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Historical Studies
in the
Physical Sciences
6

Notice to Contributors
Historical S tudies in the Physical S ciences, an annual publication issued by Prince
ton University Press, devoted to articles on the history of the physical sciences
from the eighteenth century to the present. The modern period has been selected
since it holds especially challenging and timely problems, problems that so far have
been little explored. An effort is made to bring together articles that expose new di
rections and methods of research in the history of the modern physical sciences.
Consideration is given to the professional communities of physical scientists, to the
internal developments and interrelationships of the physical sciences, to the relations
of the physical to the biological and social sciences, and to the institutional settings
and the cultural and social contexts of the physical sciences. Historiographic articles,
essay reviews, and survey articles on the current state of scholarship are welcome in
addition to the more customary types of articles.
All manuscripts should be accompanied by an additional carbon- or photocopy.
Manuscripts should be typewritten and double-spaced on 8½" X 11" bond paper;
wide margins should be allowed. No limit has been set on the length of manuscripts.
Articles may include illustrations; these may be either glossy prints or directly repro
ducible line drawings. Articles may be submitted in foreign languages; if accepted,
they will be published in English translation. Footnotes are to be double-spaced,
numbered sequentially, and collected at the end of the manuscript. Contributors are
referred to the MLA Style Sheet for detailed instructions on documentation and
other stylistic matters. (Historical Studies departs from the MLA rules in setting
book and journal volume numbers in italicized Arabic rather than Roman numerals.)
All correspondence concerning editorial matters should be addressed to Russell
McCormmach, Department of History of Science, Johns Hopkins University, Balti
more, Md. 21218.
Fifty free reprints accompany each article.
Historical Studies in the Physical Sciences incorporates Chymia, the history of
chemistry annual.

An illustration from Kanagaki Robun's Seiyo dochu hizakurige (Through the West
by Shanks' Mare), published in the early 1870's. Shown right to left: the "uncivilized
man" in kimono with traditional hairdo and swords; the "half-civilized man" in
kimono, but with Western cap, umbrella, and pocket watch; and the "civilized man"
in frock coat, trousers, and top hat, and with beard and cane.

Historical Studies
in the
Physical Sciences
RUSSELL McCORMMACH, Editor
Sixth Annual Volume
PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS
PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY

Copyright © 1975 by Princeton University Press
Published by Princeton University Press, Princeton and London
All Rights Reserved
LCC: 77-75220
ISBN 0-691-08166-2
This book has been composed in IBM Selectric Aldine Roman
Printed in the United States of America
by Princeton University Press, Princeton, NewJersey

Editor
RUSSELL McCORMMACH, Johns Hopkins University
Editorial Board
JOAN BROMBERG, Simmons College
CLAUDE K. DEISCHER, University of Pennsylvania
STANLEY GOLDBERG, Hampshire College
OWEN HANNAWAY, Johns Hopkins University
JOHN L. HEILBRON, University of California, Berkeley
ARMIN HERMANN, University of Stuttgart
TETU HIROSIGE.t Nihon University, Tokyo
GERALD HOLTON, Harvard University
ROBERT H. KARGON, Johns Hopkins University
MARTIN J. KLEIN, Yale University
HERBERT S. KLICKSTEIN, Albert Einstein Medical Center, Philadelphia
THOMAS S. KUHN, Princeton University
BORIS KUZNETSOV, Institute for the History of Science, Moscow
HENRY M. LEICESTER, University of the Pacific
JEROME R. RAVETZ, University of Leeds
NATHAN REINGOLD, Smithsonian Institution
LEON ROSENFELD,t Nordic Institute for Theoretical Atomic Physics,
Copenhagen
ROBERT E. SCHOFIELD, Case Western Reserve University
ROBERT SIEGFRIED, University of Wisconsin
ARNOLD THACKRAY, University of Pennsylvania
HARRY WOOLF, Johns Hopkins University

Contents
Editor's Foreword xi
KENKICHIRO KOIZUMI
The Emergence of Japan's First Physicists: 1868-1900 3
GEOFFREY CANTOR
The Reception of the Wave Theory of Light in Britain:
A Case Study Illustrating the Role of Methodology
in Scientific Debate 109
BARBARA GIUSTI DORAN
Origins and Consolidation of Field Theory in
Nineteenth Century Britain: From the Mechanical to
the Electromagnetic View of Nature 133
SALVO D'AGOSTINO
Hertz's Researches on Electromagnetic Waves 261
J. G. McEVOY and J. E. McGUIRE
God and Nature: Priestley's Way of Rational Dissent 325
JOHN HEDLEY BROOKE
Laurent, Gerhardt, and the Philosophy of Chemistry 405
ROBERT E. KOHLER, JR.
The Lewis-Langmuir Theory of Valence
and the Chemical Community, 1920-1928 431
ROGER H. STUEWER
G. N. Lewis on Detailed Balancing, the Symmetry of Time,
and the Nature of Light 469
THADDEUS J. TRENN
Rutherford and Recoil Atoms: The Metamorphosis
and Success of a Once Stillborn Theory 513
Notes on Contributors 549

Editor's Foreword
In the lead article in this sixth volume of Historical Studies in the Physical
Sciences, Kenkichiro Koizumi analyzes the introduction of Western
physics into Japan after the Meiji Restoration. He shows how the physics
discipline was institutionalized in Japan's new universities at the turn of
the century, and how popularizers and teachers outside the universities
associated physics with Japan's modernization and invested its dissemina
tion with a sense of national urgency. His article suggests the need for
studying the cultural and political preconditions for the emergence of the
physics discipline in other countries. It suggests, too, the need for studying
comparatively the parallels and especially the contrasts between the
development of a professionalized physics community and its supportive
teaching and technical activities in different countries. Studies of both
kinds illuminate the dual national and international character of the
physics community.
At the same time Koizumi's article is a contribution to the more general
historical problem of identifying and analyzing the role of values in the
work of physical scientists. Koizumi shows that despite their markedly
different personalities, abilities, and interests, Japan's early physicists held
certain values in common, and that these values underlay their joint
commitment to building and naturalizing a physics discipline in Japan. He
shows that they were motivated in their original decisions to study physics
by the values of a combined Samurai-Confucian worldview that their
education had instilled in them, especially those stressing moral self-
discipline and service to the state. He shows further that these same values
shaped their attitudes toward physics and helped make possible the im
plantation of a physics discipline in an alien culture; the emphasis of
Japanese physicists on the utility of physics and deemphasis of its
philosophy are cases in point.
We need historical concepts for analyzing the possible relations between
the physicists' pictures of the physical world whose workings they are
committed to understand and their cultural world of values. The distinct
but related concepts of worldview and the world picture of physics may
be useful in this regard. The term "worldview" (Weltanschauung) was and
to some extent still is current in academic circles; often ill-defined and
loosely used, it stands roughly for the totality of views of an individual on

xii EDITOR'S FOREWORD
the meaning of the world. It may connote something more as well, a
unified, actively developing synthesis of value-enduing views on the world
and man's place in it together with a picture of the natural world.1
The term "world picture" (Weltbild) was and is occasionally used inter
changeably with "worldview," but to natural scientists it usually means
something more precise:2 an ideal, synthetic construct of concepts and
theorems that ultimately encompasses all physical phenomena. Although
the concepts of worldview and world picture are particularly appropriate
to the German cultural sphere, they may be extended usefully beyond it.
The German theoretical physicist Woldemar Voigt likened the world
pictures of scientists to the worldviews of philosophers and theologians;
world pictures are working hypotheses that render the world comprehen
sible and make fruitful work possible.3 In the same vein the German
theoretical physicist Max Planck contended that although world pictures
cannot be proved scientifically, scientists are deprived of a major source of
scientific creativity if they are not committed to one.4 If, as Planck
1The theoretical physicist Max Planck argued that just as a viable worldview cannot
be based wholly on science, neither can it stand apart from science ("Ansprache,"
Sitzungsberichte, Akademie der Wissenschaften, Berlin [1913], part 1, pp. 73-76,
especially p. 75).
For an influential discussion of "worldviews," see Dilthey's Philosophy of Exis
tence: Introduction to Weltanschauungslehre, trans. W. Kluback and M. Weinbaum
(New York, 1957); see in particular Dilthey's discussion of the relation of world-
views to values and willed actions on pp. 25-27.
2The theoretical physicist Paul Volkmann, who believed that the proper ground
for the cooperation of science and philosophy was not worldviews but methodology
and epistemology (Die materialistische Epoche des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts und
die phdnomenologisch-monistische Bewegung der Gegenwart [Leipzig, 1909], p. 23),
commended the zoologist Ernst Haeckel's recent use of the "happier expression
Weltbild instead of Weltanschauung" in connection with Darwin and Lamarck
(Erkenntnistheoretische Grundzuge der Naturwissenschaften und ihre Beziehungen
zum Geistesleben der Gegenwart, 2nd ed. [Leipzig, 1910], p. 236). When physicists
spoke of "world picture" (Weltbild) they usually were not making a statement about
the "true world" or "physical reality," but about a "picture" or "sign" of that
world. "Worldview" (Weltanschauung) signified more than this in going beyond what
the natural sciences could say about the world. For the distinction between Weltbild
and Weltanschauung see, e.g., Rudolf Eisler, ed., Worterbuch der philosophischen
Begriffe, 4th rev. ed., 3 (Berlin, 1930), 506-508; Heinrich Schmidt, ed., Philo-
sophisches Worterbuch, new ed. (New York, 1945), pp. 456-457; Walter Brugger,
ed., Philosophisches Worterbuch, 5th ed. (Freiburg, 1953), pp. 370-371.
3Woldemar Voigt, "Ueber Arbeitshypothesen," Nachrichten von der konigl.
Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Gottingen, Math.-physik. Klasse (1905), pp. 114-
115.
4Max Planck, "New Paths of Physical Knowledge" (1913), in Planck, A Survey of
Physical Theory, trans. R. Jones and D. H. Williams (New York, 1960), pp. 45-55,
especially p. 54.

EDITOR'S FOREWORD xiii
suggested, the physicists' faith in their world pictures is not compelled by
scientific facts alone, the origins of world pictures may lie partly in other
facets of worldviews.
By studying the possible relations between physicists' pictures of the
physical world and their more comprehensive worldviews, it would appear
that we can deepen our historical understanding of the development of
conceptions-of physical reality. On the one hand we may learn in what
respects and to what degree we can regard the physicists' world pictures as
conditioning and conditioned by their worldviews. On the other hand we
may learn if and in what ways the physicists' world pictures condition
their perception of the problems of their specialties and with it their
technical contributions.
Among concepts other than worldview and world picture that have
proven useful in analyzing scientists' values, ideology is one of the most
important. Values may be gauged from how scientists act in light of the
available choices; they may also be gauged from statements by scientists
about their actions, and may be referred to their worldviews and analyzed
for ideological content. Ideology lends itself to a more or less critical
approach to scientists, directing our attention to social forces, group
interests, and ego defences. By contrast worldview lends itself to a more
or less empathetic approach, directing our attention to scientists' search
for meaning, insight, and self-realization. The historical interpretations we
construct with the aid of worldview and ideology are in a sense comple
mentary. Both interpretations are needed.
Potentially significant historical problems may be posed by analyzing
within concrete historical situations the relations between worldviews,
world pictures, values, and perceptions of scientific careers and scientific
problems. Other potentially significant historical problems may be posed
by interpreting worldviews as ideological expressions of groups of scientists
with societal connections. On this interpretation we would seek to relate
the more or less static taxonomy of concepts—worldviews, world pictures,
and values—to dynamic societal processes; we would seek reasons why the
concepts apply at certain times and places.
Historical information on professed and implicit values held by physicists
is often inaccessible or nonexistent. But as Koizumi and others have
shown, the situation is not hopeless when we are dealing with well-known
physicists, or even when we are dealing with a national body of physicists.
One natural starting point for a study of values is national educational
systems and the worldviews and ideologies they may help to transmit to
intending physicists. Another is general writings on science, religion,

xiv EDITOR'S FOREWORD
ethics, and politics by physicists. Yet another is unpublished material by
and about physicists now being collected in the Archive for History of
Quantum Physics and at the Center for History of Physics at the American
Institute of Physics.
The motivating values of physical scientists are a well-recognized subject
of historical study. It is clear that an understanding of physicists' values
bears on such basic historical problems as physicists' career decisions and
their perceptions of the nature and needs of their specialties. Ultimately we
may hope to have a better understanding of what it means for an in
dividual to become a physicist and to practice physics at a given time and
place. Today there is considerable interest among historians in the role of
values, world pictures, and ideologies in late nineteenth and early twentieth
century physical research, especially in that done by German-speaking
theoretical physicists; for this reason I have written an editor's foreword
on the subject.

Historical Studies
in the
Physical Sciences
6

The Emergence of Japan's
First Physicists: 1868-1900'
BY KENKICHIRO KOIZUMI*
1. Introduction 4
2. Japan's First Encounter with Western Science 7
The Beginnings of Rangaku (Dutch Learning) 7
The Impact of Rangaku 9
Two Institutional Manifestations of Rangaku 14
Rangaku and Meiji Science: Rupture and Continuity 17
Westernization as Progress: The Bootstrap Psychology 19
The Selling of Western Science 23
3. The Institutionalization of Physics and the
Physical Science Disciplines 29
Japan's First University 29
The Problem of Instructional Language 31
*Chief Science Editor, TBS-Britannica, Eiwa Building, 1-9-18 Nishishinjuku,
Shinjuku-ku, Tokyo 160, Japan.
1This paper was prepared while the author was lecturer at the University of
Pennsylvania. It is drawn from a parent study, The Development of Physics in Meiji
Japan: 1868-1912 (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1973), to which the
reader is directed for more detailed data and additional bibliographic references. I am
indebted to Russell McCormmach for invaluable criticisms and stimulating comments
and to the National Science Foundation for support of my research in Japan.
I want to make some remarks here on Japanese names. The normal order is family
name first, then given name: ARAI Hakuseki. Reference to a person by a single name
rather than by his full name, however, follows two rules: in pre-modern times, that is,
pre-1868, persons are referred to by their given or chosen names, which often served
as their pen names (ARAI Hakuseki would be referred to as Hakuseki); in modern
times, that is, post-1868, a person is known by his family name (YUKAWA Hideki
would be referred to as Yukawa). In accordance with Western scholarly convention, I
have retained these practices.
However, in order to avoid confusion in the notes where both Japanese andWestern
authors are listed, I have adopted a uniform convention: initial of the given name
followed by the family name (H. Yukawa, D. Price). Also in accordance with Western
scholarly usage I have employed the Hepburn system for the Romanization of all
Japanese names and words. Not all Japanese use this system: Hiroshige Tetsu, for ex
ample, prefers Hirosige Tetu for his own name and may be found under that Romani-
zation in some publications elsewhere.

