In
the front thair war slane about eighteen or twenty-
foure men, and in the fleyeing thair fell ney a hundreth. Thair was
tacken a hundreth, and the rest war spaired. The Erle himself was
tacken alyve; his two sons, Johne foirsaid, and Adam Gordoun, war
tacken with him. The Erle, immediatlie after his tacken, departed this
lyiff without any wound, or yitt appearance of any strock, whairof
death might have enseued; and so, becaus it was laitt, he was
cassen over-thorte a pair of crealles, and so was caryed to Abirdene,
and was laid in the Tolbuyth thairof, that the response whiche his
wyffis wyttches had gevin mycht be fulfilled, whay all affirmed (as
the most parte say,) that that same nycht should he be in the
Tolbuyth of Abirdene without any wound upoun his body. When his
Lady gatt knowledge thairof, sche blamed hir principale witche,
called Janet; but sche stoutlie defended hir self, (as the devill can
ever do,) and affirmed that she geve a trew answer, albeit she spack
nott all the treuth; for she knew that he should be thair dead:
[846]
but that could nott proffeit my Lady.
[847]
Scho was angrye and sorye
for a seassone, but the Devill, the Messe, and wyttches have als
great credyte of hir this day as thei had sevin yearis ago.
The Erle of Murray send message unto the Quene of the mervalouse
victorye, and humblie prayed hir to schaw that obedience to God as
publictlie to convene with thame, to geve thankis unto God for his
notable deliverance. Sche glowmed boyth at the messenger
[848]
and
at the requeast, and skarselie wold geve a good worde or blyth
countenance to any that sche knew earnest favoraris of the Erle of
Murray, whose prosperitie was and yitt is, a verray vennoume to hyr
boldened harte, against him for his godlynes and uprycht plainess.

THE LADY
FORBES HIR
WOURDIS.
1562.
Of many dayes she bair no better countenance; whairby it myght
have bene evidentlie espyed, that sche rejosed nott greatlie of the
successe of that mater; and albeit sche caused execut Johne
Gordoun and diverse otheris, yitt it was the destructioun of otheris
that sche sought.
Upoun the morow after the disconfiture, the Lady
Forbess, a woman boyth wyese and fearing God,
cam amangis many other to vesytt the corps of the
said Erle; and seing him ly upoun the cold steanes,
having onlye upoun him a doublat of cammoise, a pair of Scottishe
gray hoise, and covered with ane arrass-work,
[849]
she said, "What
stabilitie shall we judge to be into this world: thair lyeth he that
yesterday in the morneyng was holden the wyesest, the richest, and
a man of greatest power that was within Scotland." And in verray
dead sche lyed nott; for, in mannis opinioun, under a prince, thair
was not suche a one these thre hundreth yearis in this Realme
produced. Bott felicitie and worldlye wisdome so blynded him, that in
the end he perished in thame, as shall all those that dyspyse God,
and trust in thame selfis.
[850]
Johne Gordoun,
[851]
at his death, confessed many horrible thingis,
devised by his father, by his brother, and by him self. Thair war
letteris found in the Erles pocket, that disclosed the treassone of the
Erle of Sutherland, and of diverse otheris. Mr. Thomas Keir, who
befoir was the hole counsallour to the Erle foirsaid, disclosed
whatsoever he understoode myght hurte the Gordones and thair
freyndis: and so the treassone planelie disclosed, whiche was, that
the Erle of Murray with certane otheris should have bene murthered
in Strabogye; the Quene should have bene tane, and keapt at the
devotioun of the said Erle of Huntley.
These thingis (we say) reveilled, the Quene left the North,
[852]
and cam to Dondye, Sanct Johnestoun, Stirveling,
and then to Edinburgh.
[853]
The Erle of Huntleyis body was caryed

MENIS
JUDGEMENTIS OF
THE QUENIS
MARIAGE.
about in a boat,
[854]
and laid without buriall in the
Abbay of Halyrudhouse, till the day of his forfaltour,
as after shall be declaired.
[855]
The Duck
apprehended the Lord Gordoun
[856]
his sone in
law, becaus that the Quene had straitlie commanded him so to do,
yf he repaired within his boundis. Befoir he delivered him, the Erle of
Murray laubored at the Quenis hand for the saiftye of his lyeff, which
hardly was granted; and so was he delivered within the Castell of
Edinburgh, the twenty-aught day of November, whair he remaned till
the aught of Februare, when he was put to ane assise, accused, and
convict of treassone; but was restored agane, first to the Castell
foirsaid, and thairafter was transported to Dumbar, whair he
remaned preasoner till the moneth of August, the year of God J
m
V
c
threscoir fyve yearis, as we will after hear.
In this meantyme the trubles war hote in France; and the
intelligence and outward familiaritie betwix the two Quenis was
great. Lethingtoun was direct with large commissioun both to the
Quene of England and unto the Guisianes. The mariage of our
Queyn was in all mannis mouth. Some
[857]
wold have Spaine; some
the Emperouris brother; some Lord Robert Dudlye; some Duck de
Nemours; and some unhappilie gessed at the Lord Darnlye. What
Lethingtounis credyte was, we know not; but schorte after thair
began much to be talked of the Erle of Levenox, and of his sone, the
Lord Darnlye. It was said that Lethingtoun spack the Lady Margarete
Dowglass,
[858]
and that Robert Melven
[859]
receaved ane horse to
the Secreatare's use, fra the Erle of Levenox, or from his wyff.
Howsoever it was, Maister Foullare, servand to the said Erle, cam
with letteris to the Quenis Grace, by the which, licence was
permitted to the Erle of Levenox to cum to Scotland, to travell in his
lauchfull busynes. That same day that the licence was granted, the
said Secreatarye said, "This day have I tacken the deadlie haiterent
of all the Hamyltonis within Scotland, and have done unto thame no
less displeasur than that I had cutted thair throttis."