4 JAPAN'S FIRST PHYSICISTS
Foreign Teachers 33
Mendenhall and Ewing 35
The Faculty of Science and the Development of Physics 37
The Tokyo School of Physics 39
The Tokyo Mathematico-Physical Society 44
4. The First Generation of Japanese Physicists: The 18 70's 48
Japan's First Physicists 48
The Education of a Samurai 50
Foreign and Domestic Training 53
The English-Language Physicists 54
The German-Language Physicists 55
The French-Language Physicists 57
5. ThreeMajorFiguresinEarlyjapanesePhysics 59
Yamagawa Kenjiro 59
Tanakadate Aikitsu 72
Nagaoka Hantaro 82
6. In Conclusion 95
Appendix 101
Table A. Fief and State Schools and the Evolution of the
University of Tokyo 101
Table B. Faculty of Science, University of Tokyo, 1877 103
Table C. Academic Societies and Journals in Japan 104
Table D. The Principal Members of the First Generation
of Japanese Physicists 105
Table E. Training of the First Generation of Japanese Physicists 106
Table F. Principal Graduates of the French
Language Physics Department 107
1. INTRODUCTION
In 1868 Japan made one of the greatest decisions in its history. In the face
of domestic crisis and international tension Japan decided to transform
itself into a great power under the slogan Fukoku kyohei, or "wealth and
military strength for Japan." Internal factors that brought about the de
cision were the feudal government's failure to resolve the problem of
agrarian uprisings and a general deterioration in government control over
domestic affairs. The external factor was pressure from the West for open

KENKICHIRO KOIZUMI 5
trade. Japan had been closed under a rigidly enforced isolation policy for
bidding contact with the outside world for more than two hundred years;
in the face of new and increasing Western threats, the government's waver
ing attitude underlined its weakness. Although the pressure exerted by the
West on Japan was considerably less than that directed toward China,
Japan reacted intensely to it.2 When China, a country long the object of
Japan's admiration, was defeated by powerful British forces in the Opium
War of 1840, Japan sensed that it, too, might at any moment suffer de
feat.3 The psychological factor of fear inspired by the Opium War oper
ated alongside a cultural factor in determining the nature of Japan's re
sponse to external pressure. Under the feudal system in Japan relations
between people were understood only as vertical; that is, as relations be
tween superiors and inferiors or between governors and the governed.
Thus, the feudal rulers were not able to conceive of any relationship with
Western nations other than one in which Japan would be either dominant
or dominated.4
Feudal Japanese society of the 1850's consisted of about 265 han or
fiefs. Each fief was controlled by a daimyo or feudal lord, who in turn
owed allegiance to the shogunate or military government headed by the
Tokugawa family, members of which had successively controlled the
country since 1600. Above this structure was the Emperor, who had no
political power, but whose prestige as a symbol of Japan and of its history
had to be recognized even by the Tokugawa shogunate. Although the con
stituents of this complex polity differed in their reactions to the threat
from the West, their initial response to the first Western overture was one
of almost total unanimity against opening the country and establishing
trade. In 1853 Commodore Matthew Perry came to Japan from the United
States with modern firearms and steam-powered warships, symbols of the
powerful West, demanding that Japan open ports for American whaling
ships and set up machinery for trade; in the years that followed, Japanese
reactions changed quickly as direct contacts with the West increased. De-
2The difference between the external pressure on Japan and that on other Asian
countries was directly related to Japan's position as the last Asian country to be ap
proached by Western powers. Having experienced considerable troubles in dealing
with Oriental countries (in China, with the Opium War in 1840 and the Taiping
Rebellion in the 1850's; in India, with the Sepoy Rebellion in 1857), the Western na
tions assumed threatening postures but wished to avoid open military conflict with
Japan. See S. Nohara, "Kyokuto ο meguru kokusai kankei," inNihon rekisht—Kindai
(Tokyo, 1962), 1, 59-96.
3C. Blacker, The Japanese Enlightenment (Cambridge, 1964), p. 16.
4S. Toyama, Aieyi ishin (Tokyo, 1951), pp. 73-74.

6 JAPAN'S FIRST PHYSICISTS
clining opposition to opening Japan to the West was particularly con
spicuous among the feudal lords and their followers. It was found even
among those who had previously been the strongest advocates of isolation
ism, as in such places as the Satsuma and Choshu fiefs. Satsuma had been
bombarded by the British fleet in 1863 in retaliation for so-called "terror
ism" (the Richardson killing), and a year later Choshu had been fired upon
by an allied fleet of British, American, Dutch, and French ships in retalia
tion for having fired at their ships. Such incidents convinced the Japanese,
including the most stubbornly anti-Western, of the technological superior
ity of "Western civilization" and of the need to open the country and ob
tain the fruits of this civilization to survive.5
The changes initiated during the early stages of contact with the West
led to the abolition of the closed-country policy, the overthrow of the
Tokugawa shogunate, and the establishment of a strong, new, centralized
government headed by Emperor Meiji, to whom ultimate power and
authority was restored in 1868. The new government abolished the feudal
domains and the vertical class system of samurai, peasant, artisan, and
merchant. It established a new taxation system and imposed other far-
reaching reforms. The path Japan took in achieving the Meiji Restoration
is very complex and cannot be considered in the present study. It is im
portant to note, however, that although Japan was awakened by the West
and its revolutionary reforms were to a large extent based upon Western
ideas, it did not seek to become a Western nation. Rather, Japan sought to
become a nation capable of coping with external encroachments and of
competing with the West, a nation of people who could be proud of them
selves before Western people. Their nationalistic attitude was not explicit,
however, but latent in the early years of the Meiji period, when they
tended to disparage themselves before Westerners and to absorb everything
Western. The word "nationalistic" is somewhat inappropriate at this stage,
for the attitudes formed under the feudal system and during Japan's long
period of isolation hardly resembled modern nationalism. Geographically
isolated from the rest of Asia, Japan had evolved its own unique forms of
government, language, religion, and culture. It was aware of its own in
dividuality, but, as one Japanese intellectual wrote in 1875, it was not yet
a nation.6 By the time of the Russo-Japanese war of 1904-1905, however,
Japan had risen from feudal obscurity to one of the five most powerful
nations in the world and had acquired modern nationalistic attitudes.
The history of science, particularly of the physical scientific disciplines,
Slbid., pp. 82-87 and pp. 125-127.
6Ibid., pp. 73-74.

KENKICHIRO KOIZUMI 7
in Japan is inextricably linked to these historical events. At times the de
velopment of science meant to the Japanese the development, even the
survival, of the nation; at times words such as "physics" meant "science"
and "science" meant "civilization." In the present study I will explore the
complex phenomenon of the introduction of Western science into Japan
through an examination of the history of Japanese physics. I do so not be
cause I believe that the process observable in Japan will provide a model of
success for other non-Western nations, but, on the contrary, to show
among other things that it cannot be duplicated.
2. JAPAN'S FIRST ENCOUNTER WITH WESTERN SCIENCE
The Beginnings of Rangaku (Dutch Learning)
In 1543 a Portuguese ship ran aground at Tanegashima, bringing the
Japanese into direct contact with Europeans for the first time. From that
introduction until the 1630's Western knowledge, limited primarily to
astronomy (Ptolemaic theory), medicine, and navigation, entered Japan
under Christian influence, mainly through the Jesuits. Western knowledge
during this period was known as Nambangaku or "southern barbarian
studies," a term appropriated from the Chinese, who used it to refer to the
learning of the West borne to the East by the "uncivilized" Europeans on
ships from the south. The Japanese showed considerable interest in the
teachings of the Christian priests on the earth's configuration, falling stars,
and other astronomical subjects and inquired about other natural phe
nomena such as lightning, rain, and snow.7
By 1639, however, the Japanese government, suspicious of the political
implications of aggressive Christian proselytizing, adopted its national iso
lation policy. The only Europeans permitted to remain and to continue
trade were the Dutch, and even they were restricted to a small island near
Nagasaki called Dejima.8 During this sakoku, or closed-country, period
from 1639 to 1853 the Dutch became Japan's main source of European
knowledge. Rangaku, or Dutch learning, became the new term for Western
knowledge; it consisted of the study of Western natural science—mostly
medicine, astronomy, and botany—through the Dutch language. It is im
portant to note that, aside from language study, Rangaku did not include
the humanities.
7A. Ebizawa,NambangakutO no kenkyu (Tokyo, 1959), pp. 41-42.
81639 is the date when Japan's isolation was more or less completed. The first iso
lation order was issued in 1633 and was reissued every year until 1639. For a discus
sion of the isolation policy in Japan, see E. Reischauer and J. Fairbank, East Asia:
The Great Tradition (Boston, 1960), pp. 595-601.

8 JAPAN'S FIRST PHYSICISTS
Western knowledge in Japan—Nambangaku and Rangaku—was not ex
tensive; Western and Japanese cultures were too different and met on too
limited a basis for fundamental changes or profound mutual influence to
occur during the early stages of contact. The Japanese were most attracted
to the practical sciences—astronomy, medicine, and navigation—with which
they could immediately improve their lives.
Until the end of the seventeenth century Rangaku developed very slowly
due to several factors. The confinement of the Dutch on Dejima severely
limited their contact with the Japanese; Japanese interpreters lacked a
sound knowledge of the Dutch language;9 and Japanese authorities pro
hibited the importation of all Western books as well as their Chinese trans
lations. The purpose of the book ban was to ensure that no works dealing
with Christianity entered the country, but of course books on science
such as the Chinese translation of Euclid's Elements10 were equally victims
of the sweeping proscription. The rare contacts between the Japanese and
the Dutch were provided by official liaison agents, suppliers, and inter
preters for the Dutch, by Dutch visitors to the shogun in Edo (present-day
Tokyo), and by a few Dutch medical and military tutors. A Dutch physi
cian, Caspar Schambergen, became the unwitting founder of a type of
medicine known in Japan as the Caspar School, and a Dutch gunner,
Schaedel, taught the use of artillery to Japanese in Edo;11 in general the
knowledge transmitted during this early period was of such a fragmentary
nature that an adequate picture of Rangaku cannot be clearly presented.
It was not until the late eighteenth century that the Japanese undertook
systematic studies of Rangaku.
In the early eighteenth century Dutch learning attracted the interest of a
number of important Japanese who influenced the direction of its develop
ment. Arai Hakuseki, a Confucian scholar and counselor to the shogunate
from 1709 to 1716, interviewed an Italian Jesuit, G. B. Sidotti, who in
1708 had illegally smuggled himself into Japan to engage in missionary
work and was captured and brought to Edo. Following their interview,
9Portuguese had been more popular than Dutch up to this time as a result of the
more than one hundred years of trade between Japan and Portugal. A record written
by a Dutch official in 1675 comments on the lack of efficiency in trade because of
the poor knowledge of Japanese on the part of Dutch interpreters. See J. Numata,
YOgaku denrai no rekishi (Tokyo, 1966), pp. 6-10.
10T. Itazawa, Nichiran bunka koshdshi no kenkyu {Tokyo, 1959), p. 456. These
Western scientific books were prohibited not'because of their subject matter, but be
cause they had been translated by Christians.
11J. Numata, Ydgaku denrai no rekishi, pp. 14-16.

KENKICHIRO KOIZUMI 9
Hakuseki wrote two books, Sairan igen (A Selected View of Foreign
Statements) in 1708, and Seiyo kibun (Report of the Occident) in 1713,
in which he reported that Sidotti displayed an extensive knowledge of
astronomy and world geography. "The man was very learned, and ap
peared to have studied many subjects. I do not think that we can compete
with them [Westerners] as far as the fields of astronomy and geography
are concerned."12 He then modified his praise of the West by saying that
Western knowledge was very accurate only in the practical sciences. He
also criticized the current shogunate view of the dangerous, aggressive
character of Christianity. Through his position as counselor to two sho-
guns, through his recognition of the value of Rangaku and the superiority
of Western practical sciences, and through his insistence on the separation
of Western science from Christianity, Hakuseki opened the way to the
further development of Rangaku within the context of the prohibition of
Christianity.13
The Impact of Rangaku
In 1720 the eighth shogun, Tokugawa Yoshimune, decided to ease the
ban against the importation of Western books by making them available to
certain officially recognized scholars. The decision grew mainly out of
Yoshimune's interest in calendar reform, but it was also influenced by his
desire to improve domestic commerce through appropriate practical
Western techniques and by his fascination with the exotic.14 Yoshimune
agreed with Hakuseki that Rangaku was superior in practical matters, and
after the ban was eased, most of the books that were imported dealt with
astronomy and calendar making. Other subjects such as the geography of
foreign countries, the species of Western animals and plants, and machinery
12Quoted in S. Sato, Yogakushi kenkyu josetsu (Tokyo, 1964), pp. 11-12.
13S. Sato holds the opposite view on this point. He says that the recognition of the
superiority of Western science with respect to application was more or less common
among intellectuals (i.e., men such as the Confucian scholar, Kaibara Ekken, and the
astronomer, Nishikawa Jyoken); it was not Hakuseki's contribution. He also says that
the Western sciences were never considered to be part of Christianity, and that it is
therefore meaningless to emphasize Hakuseki's role in separating the two. I wish to
emphasize on the contrary that Hakuseki was not just a scholar but a counselor to the
shogunate. Even if Sato's claims were true, Hakuseki's restatement and confirmation
of the practical nature of Western science and his reassurances about the dangers of
Christianity, voiced in the inner circles of the shogunate, are of considerable sig
nificance. Ibici., pp. 29-41.
14A. Saito, "Tokugawa Yoshimune to seiyo bunka," Shigaku zasshi, 47 (1936),
1356-1377.

10 JAPAN'S FIRST PHYSICISTS
were also encouraged by Yoshimune and were studied under the guidance
of the Dutch.15
In 1740, when scholarly interest in Western learning had grown suffi
ciently to allow a full-scale development of Rangaku, Yoshimune ordered
the two scholars Aoki Konyo and Noro Genjo to study Rangaku. Genjo,
with the help of interpreters, studied mainly botanical science and trans
lated a few Dutch books into Japanese; Konyo wrote several books on the
Dutch language. Although the level of their studies was relatively low—
Konyo's writings, for instance, reveal a mediocre knowledge of Dutch
grammar at best—Konyo and Genjo were the first scholars, as opposed to
mere interpreters, to be concerned with Rangaku. Their work may thus be
regarded as the start of serious study of Western learning in Japan.16
By easing the restrictions against books and encouraging the study of
Western knowledge, Yoshimune created a favorable atmosphere for the de
velopment of Rangaku. Sugita Gempaku in 1815 in his book Rangaku
kotohajime17 (The Beginnings of Dutch Learning [in Japan]) wrote:
"There was no one well versed in Western things; it is just that somehow or
other people no longer seemed indifferent to Western things. Although
there was no relaxation of the ban on the ordinary person possessing
Dutch books and the like, the temper of the time became such that one
frequently encountered people who did possess them."18 The study of
Rangaku gradually and spontaneously increased among the ordinary
Japanese. The most important manifestation of their new interest was the
private translation of a Dutch book on anatomy19 by a group of Japanese
led by Sugita Gempaku and Maeno Ryotaku. Most members of the group
were physicians who, under a variety of circumstances, had become in
terested in Dutch medicine. In his Rangaku kotohajime, Gempaku de
scribes how they came to translate the Dutch text. Gempaku, Ryotaku,
15For detailed information, see for example G. K. Goodman, The Dutch Impact on
Japan (1640-1853) (Leiden, 1967), pp. 63 ff.
16J. Numata, YOgaku denrai no rekishi, pp. 31-46.
17TVie original title is Ranto kotohajime (The Beginnings of Dutch Learning in
Japan), but the work was better known as Rangaku kotohajime. Rants and Rangaku
are synonyms.
18G. Sugita, Ranto kotohajime in Nihon koten bungaku taikei (Tokyo, 1964), 95,
486.
19This book, called Kaitai shinsho (A New Book of Anatomy) in its Japanese trans
lation, was a Dutch translation of a German anatomy book by J. A. Kulmus, The
Dutch translation from which they were translating was called Ontleedkundige
Tafelen, Benevens de daar toe behoorende Afbeeldingen en Aanmerkingen, Waar in
het Zaamenstel des Menschelijken Lichaams, en het gebruik van alle deszelfs Deelen
afgebeeld engeleerd word (Amsterdam, 1734).

KENKICHIRO KOIZUMI 11
and others had been invited to view the dissection of the body of an old
woman who had been executed for a crime. At the dissection Ryotaku
showed Gempaku a copy of the Dutch book on anatomy which he had ob
tained in Nagasaki and which he had brought to the dissection for com
parison. Gempaku, too, had just received a copy of the same book from a
Japanese interpreter and had likewise brought it with him in order to com
pare the illustrations with what he would observe at the dissection. The
two physicians found to their mutual astonishment that the anatomical
drawings in the Dutch book agreed completely with the corpse's anatomy.
On the way home the group of physicians marveled over the accuracy of
the Dutch drawings and their superiority over the philosophical explana
tions of the human body of the Chinese texts on which they had pre
viously depended. They lamented that they had been practicing medicine
for all these years without a knowledge of human anatomy,20 and al
though only Ryotaku knew any Dutch and that sketchily they determined
to translate the book.
To the eighteenth-century Japanese, it was far from obvious that anat
omy and medicine are closely connected, and that without a knowledge of
the former one cannot adequately practice the latter. That Gempaku and
his colleagues were able to make this connection was highly significant for
Japanese medicine. The assertion of the connection, however, did not lead
to fundamental methodological changes in medical studies. Instead of a
methodological shift from Chinese theory to Western pragmatism, Japa
nese medical science after Gempaku merely shifted the source of medical
authority from Chinese medical tomes to Dutch ones. In short, Gempaku's
association of anatomy with good medical practice did not turn Japanese
from a book-oriented knowledge of medicine to an entirely new and ex
perimental methodology. It is hard to say definitely that Gempaku did not
somehow glimpse new possibilities for medicine, even methodologically,
but we can definitely say, even if such were the case, that those who
followed him did not interpret his Dutch orientation to mean anything
more than that Dutch books were better than Chinese ones.
Gempaku's contributions to Rangaku drew others, mainly physicians, to
him and Ryotaku for the study of Dutch learning. Among them, Otsuki
Gentaku was especially important to the further progress of Rangaku.
Gentaku came to Edo in 1778 to study Rangaku under Gempaku, com
pleting his studies in 1785 and becoming physician to the Edo members of
the Sendai fief. In the following year, he opened in Edo the largest and
20G. Sugita, Ranto kotohajime, pp. 489-492.

12 JAPAN'S FIRST PHYSICISTS
best known private school for Rangaku, the Shirando. He wrote many
books, among them Rangaku kaitei (The Ladder of Dutch Learning), an
advanced work on the origins of Japanese-Dutch contacts and an analysis
of the Dutch language, published in 1788, and Rangaku haikei (Introduc
tion to the Study of Dutch Words), a beginner's language text, published in
1795. These two works were read from this period on by almost everyone
who was interested in Rangaku,21
Other Japanese "scientific" fields were, of course, influenced by Dutch
learning; I have discussed mainly the development of medical science in
relation to Dutch learning because it tended to dominate the field. Never
theless, other subjects such as astronomy, calendar making, and botany
also developed under the influence of Dutch learning.
Since Rangaku had influenced some traditional Japanese sciences such as
medicine, the question arises whether or not it could have furthered the
development of other traditional sciences. A related question is whether or
not Rangaku itself could have been developed in private research along
purely scientific lines simultaneously with its utilitarian development
under official support. Here we must keep in mind that when Western
science was first introduced through Rangaku, traditional Japanese "sci
ence" consisted only of medicine, astronomy, botany, and mathematics,
and that Western science affected each of these fields differently. Whereas
medicine, astronomy, and botany had felt an immediate impact, mathe
matics was at first very little influenced by Western science, particularly as
far as the orthodox Japanese mathematics known as wasan was concerned.
The wasan mathematicians claimed that in mathematics Japan was better
than the West.22 They were proud of having developed a mathematics
unique to Japan and of having created the only pure, as opposed to ap
plied, science among the traditional sciences. As a consequence, recog
nition of the practical value of Western mathematics came from men out
side the ranks of mathematicians. Despite the aloofness of the wasan
mathematicians themselves, however, the debate leading to the adoption
of Western mathematics began. In 1857 an elementary book on Western
mathematics using only Western notation and computation was published
by Yanagawa Shunsan, not a wasan mathematician but a scholar of
Dutch.23
Whereas Japanese mathematics had early departed from its source-
Chinese mathematics—and had developed in its own direction, other sci-
211. Sugimoto et al.,Kagakushi (Tokyo, 1967), pp. 262-263.
22K. Ogura, Sugakushi kenkyu (Tokyo, 1948), 2, 99-100.
«Κ. Ogura, Sugakushi kenkyu (Tokyo, 1935), 1, 318.

KENKICHIRO KOIZUMI 13
ences in Japan never achieved independent status. For example, Chinese
astronomy dominated until Western astronomy took its place in the
1730's. The Japanese showed little interest in exploring astronomical
matters on their own or in experimenting with practical uses of astronomy
such as calendar making; they simply adopted the Chinese calendar and
did not reform it until 1684.24 Having developed no astronomy of their
own, therefore, they were more disposed to adopt Western astronomy
than Western mathematics.
In a study of the development of Western physics in modern Japan, we
cannot ignore all reference to physics in the pre-modern period. The
Japanese, however, had no science resembling physics among their tradi
tional sciences, and Japanese scholars knew little of Western physics until
the nineteenth century, when they first began to give serious attention to
Dutch books on "natural philosophy." The most notable study of Western
natural philosophy was a work called Rekishd shinsho (New Handbook on
Calendrical Phenomena) by Shizuki Tadao, an official interpreter in
Nagasaki. The book was excerpts and summaries in Japanese of John
Keill's Introductiones ad veram Physicam et veram Astronomiam Quibus
aceedunt, Trigonometria, de viribus Centralibus. De legibus Attraetiones
(editio novissima, London 1739), which was prepared from Johan Lulofs'
Dutch translation Inleidinge tot de waare Natuur- et Starrekunde (Amster
dam, 1741). After retiring as an interpreter, Shizuki Tadao devoted more
than twenty years to the study and translation of this Dutch text and
completed it in three manuscript volumes in 1798, 1800, and 1802. The
work, which was never published but circulated only in manuscript form,
introduced Newtonian natural philosophy into Japan for the first time.25
Other Japanese scholars also became interested in the study of natural
philosophy. Hoashi Banri, a Confucian scholar who had read Shizuki
Tadao's translation, was one of the first to write a book on physics. His
KyUri tsii (Proficiency in Natural Philosophy) was based on about thirteen
Dutch books26 and comprised eight volumes of manuscript. In 1860 three
24S. Nakayama, A History of Japanese Astronomy (Cambridge, Mass., 1969),
pp. 116 ff.
2sIbid., pp. 180-186; Nihon gakushiin, ed., Meiji zen Nihon butsuri kagakushi
(Tokyo, 1964), pp. 62-79.
26Some of the Dutch books are Petrus van Musschenbroek, Beginsels der natuur-
kunde beschreeven ten dienste der landgenooten; J. J. Lalande, Astronomia of ster-
rekunde; P. F. Prinsen, Geographische oefeningen of leerboek der aardrijkskunde;
S. Ypey, Sijstematisch handboek der scheikunde; C. L. Willdenow, Handleiding tot de
kennis der planten; A. Richerand, Natuurkunde van $en mensch; J. de Gelder,
Algemeene aardrijksbeschrijving. See Nihongakushiin, ed., op. cit. (note 25), p. 155.

14 JAPAN'S FIRST PHYSICISTS
volumes of the work were published posthumously; the others remained in
manuscript. In 1827, Aochi Rinso, a Rangaku scholar and student of
Chinese medicine, published the first physics book in Japan. It was en
titled Kikai kanran, which loosely translated means something like Obser
vations of the Billowing Waves of Air and Sea, and was most likely based
on two Dutch works by Johannes Buys, Natuurkundig Schoolboek and
Volks-Natuurkunde, Rins5's small work explained briefly, in one or two
pages per subject, such phenomena as rain, snow, light, color, temperature,
attraction, and electricity. Despite its brevity, it treated almost all basic
concepts then considered part of physics, and it was read widely by
scholars. Rinso's son-in-law, Kawamoto Komin, published a sequel for
physicians called Kikai kanran kogi (Observations of the Billowing Waves
of Air and Sea, Enlarged) in fifteen volumes between 1851 and 1856.27 In
1856, the physician Hirose Genkyo published a two-volume work called
Rigaku teiyo (Summary of Natural Philosophy). It was based on a German
work by J. N. Isfording which had been translated into Dutch by Epen and
published in 1826 as Natuurkundig handboek voor leerlingen in de heel- en
geneeskunde. Genkyo stated in his preface that his translation was in
tended for physicians, as the original probably was. In the West, he ex
plained, physicians study natural philosophy first before going on to
anatomy and physiology and other biomedical subjects, and its study is
therefore basic to medical training.28
One notices connections with medicine in the careers of several of the
early investigators of Dutch natural philosophy; however, primary sources
are so scant and modern research so little advanced that we cannot dis
cover the motivation, aim, or use of these early studies of physics in
Japan. All that is clear is that the significance of physics in pre-Meiji Japan
was slight. The difference between the natural philosophy of the Rangaku
period and the physics of the Meiji period is great.
Two Institutional Manifestations of Rangaku
After flourishing in a more or less free and private atmosphere, Rangaku
changed again into an official arm of the shogunate. The threat of the West
had begun to be felt seriously around the time of the Opium War in 1839-
1842, and the uneasiness of the times was reflected in a shift of emphasis
in Rangaku. Whereas before students interested primarily in Western medi
cine or astronomy had dominated Rangaku studies, now those primarily
interested in military science predominated. Rangaku as a whole became
^rjIbid., pp. 121-136 arid pp. 163-177.
28IbiU, pp. 181-189.

KENKICHIRO KOIZUMI 15
more and more the study of military science, and translations of Dutch
books on military science gradually increased. The shogunate began to
adopt Western military arts and to manufacture firearms such as guns and
cannons. From the 1830's to Perry's arrival in 1853, a power struggle
within the shogunate caused the official attitude toward Western military
science to vary, but the number of samurai studying Western military
science steadily increased.29
After Perry's arrival, a number of new governmental institutions for the
study of military science and Western learning were set up. The increase in
shogunal business with foreign countries and pressures from Japanese
leaders to create a Western style army for protection compelled the sho
gunate to establish a better source of information than their small, limited
Rangaku Yakukyoku (Translation Bureau for Dutch Texts). The latter had
been set up in 1811 mainly to translate Huishoudelijk Woordenboek by
Noel Chomel, a work better known as Chomel'sEncyclopedia.30 In 1855
the shogunate set up the Nagasaki Kaigun Denshusho (Nagasaki Naval
Academy), in 1856 the Bansho Shirabesho (Office for the Investigation of
Barbarian Books) and the Kobusho (Military Academy), and in 1857 the
Gunkan Sorensho (Training Academy for Battleships) and the Nagasaki
Igaku Denshusho (Nagasaki Medical School).
Of these several institutions, the Office for the Investigation of Barbarian
Books was especially significant. It was intended specifically as a means of
meeting the shortcomings of the old Translation Bureau for Dutch Texts.
In 1855 the Translation Bureau was replaced by a ydgakusho, or a bureau
of Western learning, and in 1856 the new bureau was named the Office for
the Investigation of Barbarian Books. The new institution was not only
made responsible for the translation of sensitive foreign documents and for
the teaching of subjects related to military science, but it was also given
authority over aspects of Dutch learning unrelated to government business;
in short it was both a governmental office and a training academy. At first
only the Dutch language was taught, but in 1860 the curriculum was ex
panded to include English, French, German, Russian, and some chemistry.
In 1862 the office changed its name to Yosho Shirabesho, or Office for
the Investigation of Western Books.31
The Nagasaki Naval Academy was significant, too, because it was the
2®S. Sato, Yogakushi kenkyu josetsu (Tokyo, 1964), pp. 138-139.
3®N. Chomel, Λ lgemeen Huishoudelijk Natuur, Zedekundig en Konst Woordenboek
(Leiden, 1778-1786). The original version was in French, compiled by Chomel in
1709. Later J. A. de Chalmot translated it into Dutch with alterations and additions.
31I. Sugimoto et al., Kagakushi, pp. 331-336.

16 JAPAN'S FIRST PHYSICISTS
first institution in which Western science was taught by Western instructors
hired by the Japanese government. At the request of the shogunate, the
Dutch sent a steam-powered gunboat and crew to set up a training center
at Nagasaki in July 1855.32 The first training period lasted a year and
three months. A second gunboat with crew was sent to Japan in August
1857, and although the training of a second Japanese group was begun, the
program was terminated in January 1859 because of domestic turmoil and
financial difficulties.
The Dutch taught subjects related to navigation, but, according to Com
mander PelsRijcken, the leader of the first group, they encountered a
serious obstacle in the Japanese trainees' lack of knowledge in such funda
mental subjects as mathematics. After a year of study, however, students
who at the start of training had been unable to compute without the help
of an abacus could now calculate square and cube roots and even solve
some of the most difficult problems in arithmetic. Some went on to study
algebra and trigonometry, and a few came to understand the theory and
practical use of logarithms.33
On the second gunboat was a medical officer, Pompe van Meerdervoort,
who came to Japan at the request of the shogunate to teach medical sci
ence. In addition to medicine he taught the Japanese trainees such subjects
as physics, chemistry, and physiology, and he, too, recognized that "a
serious hindrance to their progress" was "the want of elementary instruc
tion in arithmetic, algebra, and mathematics."34 In spite of these diffi
culties, however, the trainees were anxious to learn, and showed a great
interest in the application of physics and chemistry. Meerdervoort wrote:
By means of physics and chemistry the people also are anxious to im
prove their manufactories and institutions of arts; and my pupils so far
as they are able, communicate to others what they themselves have ac
quired. By this method several manufacturers and merchants have al
ready introduced improvements in their cotton fabrics. These improve
ments are observable in their application of both chemical ingredients
and mechanical forces. The numerous questions which they have daily to
propose, in regard to their instruction, give me pleasing evidence of their
success, showing that they are not only indefatigable in their study of
32The gunboat arrived as a goodwill gift from the King of Holland.
33J. Numata,Bakumatsu ySgakushi (Tokyo, 1950), pp. 90-94.
34P. van Meerdervoort, "On the Study of the Natural Sciences in Japan,"Journal
of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, North China Branch, 2
(1859), 214.