THE
PREACHEOURIS
RAILLED UPOUN
OF THE
COURTEOURIS.
THE PREACHERIS
ADMONITIOUN
AFTER THE
DEATH OF THE
ERLE HUNTLEY.
HUNTLY
E.
[861]
LET THE WARLDE
JUDGE NOWE,
1571, FOR
LETHINGTOUN
THEN WAS THE
FATHER OF ALL
MISCHEIF.
[862]
The Erle Bothwell, who befoir had brocken ward, fearing
apprehensioun, prepared to pas to France; but by storme of weather
was dryven into England, whair he was stayed, and was offerred to
have bein randered by the Quene of England. But our Quenis ansuer
was, "That he was no rebell, and thairfoir sche requeasted that he
should have libertie to pas whair it pleiseth him."
[860]
And thairto
Lethingtoun helped not a litill; for he travailled to have freindis in
everie factioun of the Courte. And so obteined the said Erle licence
to pas to France.
The wynter after the death of the Erle of Huntley,
the Courte remaned for the maist part in
Edinburgh. The Preacheouris war wonderous
vehement in reprehensioun of all maner of vice,
which then began to habound; and especiallie
avarice, oppressioun of the poor, excesse, ryotouse
chear, banketting, immoderat dansing, and
hurdome, that thairof enseuis. Whairat the
Courteouris began to storme, and began to pyck
querrallis against the Preachearis, alledging that all
thair preaching was turned to raylling. Whairunto
one of thame gave ansuer as followeth: "It cumis to our
earis that we ar called raillaris, whairof albeit we wounder,
yitt we ar not eschamed, seing that the most
worthy servandis of God that befoir us have
travalled in this vocatioun, have so bein styled. But
unto you do I say, that that same God, who from
the begyning has punished the contempt of his
word, and hes poured furth his vengeance upoun
such proude mockaris, shall not spair you; yea, he
shall not spair you befoir the eyis of this same wicked generatioun,
for the pleasur whairof ye dispyse all holsome admonitionis. Have ye
not sein ane greattar than any of you sitting whair presentlie ye sitt,
pyck his naillis, and pull down his bonet ower his eyis, when
idolatrie, witchecraft, murther, oppressioun, and such vices war
rebuked? Was not his commoun talk, When thei knaiffis have railled

THE DEFENCE OF
THE
COURTEOURIS.
1562.
THE QUENIS
PRACTISE.
thair fill, then will thei hald thair peace? Have ye not heard it
affirmed to his awin face, that God should revenge that his
blasphemy, evin in the eyis of such as war witnesses to his iniquitie?
Then was the Erle Huntley accused by you, as the manteanar of
idolatrie, and only hinderar of all good ordour. Him hes God
punished, evin according to the threatnyngis that his and your earis
heard; and by your handis hath God executed his judgementis. But
what amendment in any caise can be espyed in you? Idolatrie was
never in greattar rest: vertew and verteouse men war never in more
contempt: vice was never more bold, nor less feared punishement.
And yitt who guydis the Quene and Court? Who but the Protestantis?
O horrible sclanderaris of God, and of his holie evangell. Bettir it war
unto you plainelie to renunce Christ Jesus, then thus to expone his
blessed Evangell to mockage. Yf God punishe not you, that this
same aige shall see and behold your punishement,
[863]
the Spreit of
rychteous judgement guydis me not."
This vehemence provocked the hatterent, not onlie
of the Courteouris, but also of diverse otheris
against the speakar;
[864]
for such as be in credyte
never lack flatteraris. "Thair brethren of the Courte
war irreverentlie handilled. What was that, but to raise the heartis of
the people against thame? Thei did what thei myght; such speaking
wold cause thame do less." And this was the frute the Preachearis
gatthered of thair just reprehensionis.
The Generall Assemblie of the Churche,
[865]
holden the
twenty-fyve of December, the year of God 1562,
approched, in the which, great complentis war
maid, that churches lacked Ministeris; that
Ministeris lacked thair stipendis; that wicked men
war permitted to be School-maisteris, and so to infect the youth;
amongis whom one Maister Robert Cumyn, school-maister in
Aberbrothok, was compleaned upoun by the Laird of Dun,
[866]
and
sentence was pronunced against him. It was farther compleaned,

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