KENKICHIRO KOIZUMI 17
books, but also most untiring in their experiments to work out satis
factory results.35
Thus, through the urgent, practical concerns which brought Western
military science to Japan, the mathematical and physical sciences were in
troduced, gained acceptance, and began to reveal their usefulness. Western
sciences were beginning to find a home in officially supported institutions,
which was one of Rangaku's most important legacies to modern science.
Rangaku and Meiji Science: Rupture and Continuity
It becomes clear that, apart from the institutional or administrative con
tributions of Rangaku, neither Rangaku nor the traditional Japanese sci
ences provided the basis for the great successes of science in the Meiji
period. The career of Nagaoka Hantaro, one of Japan's early physicists, is
evidence for this view. As a young student in the early Meiji period,
Nagaoka gave no thought to the achievements of Rangaku; before deciding
on a scientific career, he sought reassurance through Chinese science
(rather than through Japanese work with Rangaku or through the tradi
tional Japanese sciences) that Orientals had a potential for scientific
achievement. He was able to ignore Rangaku and early Japanese science
precisely because there was so little continuity between the Dutch and
Japanese learning and Meiji science. In its attempt to Westernize, Japan dis
carded many of the inheritances of the pre-Meiji period. The discontin
uity between Rangaku and Meiji science can be further illustrated by the
rapid rise of English, French, and German learning during the Meiji period
and a concomitant rapid decline of Dutch learning. The foreign scientists
who were invited to teach in Meiji Japan were mostly from America,
England, France, and Germany, not from the Netherlands. The Japanese
had been shocked to discover that there were actually very few Western
ers who understood Dutch, and that the various nations of the Western
world differed widely in their cultures.
The departure of Rangaku is a conspicuous characteristic of Meiji Japan.
Nevertheless, a certain continuity between Dutch learning and Meiji sci
ence can be detected in the ways in which knowledge was acquired from
foreign sources. One was the use of foreign instructors. Before the Meiji
period, the visit by Philipp von Siebold was perhaps the most important
by any Westerner. A German physician employed by the Dutch East India
Company, Siebold was sent to Japan to practice medicine among the
35Ibid., p. 215.

18 JAPAN'S FIRST PHYSICISTS
Dutch at Dejima Island. He later received permission from the commis
sioner of Nagasaki to leave Dejima to teach medicine and other natural
sciences to the Japanese outside the foreign settlement;36 he thus became
one of the earliest officially recognized foreign teachers for Japanese
students. Important in this connection were foreigners invited from abroad
to teach Japanese trainees at the Nagasaki Naval Academy; although the
main subject taught there was military science, the systematic instruction
by foreign experts resembled that by foreign scientists in the Meiji period.
The continuity between Rangaku and Meiji science is also seen in con
tinued translations of Western books and the dispatch of students to
Western countries for advanced studies.37 Meiji translations of Western
books differed from the earlier only in their sources; Dutch books were
replaced by English, French, and German ones; the eagerness with which
translations of Western books was undertaken continued unabated, and
when all restrictions were lifted, the number of translations greatly in
creased. The dispatch of students to the West was largely a Meiji endeavor,
but in 1862, before the Meiji Restoration, the Office for the Investigation
of Barbarian Books had already sent students to Holland to study not only
the natural sciences but also philosophy and law.38 Thus, in spite of the
fact that Dutch learning ceased to exist and its accomplishments were
ignored in the Meiji period, the methods by which the Japanese pursued
Western learning and the foundations on which Japanese science was built
remained largely the same during the shift from Rangaku to Meiji science.
Because it was the one concrete source of continuity between the old and
the new age of Japanese science, the establishment of the Office for the
Investigation of Barbarian Books can be considered the most important
contribution of Rangaku; it was this institution which, combined with
others, formed the core of the University of Tokyo, and it was the Uni
versity of Tokyo that was almost wholely responsible for the introduction
and institutionalization of the Western science disciplines in Japan.
The bridge between the pre-Meiji and post-Meiji "scientific" institutions
in Japan was the samurai, who saw clearly the need for a strong Japanese
36J. Numata, Yogaku denrai no rekishi, pp. 137-139.
37From 1862 to 1868 there were five occasions when students were sent abroad by
the shogunate to study the natural and social sciences. During this period forty-seven
students were sent to France, England, Holland, Russia, and the United States. In ad
dition to those sent by the government, a number of students were sent abroad by
various fiefs. See M. Watanabe, "Japanese Students Abroad and the Acquisition of
Scientific and Technical Knowledge," Journal of World History, 9 (1965), 254-293.
38Ibid., p. 258.

KENKICHIRO KOIZUMI 19
military stance in a newly threatening world. Japan's first generation of
physicists, indeed almost all of the early Japanese scientists who modeled
themselves on the Western scientist, were former samurai. Japan's con
frontation with the West in the early 1800's resulted in a strong reaction
by the samurai rulers to the encroachment of the West and in their quick
recognition of the superiority of Western military technology. In this re
spect Japan presents a startling contrast to China, which failed to respond
in any effective way at all.39 The speed and relative accuracy of Japan's
perception of Western military strength were partly owing to its long his
tory of military rule by feudal warriors, the samurai. Although the samurai
were essentially military men, they constituted at the same time Japan's
intellectual class. Prior to the seventeenth century the average samurai had
been primarily a warrior occupied with the civil wars that had disturbed
Japanese society for centuries. However, after Japan's reunification about
1600 had brought a peace that was to last some two hundred and fifty
years, the samurai was forced to adopt a role appropriate to a peacetime
society. It became the duty of the samurai to pursue both military train
ing and general learning to make themselves better governors. By the end
of the seventeenth century they had become "a reasonably literate and
culturally polished class dedicated to the problem of civil administra
tion."40 As the intellectuals of the nation, they constituted the main body
of Rangaku scholars and, under the threat from the West from around
1830, the body best equipped to study Western military science.
The emergence of Western military science as a major subject for study
was of great importance to the development of science in Japan for at
least two reasons. First, it created a body of men who later went beyond
the study of military science per se to the study of the natural sciences.
Second, it led to the establishment of the various institutes for military
science to which foreign experts were invited and in which Western natural
sciences such as mathematics, physics, chemistry, and medicine were
taught systematically for the first time in Japan.
Westernization as Progress: The Bootstrap Psychology
Since there was no common and fully developed understanding of
Western science in Japan during the first half of the nineteenth century, it
is important to determine the forces that united Japanese attitudes toward
-i9J. F. Fairbank et al., "The Influence of Modern Western Science and Technology
onjapanand China," Explorations in Entrepreneurial History, 7 (1955), 196.
40J. W. HalljJapaM; From Prehistory to Modern Times (New York, 1968), p. 196.

20 JAPAN'S FIRST PHYSICISTS
science in the Meiji era. Aside from military need as a conspicuous unifier,
the Japanese shared an appreciation of the practical value of Western
science generally. An account of the process whereby the Japanese attitude
toward Western science changed from a narrow and suspicious stance to
one of widespread enthusiasm is crucial to our understanding of the ulti
mate success of Western science in Japan and of the physics discipline in
particular.
During the closing days of the Tokugawa period, while Rangaku was still
Japan's only source of knowledge about the West, the Japanese looked
upon Western scientific techniques as expedients to adopt for self protec
tion; they ignored the rest of Western civilization, if they did not hold it in
contempt. Their attitude was captured in the slogan Toyo dotoku, Seiyo
gakugei, or "Eastern ethics, Western techniques," coined by the samurai-
scholar Sakuma Zozan. Zozan, a Confucian, took up Western gunnery, be
came interested in chemistry, tried his hand at manufacturing glass and
cannons, and in general advocated the adoption of Western military tech
niques. He favored the opening of Japan to Western knowledge, but only
to learn the techniques for defending it from the outside world. As far as
the cultural or ethical side of civilization was concerned, he believed with
most of his contemporaries that Japan was unquestionably superior.41 His
viewpoint was completely appropriate to a society in which the ruling class
sought to reinforce the old feudal order while supplementing it in material
ways.
With the Meiji Restoration in 1868, however, the distinctions between
ethics and techniques were lost sight of in the initial wave of enthusiasm
for all things Western. The old dichotomy between Eastern ethics and
Western techniques would surface again after the Western enthusiasm had
subsided; but for the first decade or so, Western civilization was imported
and emulated so extensively that it began to affect all of Japanese life.
A new national slogan emerged reflecting the new age of the fully opened
door: Bummei kaika, or "Civilization and Enlightenment." Efforts by the
Japanese to live up to the slogan resulted in considerable confusion. There
were those who, wanting to be "civilized," threw out their traditional
clothing and started to wear Western clothes. They also began to eat meat,
a food that for economic and, more important, for religious reasons had
never been eaten in Japan. Such emulation might seem superficial, even
amusing, yet there were sound reasons for the Japanese to adopt some of
41R. Tsunoda et al., ed., Sources of Japanese Tradition (New York, 1959),
pp. 603-616.

KENKICHIRO KOIZUMI 21
the material aspects of Western civilization: flowing robes, wooden foot
gear, and traditional hair styles produced indulgent smiles, if not guffaws,
in Washington or London. Japan was urgently seeking equal status with the
great powers, and it made the sad discovery that Westerners took a Japa
nese statesman more seriously in a frock coat and with a beard than in a
kimono and with a shaved forehead.
The change in values that underlay the concerted effort to Westernize
everything from architecture to food and clothing in the new Japan is ap
parent from an illustration in a book published in the early 1870's (see
frontispiece). Three Japanese are shown: one wears the traditional kimono
and swords, and has his forehead shaved and his remaining hair tied back in
the traditional chommage hairdo; the second wears a half-traditional,
half-modern (half-Western) costume consisting of the kimono, an umbrella
and a pocketwatch instead of a sword, and a Western cap instead of the
chommage hairdo; the third wears a modern (Western) frock coat, trousers,
and top hat, and carries a cane. The captions identifying the three read
"uncivilized," "half-civilized," and "civilized" man.42 The illustration is
neither naive nor trivial; by identifying the civilized or cultured man with
the Western costume, the Japanese artist testified to the new sentiment.
He expressed another important idea by presenting the three figures in a
single picture. If the picture had shown only a man dressed in Western
clothing and identified him as "civilized," it would have indicated a par
ticular understanding of the concept of "civilized" as defined by a foreign
model; but since the three figures are juxtaposed, the picture shows that
the artist was aware that Japan was undergoing "progress" in the change
from the old Japan to the new.
Words like "progress" and "civilization" were attractive and inspiring to
the Japanese of the latter half of the nineteenth century. They fully be
lieved that progress, whatever that might be, was possible for Japan. The
Japanese attitude toward these words was, of course, a result of the con
frontation with the West in the 1850's, but there were other factors that
contributed to it. In his discussion of the legacy of Tokugawa education,
R. P. Dore points to some of them. According to Dore, the level of literacy
in Meiji Japan was not low; education was widespread and eagerly sought,
and it was not a case of the government's subjecting the people to un
welcome instruction or "civilization." Dore argues that the "voluntary
choice and sacrifice" of the Japanese to educate themselves in new ways
42 a reproduction of this illustration can be found in J. Fairbank, E. Reischauer,
and A. Craig, East Asia: The Modern Transformation (Boston, 1965), plate 23.

22 JAPAN'S FIRST PHYSICISTS
and their belief in the possibility of self-improvement are evidence that
Japan was a society that had overcome one of the most difficult and most
frequently encountered obstacles to modernization: the view that man's
fate is unchangeable.
In the ideal-typical "traditional society," things are as they are, and the
individual does not see himself as offered the choice of doing, or not
doing, anything to alter his society or his position in it. Japan was not
such a society. By taking thought one could add an inch to one's, or
one's children's, stature, perhaps improve their opportunities in a mate
rial sense, certainly—in a society in which learning was generally valued—
enhance their prestige and self-respect. This awareness, and desire for
self-improvement, ensured that opportunities created by the technologi
cal and political changes would be eagerly taken up. A competitive
society could be more easily created because a large proportion of the
population had been psychologically prepared to offer themselves as
competitors. And where the notion of individual self-improvement was
widely diffused the notion of national improvement could be more
readily understood and accepted.43
Under these circumstances, therefore, it is not surprising to find that upon
their encounter with the West the Japanese saw themselves as already ad
vancing toward civilization, and they were eager to fully attain it. They
expressed their desire for advancement in both domestic and international
concerns.
The strong conviction that a nation could improve itself appeared quite
often in Japanese writings of the period. When the Darwinian theory of
evolution and the Spencerian theory of social evolution were introduced
into Japan in the late 1870's and early 1880's, they were, therefore, easily
accepted, even welcomed.44 Both of these theories had a great influence
43R. P. Dore, "The Legacy of Tokugawa Education," in Changing Japanese Atti
tudes Toward Modernization, Μ. B. Jansen, ed. (Princeton, 1965), pp. 101-102.
44M. Koizumi, Nihon kagakushi shiko (Tokyo, 1943), pp. 457-458. The ease with
which Darwinian theory was introduced into Japan is partially due to the lack of
Christian influence at that time; there was even a certain hostility to Christian tenets.
R. S. Schwantes has commented that "the missionaries quickly realized that the
strongest opponent [to the conversion of the Japanese to Christianity] was not the
religions and superstitions of old Japan but the skepticism of modern Europe"; the
latter entered Japan with Western learning. See R. S. Schwantes, "Christianity versus
Science: A Conflict of Ideas in Modern Japan," Far Eastern Quarterly, 12 (1953),
124.

KENKICHIRO KOIZUMI 23
on Japanese views of society, especially in underscoring their belief in
Japan's ability to lift itself out of a feudal middle age and compete on
terms of equality with modern Western nations. At the same time the con
cept of competition as represented by the Darwinian expression "survival
of the fittest"—yusho reppai, or "superior wins, inferior loses," as it was
translated into Japanese—contributed to a broadening of the competitive
spirit in Japan. For more than a thousand years the Japanese had valued
an ethic of self-improvement that meant literally that one competes with
oneself to improve oneself. Now that Japan was confronted with an ap
parently superior and powerful West, the ethic no longer referred to indi
vidual self-improvement, but to a national competition in which the entire
nation lifted itself by its own bootstraps so that it could compete with
the encroaching Western nations.
The Selling of Western Science
Apart from the government, which encouraged the adoption of various
aspects of Western learning and civilization through its policies and through
the founding of institutions, private popularizers played an indispensible
part in the creation of Japan's positive attitude toward Western science and
modernization. No man outside the government was more influential in
this regard than Fukuzawa Yukichi, the most famous propagandist for
Western learning and civilization in Meiji Japan. Born to a low-ranking
samurai family in 1835, Fukuzawa went to Nagasaki in 1854 to study
Dutch and Western gunnery with Rangaku scholars, a move that a number
of samurai made in response to Perry's threatening arrival the year before.
In 1855 he moved to Osaka to continue his Dutch studies and to learn the
rudiments of Western physics, chemistry, and medicine from a well-known
physician. In 1858 he was asked by his fief to start a school in Edo-which
later became Keio University, one of Japan's first and most famous private
universities—to teach Dutch to fief members residing there. On a visit to
Yokohama, however, Fukuzawa was stunned to learn that the residents in
the small foreign settlement there could not understand a word of Dutch
and that his years of study had been in vain. He immediately set about
teaching himself English, and in 1860 he signed onto a Japanese ship
sailing to San Francisco as personal servant to the captain. Two years later
he was sent to Europe as an interpreter for a treaty delegation; an avid ob
server of Western life, he made prodigious notes on Western institutions
and on anything that he felt would not be explained in books. His note
books provided the basis for a book he wrote in 1866, Seiyo jijo [Con-

24 JAPAN'S FIRST PHYSICISTS
ditions in the West), which became a best seller and established Fukuzawa
as one of the country's chief authorities on the West.45
Fukuzawa felt that at a time when Japan's confrontation with the West
was marred by confusion about the West, his primary task must be to offer
guidance to the Japanese public by informing them of the true nature of
Western civilization and its potential contribution to Japan. Fukuzawa,
though an educator and journalist and not a scientist, also played a key
role in inculcating in the Japanese public an attitude receptive to Western
science.46 He was fascinated by science, and he believed that as long as the
Japanese did not view their natural environment as Westerners did, i.e., in
a "scientific way," they would never grasp the spirit of Western civilization
nor acquire a "civilizing" level of material and technical affluence. In 1868
he wrote Kummo kyuri zukai (Elementary Natural Philosophy with Illus
trations), a book that was popular throughout the 1870's. Through it he
hoped to instill in the general reader an appreciation of the necessity of
examining his natural environment in light of the new Western explana
tions of natural phenomena. The Japanese had always lived close to nature,
but they had had an accepting, not a probing and questioning, relationship
with nature. Western science now provided a new way of looking at and
explaining the world. The new attitude is illustrated by the rejection of
traditional explanations of lightning, one of which was that it was the
anger of the lightning god, and the acceptance of the modern explanation
of lightning as electricity. Although the view of lightning as electricity and
that of lightning as the anger of a god might have been equally satisfying
as explanations, the practical implications of the new explanation made it
superior to the traditional one. In Japan the Western explanation of
lightning was introduced together with a practical electrical device that
could save people's lives, the lightning rod, and with vivid accounts of its
efficacy in preventing disasters in the West.47 The traditional Japanese ex
planation of lightning suggested prayer to the lightning god as the only
45For full details on Fukuzawa, see Y. Fukuzawa, The Autobiography of Yukichi
Fukuzawa, trans. E. Kiyooka (New York, 1966).
46Fukuzawa's Gakumon no susume (Encouragement of Learning), written between
1872 and 1876, and Bummeiron no gairyaku (Outline of Civilization), written in
1875, were probably the most frequently read books of this period, arousing interest
not only in the cities but also in rural areas. To this day it is possible to uncover copies
of his works stored away among the treasured belongings of old Japanese farming
families in remote areas. See D. Irokawa, Meiji no bunka (Tokyo, 1970), p. 68.
47A. Obata, Tempenchii (Tokyo, 1868). Part of it is reprinted in Nihon kagaku
gijutsushi taikei (hereafter abbreviatedNKGT), 8, 144-145,

KENKICHIRO KOIZUMI 25
protection, and that had not proved thoroughly reliable. The new explana
tions, allowing for applications, served to break down old superstitions,
to reduce fear, and to establish a new relationship between man and his
environment. In his Kummd kyuri zukai, Fukuzawa compared the man
who lives in the midst of nature and yet is oblivious to its true workings to
a horse that eats without knowing what it is eating. His discussion dealt
mainly with phenomena of daily life: heat, air, water, weather, universal
attraction, the seasons, and eclipses. Since he wrote the book for the
general public, he confined himself to illustrating the new explanations of
natural phenomena; he did not present natural philosophy or physics as
something worth pursuing as a pure science. Fukuzawa urged the reader to
reflect upon the various natural phenomena, but he did not provide a
methodology or a theoretical basis for explaining all phenomena. He talked
about universal gravitation, for instance, but only to explain the relation
ship between the sun and the earth and to show why objects on earth do
not fly away under the influence of centrifugal force.48 Fukuzawa, in
short, gave Western science a popular formulation that allowed his Japa
nese audience, which up to that time had been either indifferent or mis
informed, to examine a selection of its contents for themselves. Although
he made no pretense of teaching physics per se, he prepared the Japanese
mind for the idea that, above all else, the principles of nature should be
studied by the new citizen of the new age.
In 1882 Fukuzawa published a short article "Butsurigaku no yoyo"
("The Necessity of Physics") which clarified his view of science:49
Physics is a study based upon the laws of nature which clarifies the
properties of things, perceives their functions, and applies these findings
in the service of human affairs, and it naturally has some elements which
differ from other branches of knowledge. For example, although we
now speak of economics and commerce and refer to both as branches of
knowledge, under present circumstances things like economics and
commerce still do not in the least base themselves upon the laws of
nature. The reason I say this is that in economics and commerce there
are those who advocate a free economy and those who are protectionists,
48Y. Fukuzawa,Kummo kyuri zukai (Tokyo, 1868). The third edition (1872) is re
printed in Fukuzawa Yukichi zenshu (Tokyo, 1960); see pp. 269-272.
49Y. Fukuzawa, "Butsurigaku no yoyo," Jiji shimpo (22 March 1882), reprinted in
Fukuzawa Yukichi zenshu, 8, 49-52.

26 JAPAN'S FIRST PHYSICISTS
and these two do not share the same basis. Scholars in England say that a
free economy is reasonable, while scholars in America say that a pro
tective economy is the proper way, and listening to them, it seems that
both make sense. Thus we are compelled to say that the principles of
economics and commerce in England and America are of different
molds. [However,] the principles of nature are not at all that way. From
the beginning of creation up until today the world has remained the
same throughout ancient and modern times and has not changed. Water
in the prehistoric age boiled when it met with heat at a temperature of
212°F, and water in the [present] Meiji period reacts in the same way.
Steam in the West and in the East do not differ in expansive force. If an
American dies of taking too much morphine, a Japanese also dies if he
takes the same dosage. These we call the principles of nature, and the
search for them and the use of them we call physics. There should be
nothing which escapes these principles. If there is something which seems
not to follow them, one should understand it to be a case where the
search for principles has been insufficient.50
Fukuzawa was by no means the only spokesman for Western science, al
though he was the most articulate and famous. He was unusual among
scholars and popularizers of Western studies in being one of the first and
most influential writers to demonstrate a concern for making Western
science generally accessible in Japan.
Japanese men of science did not devote much of their time to the popu
larization of Western science. Only a few tried to reach beyond the
scholarly community to explain science and its uses to the Japanese public
and to affect public opinion. Some advocated science as the source of a
new morality. Sugiura Jugo, for instance, who had been educated as a
chemist in England from 1876 to 1880 and had returned to become a well-
known educator and nationalist, in 1888 attempted to explain all human
affairs by means of the energy conservation law and the wave theory.
According to Sugiura, the energy conservation law explains why a person
who does good goes to heaven and one who does otherwise goes to hell:
to do good is to store up the energy required to enter heaven.51 His use of
the wave theory is as crude as his use of the energy conservation law. He
sees all phenomena as possessing a cyclic nature to which the wave theory
soIbid., p. 49.
51J. Sugiura, ''Jinji mo mata butsuri no teisoku ο hanarczu," Yomiuri shimbun
(22 June 1888), reprinted in Sugiura JtigS sensei zenshu (Tokyo, 1945), 1, 126.

KENKICHIRO KOIZUMI 27
can be applied; for him the rise and decline of a nation or person point to
the application of the wave theory to all affairs in the universe.52
Sugiura's application of the energy conservation law is reminiscent of the
philosophy of energy held by the German physical chemist Wilhelm
Ostwald. Around 1902 Ostwald tried to explain all phenomena, natural
and social, by a single reality, energy. However, Ostwald's objective
differed greatly from that of Sugiura, who seems to have had two purposes.
One was to establish a moral system based upon science rather than
religion. The other was to create a new theory by which all future mun
dane events would become as predictable as astronomical phenomena, for
Sugiura believed predictability to be one of the most important attributes
of physics.53 In all of his considerations, however, he was much more con
cerned with society than with nature, and it was perhaps this concern that
led him to give up chemistry and to become an educational administrator
and writer after his return from England. It is noteworthy that he in
terpreted physics not as a weapon against nature, as it was so often in
terpreted in the West, but as a key to the establishment of a new type of
society. In this respect his view of physics resembled Fukuzawa's.
One of the most articulate spokesmen for pure science was Kikuchi
Dairoku, a graduate in mathematics from Cambridge University in 1877,
who returned to Japan to become the first Professor of Mathematics at the
University of Tokyo and to later serve as President of the University
(1898) and Minister of Education (1901). In 1884 Kikuchi gave a speech
about science in which he sought to clear up popular confusion about the
difference between pure and applied science. Kikuchi felt no need to ex
plain applied science, which was understood and which was indeed the
main concern of government leaders. Rather he took particular pains to
elucidate the importance of pure science. Using the discoveries of elec
trical engineering as examples, he explained that without the foundation
provided by prior basic research on electric current even hundreds of Edi-
sons and Bells could not have developed electric lights or the telephone.54
Kikuchi's defense of pure science shows how highly Japanese society
valued practical science at that time. In emphasizing the benefits of pure
science, he shows himself, too, a product of his age and he indicates an
understanding of his audience.
s2Ibid., pp. 127-128.
53Ibid., pp. 129-130.
54D. Kikuchi, "Rigaku no setsu," in NKGT, 2, 533-534. Originally published in
Toyogakugei zasshi, 2 (1884), 75-81.

28 JAPAN'S FIRST PHYSICISTS
In the writings of both Kikuchi and Sugiura, pure science is justified
solely by its benefits. They differed from their contemporary Sakurai Joji,
who had received his education in chemistry at the University of London
from 1876 to 1881, during the time that Sugiura was in England, and re
turned to become Professor of Chemistry at the University of Tokyo and,
later, Dean of the College of Science. In 1888, he published a short article,
"Rigakusha no kairaku" ("The Pleasure of the Scientist"),55 in which he
viewed science as an autonomous entity and described the scientist as the
craftsman of a "castle of knowledge," who, by adding new knowledge to
the castle, gains pleasure and honor. Sakurai's nonconformist interpreta
tion of science and his failure to draw any moralistic conclusion from
science point to an attitude close to one that values science for its own
sake. That attitude was at best short-lived; science for its own sake does
not seem to have had other advocates in Japan until Poincare's writings
appeared there in the early decades of the twentieth century.56
Despite his early view of science, Sakurai gradually came to emphasize
the value of science as a source of power for the nation. In 1899, eleven
years after publishing his article "The Pleasure of the Scientist," Sakurai
expressed this new view in his "Kokka to rigaku" ("The Nation and
Science").57 At the beginning of the article he reiterated the view he had
expressed in his 1888 article, but he used a different image. He said that
science is that which advances human knowledge and which investigates
the structure and operation of the vast machine called nature. He was evi
dently the first in Japan to refer to nature as a machine placed at man's
disposal.58 He used an image familiar to the machine age—to the age of
steamships and locomotives that Japan had entered—and one more realistic
and practical than that of a castle of knowledge. Sakurai's main point was
that the nation in which pure science flourishes best acquires the most
power. The change in Sakurai's position from insistence on the autonomy
of scientific activity to an emphasis on the advantages the nation derives
from science reflects the modernization process Japan had been under
going during those years and the growing national self-confidence that
accompanied it.
55J. Sakurai, "Rigakusha no kairaku," Tdyo gakugei zasshi, 5 (1888), 437-442.
56See, for example, M. Mitsumori, "Tokyo butsuri gakko zasshi dainihyakugo hak-
kan ni tsuite," Tokyo butsuri gakko zasshi, 17 (1908), 279-280, and A. Kuwaki,
"Henri Poincare," Toyo gakugei zasshi, 29 (1912), 457-466.
57J. Sakurai, "Kokka to rigaku," in NKGT, 2, 504-508. Originally published in
Taiyo, 5 (1899), 10-17.
5iIbid., p. 505.

KENKICHIRO KOIZUMI 29
Sakurai's "The Nation and Science" was written four years after Japan's
victory over China in the Sino-Japanese war of 1894-1895. That war was
Japan's first after the outside world had begun to threaten it, and the first
foreign war in its history. It was a time of rising self-esteem and national
ism; after the war the Japanese spoke less of survival and more of pulling
abreast with and surpassing the West. The West, which had tended to look
indulgently on the "superficiality" of Japan's modernization, was amazed
by the "reality" of its victory over China. Europe became extravagantly
enthusiastic about Japan: its arts were admired and the kimono became a
fad. Edwin Arnold wrote in The Spectator that "in attacking China in
Corea, [Japan] is guarding the civilized world."59 The Western reaction
further encouraged Japan's drive toward scientific excellence. The Japa
nese could now believe that through science Japan had already pulled
itself up by its bootstraps. It had survived, and now science was to lead it
to the heights of civilization.
3. THE INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF PHYSICS AND
THE PHYSICAL SCIENCE DISCIPLINES
Japan's First University
Throughout Japan's modern history the University of Tokyo has played
the major role in the introduction of Western knowledge, especially of
Western science. Table A (Appendix) shows in detail the gradual develop
ment of educational institutions leading up to the founding of the Uni
versity of Tokyo. In 1870 the Japanese government began to combine
several educational institutions into one loosely coordinated "university."
Its origins dated from the 1630's when the Hayashi family started what
might be called a state university with the backing of the Tokugawa
shogunate and offered a curriculum largely devoted to the Chinese
classics and Confucian studies. This school was designated the core of the
newly expanded institution and was referred to as the Daigaku or Uni
versity. The descendent of the Office for the Investigation of Barbarian
Books, known as the Kaiseijo (Kaiseijo Office), was renamed Daigaku
Nanko, or University, Southern Division, in 1870, and was intended to
59Quoted in D. Keene, "The Sino-Japanese War of 1894-95 and Its Cultural Effects
in Japan," in Tradition and Modernization in Japanese Culture, D. Shively, ed.
(Princeton, 1971), pp. 173-174. The original can be found vaThe Spectator (1 Sep
tember 1894), p. 263.

30 JAPAN'S FIRST PHYSICISTS
specialize in Western studies. Another division, Tokyo Igakko, or the
Tokyo Medical School, also joined the complex.
Ironically, it was the original state university that failed to survive the
transition. Debates over the nature of its role in the complex of facilities
and the desirability of its concentration on Chinese and Confucian studies
divided the faculty and administrators and led to the total collapse of the
university. The Daigaku Nanko, or University, Southern Division, however,
prospered and became more or less independent, simplifying its name to
Nanko or Southern Division in 1871, to Daiichi Daigaku Ku Daiichiban
Chugakko (The First Middle School of the First University) in 1872, and
to Tokyo Kaisei Gakko (The Tokyo Kaisei School) in 1873; in 1877 it was
combined with the Tokyo Medical School to form the University of
Tokyo. The Tokyo Kaisei School was the descendent of the Office for the
Investigation of Barbarian Books, separated from its ancestor by a period
of seventeen years and many name changes. Similarly the Tokyo Medical
School had evolved over a period of ten years and under various names
from the Edo Shutojo (Edo Vaccination Office). Both original institutions
had been established as the result of the impact of the West; their aims be
came those of the University of Tokyo, which they ultimately formed. In
1886, in the last major change in university education, the Ministry of
Education under the Meiji government issued the Imperial University
Ordinance, which designated the University of Tokyo as Teikoku Daigaku,
or Imperial University. For the first time, the University's role in a new
Japan was clearly defined, as is clear from the first article of the Ordi
nance: "The Imperial University is to take as its aim the teaching of the
liberal and vocational arts which respond to the needs of the nation, as
well as the pursuit of the deepest principles behind them."60
The University of Tokyo at its inception in 1877 had four faculties,
those of law, medicine, literature, and science. Upon becoming the Im
perial University in 1886, however, a college of engineering was added by
absorbing into the University the Kobu Daigakko, or School of Engineer
ing, that had been run by the Ministry of Engineering since 1873. The
latter, an independent scientific educational institution, had trained more
than two hundred engineers for the Ministry by the time it joined the
Imperial University. The decision to include the School of Engineering in
the University clearly reflected the needs of the time in Japan; from the
60Quoted in T. Okubo,Nihon no daigaku (Tokyo, 1943), p. 315.

KENKICHIRO KOIZUMI 31
standpoint of educational policy it was an unusual and farsighted move,
recognized as innovative even by foreign observers.61
In 1886 the first graduate school was established, marking the com
pletion of a modern university in Japan. The Imperial University went
through one more name change when, in 1897, another Imperial Univer
sity was built in Kyoto. The original Imperial University then took the
name Tokyo Imperial University, and the new one the name Kyoto Im
perial University.
The Problem of Instructional Language
In 1873 the Tokyo Kaisei School, one of the predecessors of the Uni
versity of Tokyo, made the important decision to adopt English as its
major foreign language.62 Since 1868, the students of the institution had
been studying their subjects using English, German, and French. The
abrupt change to English proved impossible for some students and com
pelled school officials to find a device that would enable some to complete
their studies in French or German. They created two temporary divisions
of the Tokyo Kaisei School for this purpose: Shogeigakka and Kozangakka.
The former was a Japanese equivalent of an Ecole polytechnique and was
intended for students whose only foreign language was French; the latter
was a newly formed Department of Mining which received all students who
knew only German.63 Thereafter the school officials accepted no new ap
plications for admission to these departments, for they planned to termi
nate them as soon as the original students had graduated. The significant
point is that educational divisions were made on the basis of the language
of instruction, not on the basis of subject matter. However, these divisions
proved too great a financial burden on the school, which was reluctant to
provide the equipment necessary for the various subjects. The divisions
61 Tanakadate Aikitsu, a physicist, recorded in his diary the following comment that
W, K. Rontgen made to him when he visited Rontgen in 1898. Rontgen said, "It was
certainly farsighted of your country to class the engineering school on a level with
the university. Although we are about to set up that sort of organization [in Ger
many] , obstinate old men of theology and law object to it as if they understand
everything, and so we have been hindered by them." Tanakadate's diary is deposited
at the National Science Museum in Tokyo.
^2NeedIess to say there were no textbooks concerning scientific subjects written in
the Japanese language. All books selected for classroom use were written in foreign
languages.
63Tofeyo teihohu daigaku gojunenshi (hereafter abbreviated as TTDG) (Tokyo,
1932), 1, 258-259.

32 JAPAN'S FIRST PHYSICISTS
were abolished in 1875, two years after they had been set up, and new
divisions were organized for the remaining students. The school established
two more limited departments: French Physics for the old Shogeigakka
students and German Chemistry for the Kozangakka students.^ Since only
ten students applied to the German Chemistry Department as compared
to forty-three applicants to the French Physics Department, the school
officials decided to cancel the German Chemistry Department.64 The
French Physics Department, called Futsugo Butsurigakka, or Department
of French Language Physics, survived until 1880 when the last students
graduated from it; in all, it graduated twenty students: five in 1878, seven
in 1879, and eight in 1880.65
By 1880 English was the main foreign language for all students. That
year German became the required second foreign language, and French
was discontinued as an option for students in the sciences.66 But from
1877, when the University of Tokyo was established, to 1880, physics had
been taught separately in both French and English, The expensive duplica
tion had the unforeseen advantage of preventing the dominance of any one
Western country in the introduction of Western sciences. If in its efforts to
modernize, Japan had fallen under the exclusive or predominant influence
of a single Western country, it would have lost the freedom to choose
whatever it wanted from different countries. In medicine, for instance,
Japan adopted the German system and invited medical doctors from
Germany to practice, teach, and help set up a national medical system. Or
again, the Japanese navy was established according to the British system,
the army according to the French system with later German modifications.
The great advantage that Japan derived from free access to all of Western
civilization was partly offset by the many problems arising from the im
portation of various institutions from different countries with their differ
ent cultures. Thus, Japan not only had to make an adjustment between her
own traditional culture and Western culture, but also had to make effec
tive compromises between different Western cultures. For instance, the
Japanese army bought weapons from Germany, while the navy bought
battleships from England. Since Germany and Britain used different mea
suring systems, the standardization of imported industrial goods was a
difficult problem; neither the army nor the navy was willing to compro-
64Ibid., pp. 301-302.
65Ibid., p. 626.
66Ibid., pp. 640-646.

KENKICHIRO KOIZUMI 33
mise.67 In this example the conflict is clear, but subtler cases make it diffi
cult to determine the overall effect of European cultural heterogeneity on
Japan's modernization. The differences in approach to national problems,
to education, and to personal relations among Europeans forced the Japa
nese to conclude that they could successfully carry out the task of mod
ernization only by a piecemeal introduction of Western civilization, select
ing what seemed useful from the various countries. Nevertheless, the im
portation of Western civilization in this way caused the Japanese living in
the transitional period to feel a lack of continuity and to sense the lack of
something capable of holding together the different cultures.
Foreign Teachers
Specialists, too, were imported along with Western learning. Between
1872 and 1898, the Japanese government employed more than 6,000
foreigners, mainly English, French, German, and American. If privately
employed Westerners are included, there were more than 18,000 foreign
specialists in Japan at various times during this period.68
The specialists were called oyatoi gaikokujin, or "honorable foreign em
ployees," a term frequently abbreviated to oyatoi, or "honored em
ployees." Although oyatoi gaikokujin had been brought to Japan prior to
the Meiji period, the peak of their importation came in the mid-1870's;
there were 524 employed by the government in 1874, and 527 in 1875.
Thereafter, the number fell rapidly, decreasing by half in five years; in
1894 fewer than a hundred remained. The number of privately employed
foreigners increased steadily, except for a short period of decline around
1886, reaching a maximum of 765 in 1897.69 The reason for the rapid de
crease of the number of foreign employees in the government was largely
financial. The salaries of the oyatoi gaikokujin employed by the University
of Tokyo in 1877 made up as much as one-third of the entire budget of
the Ministry of Education, a financial burden that hastened the replace
ment of the oyatoi gaikokujin by Japanese in government institutions.70
Of the oyatoi gaikokujin employed by the government in 1880, the
engineers and schoolteachers outnumbered all others. Throughout the
Meiji period, the teachers of the natural sciences formed the largest class of
67N. Umetani ,Oyatoi gaikokujin (Tokyo, 1968), 1, 215.
6sIbid., pp. 52-53.
69Ibid.
70Ibid., pp. 207-208, and I. Sugimoto et al.,Kagakushi (Tokyo, 1967), p. 377.

34 JAPAN'S FIRST PHYSICISTS
foreign experts in the government (about forty-six percent). Of these, one
half were German, approximately one fifth were British and another fifth
American, and the remainder were largely French, with a few teachers
from other countries. The engineers, however, were largely from England;
the British contingent accounted for almost seventy-eight percent of the
total.71 Generally speaking, therefore, German and British influence was
strong in the natural sciences and engineering. With regard to physics I
must qualify my conclusion: no German physics specialists were invited to
Japan, so that there was no direct German contribution from the oyatoi
gaikokujin to Japanese physics. However, from the 1880's on, a consider
able number of Japanese physicists went to Germany for postgraduate
work.72
The original members of the Faculty of Science, consisting of the five
departments of Chemistry, Mathematics-Physics-Astronomy, Biology, En
gineering, and Geology-Mining, are given in Table B (Appendix). Berson
and Mangeot, together with a third professor, Prosper Fouque, who left in
1877 when the University of Tokyo was established, had been members of
the French Physics Department. Mangeot left the University in 1879 and
Berson in 1880 when the department was terminated.73 Most of the origi
nal faculty were oyatoi gaikokujin, which indicates that Japan was still
dependent on foreign expertise. Fourteen years later, however, the oyatoi
gaikokujin in the College of Science had been completely replaced by
Japanese professors. Two processes were at work during this period. First,
as their contracts ran out the old oyatoi gaikokujin were replaced by new
ones; by 1882 the original oyatoi gaikokujin had all left the University.
Second, Japanese began to be promoted to professors. Of the faculty
members representing physics or closely related disciplines, R. H. Smith,
Professor of Mechanical Engineering, left the department in 1878, and in
October of the same year James A. Ewing, a Scot, came as his replace
ment; P. Veeder, Professor of Physics, also left in 1878, and Thomas C.
Mendenhall, an American, was invited to replace him. In 1879 Yamagawa
Kenjiro was promoted to Professor of Physics, and Mangeot, Professor of
"ilIbid., p. 54 and pp. 88-89.
72For fuller discussion, see below, Chapter IV, section on "Foreign and Domestic
Training."
73TTDG, 1, 675-677. Unfortunately the above source does not give foreign names
in roman letters but transcribes them all phonetically into the Japanese script, making
them hard to identify. E. Ueno's Oyatoi gaikokujin, 3 (Tokyo, 1968) is helpful in
identifying some names in their original language. The rest, which are my guesses, are
marked with an asterisk. I also used Ueno's work for identifying nationalities.

KENKICHIRO KOIZUMI 35
Mathematics, left. In 1880 Hiraoka Morisaburo74 was appointed Professor
of Physics, and Debsky and Berson left. In 1881 Mendenhall left, as did
Ewing in 1883, the year Cargill Knott, an Englishman, was hired.
In 1886, when the University of Tokyo became the Imperial University
and the Faculty of Science became the College of Science, only two
oyatoi gaikokujin, Knott and another Englishman Edward Divers, Pro
fessor of Chemistry, remained.75 The Physics Department consisted of two
full Professors of Physics, Knott and Yamagawa Kenjiro, one Assistant
Professor, Tanakadate Aikitsu, and one Lecturer, Muraoka Han'ichi. In
1888, when Tanakadate left for the University of Glasgow to study elec
tricity and magnetism under William Thomson, Nagaoka Hantaro, then a
graduate student, was invited to take over Tanakadate's duties while he
was abroad. In 1890 Nagaoka was promoted to Assistant Professor of
Physics, and in 1891 Tanakadate, returning from abroad after three years
of study, was promoted to Professor of Physics to replace Knott who left
Japan the same year.76 Knott was one of the last of the oyatoi gaikokujin.
Mendenhall and Ewing
Of the foreign scientists, Mendenhall and Ewing were especially impor
tant for Japanese physics. Mendenhall, born in Ohio, had never received a
formal higher education. He had studied science on his own and had taught
in high schools when, in 1873, he was invited to teach physics and me
chanics at Ohio Agricultural and Mechanical College (now Ohio State
University). He was invited to Japan on the recommendation of E. Morse,
one of the oyatoi gaikokujin. Mendenhall taught physics and directed the
laboratory work of students majoring in chemistry and physics at the
University of Tokyo. In training the physics students, he did not limit the
laboratory experiments to mere repetitions of known experiments. To
gether with his students, he measured the force of gravity in Tokyo, and
in 1880 he took his students to the top of Mt. Fuji to determine the
density of the earth. A year later, after he had left, his students carried out
74Hiraoka MorisaburS was born Ichikawa Morisaburo; he was adopted into the
Hiraoka family in 1875. See J. Sugiura, "Ichikawa MorisaburS kun ryakuden," TByo
gakugei zasshi, no. 14, pp. 362-363.
75TTDG, 1, 675-684 and 1360-1362. Besides these scientists at the University of
Tokyo, there were a number of oyatoi gaikokujin at the engineering school. When
Kobu DaigakkS was erected in 1873, all eleven of the faculty members were oyatoi
gaikokujin. After the institution became the College of Engineering at the Imperial
University, only three out of twenty-two faculty members were foreigners: two pro
fessors and one lecturer. See ibid, t, 1264-1266, and ibid., 2, 1316-1317.
1^Ibid., 1, 1361-1364.

36 JAPAN'S FIRST PHYSICISTS
the same experiment in Sapporo on the northernmost island of Japan,
where they also measured the strength of terrestrial magnetism. In the
years that followed, similar experiments were carried out all over Japan
and formed an important part of Japanese scientific activity. Although
Mendenhall spent less than three years in Japan, his influence on Japanese
physicists was great: he was the first professor of physic^ at the University
of Tokyo (the earlier physics professors had been in the French Language
Physics Department), and he initiated experimental geophysical research
that his students, especially Tanakadate Aikitsu, continued.77
Ewing was born in Dundee, Scotland. He was a graduate of the Uni
versity of Edinburgh, where he studied engineering under Fleeming Jenkin.
Jenkin, who together with William Thomson was in the business of manu
facturing and installing submarine telegraph cables, recommended Ewing
for a position on three cable-laying expeditions in South America. In 1877
Ewing accepted a professorship in mechanical engineering at the University
of Tokyo, where he taught such subjects as mechanical engineering and
heat engines to engineering students, and mechanics, electricity, and mag
netism to physics students. However, it was through activities outside
teaching, especially through his research in magnetism and seismology, that
Ewing exercised most influence on Japanese physicists. The physics stu
dents working under him, in particular Tanakadate Aikitsu, Fujisawa
Rikitaro, Tanaka Shohei, and Sakai Saho, participated in his research on
magnetism, conducting graduate experiments that were related to his
hysteresis investigations. Although Ewing's contributions to hysteresis
were largely rediscoveries of phenomena studied earlier by such physicists
as Kohlrausch, Fromme, Cohn, Stoletow, Rowland, and Warburg,78 he
and his students carried out their experiments without knowing the work
of their predecessors. By allowing his students to aid him in his experi
ments, Ewing gave them invaluable experience and training; he also made
it possible for them to gain the confidence that the Japanese could make
77M. Watanabe, "T. C. Mendenhall no sh5gai to katsudo," Kagakushi kenkyu, 79
(1966), 113-114. E. Uchida, "T. C. Mendenhall no Nihon ni okeru kenkyu gyoseki ni
tsuite," Kagakushi kenkyu, 83 (1967), 133-136. S. Nakamura, Tanakadate Aikitsu
sensei (Tokyo, 1946), pp. 54-66. Mendenhall left $2,500 m his will to the Japanese
Imperial Academy for the establishment of a Mendenhall prize for physics.
78R. T. Glazebrook, "James Alfred Ewing 1855-1935," Obituary Notices of Fel
lows of the Royal Society, 1 (1932-1935), 475-492. E. Warburg wrote a letter to the
Philosophical Magazine complaining that Ewing's work was repetitious in nature, and
that in particular his research on magnetic hysteresis had already been carried out by
Warburg himself, the result of which had been published in 1880, a year prior to
Ewing's publication on the same subject. See Philosophical Magazine, 15 (1883),
246-247.

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että hän oli saanut Britan vaimokseen, niin sulhasenkin silmät
ikäänkuin avautuivat. Hän huomasi, ettei hän ollut nainut vain
rikkaimman talon Loby'ssä, vaan myöskin parhaimman talontyttären.
Mitä pappilanneiti sanoi Britalle, sitä ei kukaan voinut kuulla,
mutta jälkeenpäin saattoi Britasta nähdä, että hän oli sanonut juuri
sen, mitä hän oli kaivannut tullakseen iloiseksi koko päivän varalta.
Heillä oli kestitystäkin mukana, jonka he panivat pöytään, sillä he
tahtoivat, että pappilanneiti saisi myös maistaa hääruokaa. Niin,
selvästi saattoi kyllä nähdä, että kaikki oli erinomaista hänen
mielestänsä. Mutta hän ei tahtonut sittenkään syödä, ennenkuin
häävieraat olivat lähteneet. Tiesihän hän, etteivät he voineet kauan
viipyä. Kumma, että he lainkaan olivat päässeet irtaantumaan.
Ulla kertoi, että he olivat pitäneet varansa ja hiipineet talosta heti
päivällisen jälkeen. Vanha väki oli ollut hiukan väsynyt ja kaivannut
päivällislepoa. He eivät olleet tienneet asiaakaan, ennenkuin nuoriso
oli jo matkassa. Mutta he aikoivat heti palata takaisin, kun morsian
vain oli saanut tanssia Maija Liisan kanssa.
He läksivät nyt saliin ja väkijoukko asettui pitkin seiniä
katselemaan tanssia. Pelimanni Jan Öster alkoi soittaa polskaa, ja
morsian ja pappilanneiti pyörähtivät lattialle.
Mutta kesken ensimäistä kierrosta kalpeni pappilanneiti tuskasta.
Hän oli ollut niin iloinen, että hän kokonaan oli unohtanut
tanssirahat. Häissä tuli kaikkien, sekä suurten että pienten tanssia
morsiamen kanssa, ja jokaisen, joka tanssi hänen kanssaan, täytyi
antaa hänelle rahaa. Mutta hänellä, köyhällä raukalla, ei ollut
ainoatakaan penniä.

Morsian ei ollut unohtanut mitään. Pöydälle salin nurkkaan hän oli
asettanut hajuvesipullon ja morsiusrasian, jossa oli pastilleja ja
rusinoita ja morsiusmausteita, joita hänen tuli tarjota tanssin
jälkeen.
Sen pahempaan pulaan ei pappilanneiti mielestään koskaan ollut
joutunut. Eihän hän voinut rikkoa vanhaa tapaa. Ihmiset luulisivat
muuten, että se tuottaisi onnettomuutta.
Britta oli varmaan arvannut hänen tuskansa, sillä hän kuiskasi
kesken tanssia, että mamseli Maija Liisa voisi olla vaan antavinaan
hänelle jotakin kouraan. Eihän hänellä voinut olla varattuna
tanssirahoja, kun he näin yllättivät hänet.
Pappilanneiti omisti kultaiset korvarenkaat ja kultasoljen, jotka hän
oli perinyt äidiltään. Hän olisi mielellään antanut toisen niistä Britalle,
mutta hän ei tiennyt, uskaltaisiko hän sitä tehdä. Miten kävisi, jos
emintimä saisi sen tietää?
Ei ollut tapana tanssia muuta kuin yksi ainoa kierros morsiamen
kanssa, mutta pappilanneiti tanssi tuumiessansa sekä kaksi että
kolmekin kierrosta. Vaikka olihan väärin sanoa, että hän tuumi. Hän
oli niin suuressa tuskassa, että ajatukset pyörivät vain hänen
päässään.
Hän tanssi niin hitaasti kuin suinkin, ja nyt hän ajatteli
hopealusikkaa, jonka hän oli saanut kummilahjaksi. Mutta voisihan
helposti sattua siten, että Raklitza seuraavana päivänä menisi
häätaloon vaatimaan sitä takaisin, jos hän lahjoittaisi jotain niin
kallista.

"Ei muu auta, kuin sanoa Britalle, että hän saa tanssirahansa
toisella kertaa", tuumi hän.
Mutta samassa hän hätkähti ja tanssi sitten hyvällä vauhdilla
kierroksensa loppuun. Joku oli pitänyt varansa hänen tanssiessaan
ohitse ja pistänyt rahan hänen käteensä.
Lopettaessaan tanssin saattoi hän antaa Britalle kokonaisen
kiiltävän taalarin.
Morsian hämmästyi niin suuresti, ettei hän muistanut tarjota
morsiusmausteita, ja pappilanneiden täytyi kysyä, eikö hän saisikaan
mitään.
Pirskoitellessaan päälleen hajuvettä katseli hän ympärilleen
saadakseen selkoa, kuka oli hänelle antanut tuon taalarin.
Hän tiesi saaneensa sen pyörähtäessään juuri uunin ohitse.
Varmaankin tuo pitkä, tummaverinen mies, joka seisoi lieden ja
kaapin välissä, oli auttanut häntä.
Hän kumartui nyt eteenpäin ja otti pastilleja rasiasta. Samassa hän
kuiskasi jotain morsiamelle. Olisihan hänen pitänyt tuntea joka ainoa
ihminen koko pitäjässä, mutta hänen oli aivan mahdoton muistaa
tuon miehen nimeä, joka seisoi kaapin vieressä.
Morsian vastasi puoleksi kuiskaten, ettei se ollut lainkaan kummaa,
sillä tuo mies oli kotoisin toisesta pitäjästä. Hän oli seppä,
Henriksbergin tehtaalta Västmarkenista, ja hän oli juuri tänään
saapunut Loby'hyn ostamaan heiniä hänen isoisältään. Ei hän
tiennyt, niiksi hän oli tullut mukana tänne. Sillä ei hän kuulunut
hääväkeen! Eihän hän ollut häävaatteissakaan.

Ja totta tosiaan, tuo vieras mies olikin puettu mustaan
lammasnahkaturkkiin, jota nahkavyö piteli kiinni vyötäisiltä!
Pappilanneiti tuumi, mitenkähän hän pääsisi häntä kiittämään, mutta
hän ei saanut siihen tilaisuutta, sillä nyt häävieraat tulivat jättämään
hänelle hyvästit. Hän kiitti heitä heidän käynnistään, auttoi
päällysvaatteet heidän ylleen ja vilkutti heille kättään kuistilta.
Kun hän palasi takaisin saliin, hämmästyi hän hiukan
huomatessaan, että vieras mies seisoi yhä siellä.
Mutta varsin pian hän ymmärsi, miksi hän oli jäänyt toisista
jälkeen. Hän tahtoi kai tiedustella, miten hän saisi takaisin taalarin,
jonka hän oli lainannut hänelle. Kukapa tiesi? Ehkäpä hän oli ottanut
sen niistä rahoista, jotka pehtori oli antanut hänelle heinänostoa
varten.
Näytti siltä, kuin mies mieluimmin olisi kieltänyt koko asian. Ja kun
pappilanneiti piti puoliaan, selitti hän, ettei asiasta yhtään maksanut
vaivaa puhua.
Mutta pappilanneiti ei voinut rauhallisella mielellä ottaa vastaan
kokonaista taalaria vieraalta mieheltä. Hän sanoi pyytävänsä
isäkullalta rahaa kohta kun tämä tulisi kotiin, ja lupasi lähettää ne
häätaloon heti huomis-aamuna, jotta hän saattaisi maksaa heinät.
Hyväntahtoinen hymyily kirkasti kuin auringonsäde miehen
kasvoja.
Pappilanneiti sai tehdä niinkuin hän itse halusi. Hänellä oli kylliksi
rahaa, jotta hän tuli toimeen taalarittakin.
Pappilanneiti katsoi ihmeissään häneen.

Vai niin, hän oli luullut, että vieras rahojen vuoksi oli jäänyt toisista
jälkeen.
Niin, miksipä muuten?
Mies pyyhkäisi pitkän hiussuortuvan otsaltaan ja katsoi tytön
ohitse toiseen seinään. "Ah, en tiedä", sanoi hän, "ehkäpä minua
halutti puhua jostakin muusta."
Pappilanneiti astui askeleen ovea kohti. Hän tuli hiukan
kärsimättömäksi.
Nyt mies katsoi häneen jälleen hyväntahtoisesti hymyillen. "Minä
en ymmärrä noita toisia, kuinka he saattoivat lähteä pois täältä",
sanoi hän.
Pappilanneiti punastui. Hän kulki edelleen ovelle.
"Heidän olisi pitänyt ottaa teidät mukanaan tanssimaan eikä jättää
teitä yksin tänne."
Äänen sävy oli hyväntahtoinen, jotta pappilanneiti ei voinut
suuttua. Hän kääntyi hänen puoleensa ja naurahti. "Oi, ei minun nyt
ole vaikea jäädä yksin, sillä minun mieleni on iloinen. Menkää vaan
tekin. Minä olen tyytyväinen, eikä kenenkään tarvitse olla huolissaan
minun tähteni."

KETUNKUOPPA.
Pitkä-Bengt seisoi varhaisena aamuna lyhty kädessä ja katseli alas
ketunkuoppaan. Jotakin nurinkurista siinä oli. Ei eläissänsä hän ollut
kokenut ketunkuoppaa, joka oli ollut tuon näköinen.
Pitkä-Bengt tiesi vallan hyvin, että hän, jos kuka, osasi virittää
ketunkuopan. Ja eilis-iltana oli hän asettanut sen kuntoon aivan
samalla tavalla kuin konsanaan ennen.
Hän oli peittänyt syvän kuopan aukon koivunvarvuilla, oljilla ja
lumella ja laittanut siihen petollisen katon, jota viekkainkaan vanha
naaraskettu ei voinut eroittaa tavallisesta maasta. Ja ankan, joka
istui korkealla paalulla keskellä kuoppaa ketun syöttinä, oli hän
kiinnittänyt riimulla siivistä niin lujasti, että hän tiesi, ettei se millään
tavalla voinut päästä liikahtamaan. Se oli kartanon paras ankka, se,
jolla oli vahvin ääni. Hän oli kuullun sen kirkuvan kiinnitettyään sen
paaluun. Hätähuudot olivat kuuluneet kimakoilta ja vihlovilta
talviyössä.
Mikä häpeä ketunkuopan hoitajalle, jos hän sitoi ankan niin
huonosti kiinni, että se pääsi riistäytymään irti, eikä sellaista häpeää
koskaan ollut tapahtunut Pitkälle-Bengtille. Häpeä oli melkein yhtä

suuri, tekipä kettu kumman hyvänsä: juoksi ankkoineen karkuun tai
veti sen mukanaan alas kuoppaan.
Karjapiika ei tahtonut koskaan mielellään antaa ankkojaan. Jos
jollekin niistä tapahtui vahinko, niin sai Pitkä-Bengt kuulla siitä
pilkkaa joka kerta, kun hän yritti virittää kuoppaansa.
Tämä harmillinen asia oli nyt sittenkin tapahtunut. Kun hän valaisi
lyhdyllä kuoppaa, näki hän, että ankkaa ei ollut paalussa. Siinä
riippuivat vain riimunpäät jäljellä.
Häntä harmitti niin kovasti, että hän aikoi lähteä matkoihinsa.
Tuskin hän viitsi edes katsoa, oliko kettu pudonnut kuoppaan vai
livistänyt tiehensä.
Mutta luultavasti se kuitenkin oli joutunut ansaan. Hän koetti
valaista ympärilleen. Katossa oli useassa kohtaa reikiä. Miten
ihmeellä tuo kettu oli raastanut mukanaan niin paljon olkia!
Vaikka hän olisi kääntänyt lyhtyään miten hyvänsä, niin ei hän
sittenkään voinut nähdä kuopan pohjaan. Hän tutki jälkiä lumessa.
Jos kuopassa oli kaksi kettua, niin hän olisi voinut helpommin
ymmärtää, miten katto oli näin rikkoontunut. Ja siinä tapauksessa ei
vahinko olisi niinkään suuri, vaikka ankka olisikin mennyt menojaan.
Hän löysi jäljet lumesta, tarkasteli niitä lyhdyn valossa ja kumartui
yhä lähemmäksi maata. Lopulta hän otti kynttilän lyhdystä, laskeutui
polvilleen ja valaisi lunta.
Noustessaan pystyyn hän tunsi polvensa vapisevan. Onneksi ei
kukaan nähnyt häntä.

Hän ei voinut kyllin nopeasti hakea nuoraa tallista. Palatessaan
takaisin sitoi hän nuoran lyhtyyn ja laski sen alas kuoppaan. Nyt hän
saattoi nähdä pohjaan saakka, ja äkkiä vetäytyivät hänen kasvonsa
irvistykseen. Silmät kapenivat ja alkoivat säkenöidä, ja hampaat
kiiluivat suussa. Hän ei pitänyt kiirettä, vaan seisoi kauan
kumartuneena kuopan yli ja nautti täydestä sydämestä.
Hetken kuluttua lähestyi Pitkä-Bengt suurta asuinrakennusta. Hän
ei astunut kyökin tietä, vaan kiipesi raskain askelin kuistille ja hapuili
eteisen oven lukkoja ja säppejä päästäkseen sisään. Kello oli tuskin
viisi, eikä kukaan muu paitsi vanha emännöitsijä ollut ylhäällä. Hän
kuuli hapuilua ovelta ja tuli aivan pelästyksissään avaamaan.
"Hyvänen aika, Pitkä-Bengt, sinäkö se olet? Mikä sinua vaivaa, kun
tulet suurta tietä?"
Pitkä-Bengt työnsi hänet syrjään sanomatta sanaakaan. Hän astui
suoraan makuukamariin, missä pappi ja hänen rouvansa nukkuivat
parhaassa unessaan, ja avasi oven.
"Mikä on hätänä? Mitä on tapahtunut?" Pappi kohosi vuoteellaan
pystyyn.
"Pitkä-Bengt täällä on, pastori. Aioin ilmoittaa, että ankka on tänä
yönä kadonnut kuopasta."
"Sehän oli ikävä, Bengt, mutta eihän sinun olisi tarvinnut tulla
keskellä yötä — —"
"Sekä ankka että kettu ovat kuopassa."
"Sinä olet hupsu, Bengt. Tiedäthän, että vasta tulin kotiin häistä.
Töin-tuskin olin ennättänyt nukahtaa."

Mutta Pitkä-Bengt tokaisi, sopivan väliajan jälkeen.
"Susi seurasi ketun jälkiä. Sekin on joutunut kuoppaan."
Pappi sanoi nopeasti: "Sano keittiössä, että tulevat sytyttämään
tulta, jotta voin nousta!"
Mutta Pitkä-Bengt seisoi paikoillaan, ikäänkuin hän olisi ollut
kuuro.
"Toinen susi seurasi vielä toisen kintereillä, ja sekin on kuopassa."
Ei sanaakaan sen lisäksi, vaan hän kääntyi suoraan ovelle ja meni
ulos.
Kun päivä oli valjennut, kerääntyi koko talon väki ketunkuopan
ympärille. Siinä oli pappi ja hänen rouvansa ja hänen tyttärensä,
siinä oli emännöitsijä, kaikki viisi palvelustyttöä, ruotimummo ja
pikkupiika. Siinä oli Pitkä-Bengt ja hänen äitinsä, Vanha-Bengta ja
hänen vaimonsa Munter-Maija, siinä olivat molemmat Vetterin pojat,
Pelimanni-Jöns ja vanha Backman, sotilas, joka kävi pappilassa
työssä.
Kaikki he olivat ääneti, kaikki kumartuivat eteenpäin, katsoivat
hetken aikaa kuoppaan ja vetäytyivät sitten loitommalle.
Pikkupiika seisoi hiukan syrjässä, hän ei päässyt kuopan reunalle
asti. Pappi huomasi hänet ja viittasi hänet luokseen. Hänenkin piti
päästä lähemmäksi katsomaan.
Aikaisemmin hänen oli kovasti tehnyt mielensä päästä lähemmäksi
katsomaan. Mutta nyt hän ei voinut astua askeltakaan. Hänen
ruumiinsa läpi kävi väristyksiä. Hän ei uskaltanut katsella susia.

Hän ei ollut eläissään ennen nähnyt susia, mutta hän oli kuullut
niiden ulvovan metsässä Koltorpin ympärillä, ja hän tiesi, että sudet
olivat kaikkein kauheimpia petoja, mitä oli olemassa. Ne olivat vielä
basiliskojakin pahemmat.
Pappi oli iloisemmalla tuulella kuin mitä pikkupiika koskaan oli
nähnyt. Hän nipisti tyttöä turkinkauluksesta.
"Nyt minä pitelen sinusta kiinni, Nora Myrskytuuli, jottet putoa.
Katso alas kuoppaan, sinä, joka olet vain lapsi, jotta voit kertoa niille,
jotka sinun vanhaksi tultuasi ovat nuoria, että me yhtenä ainoana
yönä saimme kaksi sutta ja ketun kuoppaan täällä Lövdalassa."
Nyt hän seisoi kuopan reunalla ja katsoi vihdoinkin alas. Kuoppa
oli neliskulmainen ja laudoilla sisustettu aivan kuin kaivo, joskin
paljoa laajempi.
Hän etsi katseillaan suuria kitoja, joihin sellainen pikku tyttö kuin
hän voisi kadota kokonaan. Mutta hän ei voinut nähdä niitä, ja hän
käännähti taakseen ja silmäsi pappiin.
"Katso kuopan nurkkiin!"
Hän kumartui alas vieläkin kerran. Kuopassa oli varsin hämärä,
mutta nyt hän jo eroitti jotakin. Neljä elukkaa oli tuolla alhaalla, yksi
kussakin nurkassa. Kaikki neljä pysyttelivät aivan hiljaa, silmät vain
välähtivät, kun ne katsoivat valoon ja ihmisiin.
Nurkassa aivan pikkupiian edessä oli kettu, pieni, punainen ja
kerään kiertynyt elävä, jotta se ei näyttänyt sohvatyynyä
suuremmalta. Toisessa nurkassa oli suuren, karvaisen koiran

näköinen elukka, kolmannessa seisoi ankka vakavana molemmilla
jaloillaan ja neljännessä oli vielä toinen suuri ja karvainen koira.
Hiljaisuus alhaalla kuopassa oli hirvittävä. Pikkupiika peräytyi yhtä
vaiti kuin kaikki muutkin kuopan reunalta.
Kun kaikki olivat katselleet kylliksensä, kerääntyi muutamia miehiä
yhteen neuvottelemaan. Pitihän heidän tappaa sudet, mutta ei ollut
niinkään hyvä sanoa, miten se oli tehtävä.
Helppohan olisi ollut ampua ne, mutta jos kuoppaan tuli verta, niin
se oli pilattu. Ei koskaan siihen voisi enää pyydystää ainoatakaan
elukkaa.
Kun ei muusta ollut kysymys kuin ketusta, niin hyppäsi tavallisesti
joku mies alas kuoppaan, iski kettua päähän, jotta se tuli
tajuttomaksi, kiinnitti silmukan sen kaulaan ja hinasi sen ylös.
Ketusta ei kuoppaan hypätessä ollut vaaraa. Toista se oli, kun
siellä ei ollut vähemmän koin kokonaista kaksi sutta.
Pitkä-Bengt otti nuijansa, jolla hän tavallisesti iski ketun tainnoksiin
ja katsoi alas kuoppaan, mutta hän pudisti päätään ja kääntyi jälleen
toisten puoleen.
Toinen Vetterin pojista laittoi suopungin nuorasta. Hän asettui
kuopan reunalle ja laski suopungin toisen suden eteen. Jos hän saisi
vain silmukan suden kaulaan, niin ei olisi mikään konsti saada sitä
ylös hinatuksi.
Suopunki laskeutui yhä alemmaksi, se kosketti jo suden kuonoa
eikä susi liikahtanutkaan. Mutta äkkiä susi heitti hiukan päätään ja

haukahti. Kaksi hammasriviä välkähti ja silmukka putosi
poikkipurtuna kuopan pohjalle.
Kaikki, jotka sen näkivät, hätääntyivät suuresti. Eipä ollut hauska
ruveta sellaisen kanssa otteluun, joka yhdellä puraisulla sai nuoran
poikki.
"Ei tässä muu auta, kuin ampua ne kuoppaan", sanoi pappi. "Me
saamme kaivaa uuden kuopan ensi talveksi."
Nyt astui kuopan reunalle eräs mies, joka varhemmin oli pysytellyt
toisten takana. Se ei ollut kukaan muu kuin Henriksbergin seppä,
joka oli saapunut Loby'hyn edellisenä iltana heinää ostamaan. Mutta
häätalossa oli ollut niin paljon yövieraita, etteivät he voineet tarjota
hänelle siellä yöpaikkaa, ja Björn Hindriksson oli pyytänyt pappia
ottamaan hänet pappilaan. No niin, yliskamari pappilan ullakolla oli
aina kunnossa vieraita varten ja siellä hän oli maannut. Mutta nyt
aamulla oli kaikkien ihmisten ajatukset olleet vain susissa, eikä
kukaan ollut muistanut häntä.
Hän katsoi kuoppaan ja otti sitten käteensä Pitkän-Bengtin nuijan
ja punnitsi sitä kädessään. Mutta ei kukaan luullut hänen sitä
tekevän muuta kuin leikillä. Hän oli hyvin pitkä ja solakka eikä
näyttänyt erittäin vahvalta. Kädet olivat kapeat ja valkoiset, eivät ne
olleet lainkaan sepän käsien näköisiä. Ei tuossa miehessä näyttänyt
olevan mitään erityistä pontta. Kun näki hänen silmänsä, niin tuli
ajatelleeksi, että kaikki se suru, jota hän elämässä oli kokenut, oli
varmaan kohonnut niihin, vaikkeivät kyyneleet olleet koskaan
huuhtoneet sitä pois, ja kun hän liikkui, saattoi ymmärtää, että hän
kantoi raskasta taakkaa, sillä hän oli hiljainen ja hidasliikkeinen
niinkuin väsähtynyt ihminen ainakin.

Nyt hän kuunteli ääneti toisten miesten keskustelua, ja kun hän
huomasi, kuinka neuvottomia he olivat, kiiruhti hän vielä kerran
kuopan reunalle ja hyppäsi alas kaikkien villien petojen keskelle.
Ennenkuin kukaan ennätti mitään ajatellakaan, suhahti nuija.
Kuului kumea isku. Toinen susista oli saanut iskun päähänsä, joka
typerrytti sen kokonaan. Sitten seurasi toinen ja vielä kolmaskin.
Toinen susi oli ennättänyt nousta pystyyn. Ensimäinen isku sattui sitä
selkään, jotta se lyyhistyi kokoon. Sitten sattui kuolettava isku sitäkin
päähän.
"Heittäkää nuora tänne!" huusi vieras toisille.
Pitkä-Bengt heitti suopungin hänelle. Hän kietoi sen ensin toisen
suden kaulaan, sitten toisen ja sai ne ylös hinatuksi.
Nyt kettu oli saanut eloa itseensä. Se heittäytyi hyppien kuopan
reunoja vasten, mutta vieras ei välittänyt siitä.
"Laskekaa portaat alas! Rengit saavat pitää huolta molemmista
muista."
Kun hän tuli ylös, saattoi nähdä, kuinka hämmästyneitä kaikki
olivat, sekä miehet että naisväki. He eivät sanoneet sanaakaan.
Naiset olivat pelästyneet niin pahasti, kun hän hyppäsi kuoppaan,
että he seisoivat vieläkin siinä ja vapisivat, ja miehet häpesivät
hiukan, etteivät he itse olleet uskaltaneet sitä tehdä.
Mutta pappilanneiti astui vieraan luokse ja hänen silmänsä
säkenöivät.
"Nyt minä olen kerrankin nähnyt oikean miehen", sanoi hän. "Sitä
minä koko elämäni ajan olen toivonut."

Mies katsoi häneen surullisine silmineen. "Kaikki koko
maailmassa", näyttivät ne puhuvan, "on vähäpätöistä ja turhaa, ja
minä itse olen kaikista huonoin kaikista."
Mutta samalla kirkasti hyväntahtoinen hymy hänen kasvojaan.
"Minun mielestäni oli sääli ampua sudet ja pilata kuoppa", sanoi
hän.

TAALARI.
Eihän siinä oikeastaan ollut mitään surun syytä. Mutta olipa
pappilanneiti sittenkin ollut kovin pahoilla mielin kaksi kokonaista
viikkoa, kun hän ei voinut käsittää, mistä hän saisi hankituksi yhden
taalarin.
Jospa hän vain olisi pyytänyt sitä isäkullalta heti häitten jälkeisenä
aamuna, niinkuin hän oli aikonut! Mutta äitikulta oli torunut häntä
sen johdosta, mitä hän oli sanonut sepälle, kun tämä nousi ylös
ketunkuopasta. Eikä hän ollut nuhdellut häntä vain sen johdosta,
mitä hän oli sanonut, mutta myöskin siksi, että hän tuolla tavalla oli
hyökännyt suoraan vieraan luokse. Sehän oli näyttänyt aivan siltä,
kuin hän olisi tahtonut lentää hänen kaulaansa. Milloin hän voisi
päästä niin pitkälle, että hän osaisi käyttäytyä kuin siivo ihminen eikä
kuin kaksitoista-vuotias tyttöletukka?
Tämän jälkeen hän ei tullut pyytäneeksi rahoja. Aivan mahdotonta
oli tavata yksin isäkultaa, ja jos hän olisi puhunut siitä äitikullalle,
niin siitä olisi vaan syntynyt jälleen melua ja hälinää.
Ikävä se sittenkin oli, että hän oli jättänyt asian myöhemmäksi,
sillä seuraavana päivänä ei voinut olla kysymystäkään siitä, että hän

olisi uskaltanut tuoda asiaa enää esille. Ensinkin oli äitikulta sattunut
kuulemaan, että morsian ja sulhanen ja koko hääsaatto Loby'stä oli
käynyt pappilassa. Se kävi aivan liiaksi hänen tunnolleen. Hän olisi
varmaan pahastunut vieläkin enemmän, jos hän olisi saanut tietää,
että Maija Liisa oli ollut niin vallaton ja antanut pois kokonaisen
taalarin.
Mutta mitä kauemmin pappilanneiti oli puhumatta tästä lainasta,
sitä ikävämpi oli tunnustaa isä- ja äitikullalle, että hän oli joutunut
niin suureen velkaan. Ja lopulta hänen täytyi tunnustaa itselleen,
ettei hän koskaan uskaltaisi pyytää heiltä rahaa. Ei siinä mikään
auttanut. Hänen täytyi koettaa hankkia ne muualta.
Hän ajatteli tätä asiaa sekä ommellessaan lakanoita että
maatessaan yöllä vuoteessaan. Sillä täytyihän hänen maksaa sepälle.
Hän ei voinut kestää sitä häpeää, ettei hän voisi suorittaa velkaansa
sille, joka niin ystävällisesti oli auttanut häntä.
Jospa hän olisi voinut matkustaa Anna Brogrenin luo! Mutta sitä oli
mahdoton edes ajatella. Ei äitikulta koskaan päästäisi häntä sellaisen
luo, joka rakasti häntä.
Mutta kenen muunkaan puoleen hän voisi kääntyä? Isoäiti oli yhtä
köyhä kuin hän itse eikä hänellä ollut mitään muuta kuin minkä
isäkulta antoi hänelle. Ja Ulla Moreus tuskin eläissään oli pitänyt
taalaria kädessään.
Olipa hän nyt pahassa pulassa. Eihän hän voinut myöskään mennä
kenen luo hyvänsä sanomaan, ettei hän uskaltanut pyytää isä- ja
äitikullalta yhtä ainoaa taalaria.

Ollessaan aivan neuvoton iski hänen mieleensä, että hänellä oli
täti, äidin sisar, elossa, joka ehkä voisi häntä auttaa. Voi kuitenkin!
Kylläpä hänen täytyi nauraa ajatellessaan miltä täti näyttäisi, jos hän
menisi häneltä rahoja pyytämään.
Kyllä täti varmaan hämmästyisi, sillä olihan hänen sisarensatytär
hänelle vieraampi kuin melkein kuka muu tahansa maailmassa.
Suuri, leveä, ylipääsemätön kuilu eroitti hänet ja Maija Liisan
toisistaan.
Tosin ei heidän välillään ollut mitään eripuraisuutta, mutta täti oli
nuorena mennyt naimisiin rikkaan talollisen kanssa, joka oli
uskaltanut kosia häntä. Rakkaudesta nuo kaksi eivät olleet menneet
yhteen, niin Maija Liisa oli kuullut sanottavan. Mies oli ollut kovin
kopea ja arvellut, että oli komeata saada pappilasta vaimo itselleen,
ja täti oli sanonut suoraan, että hän mielemmin tahtoi hallita
rikkaassa talonpoikaistalossa kuin odottaa kotona köyhää
apulaispappia.
Siitä saakka kuin täti oli muuttanut talonpoikaistaloon, oli hän
vapaaehtoisesti pysytellyt erillään koko suvustaan. Hän ei tahtonut
tietää mitään entisestä elämästään, ja varsinkin hän piti varansa,
ettei kukaan Lövdalan asukkaista päässyt häntä lähelle.
Hän ei asunut sen kauempana kuin Bron pitäjässä, mutta hän ei
tullut koskaan pappilaan. Sen sijaan kävi isäkulta tai isoäiti tai Maija
Liisa kerran vuodessa tervehtimässä häntä Svanskogissa.
Oi, voi! Maija Liisan täytyi tunnustaa, ettei hän koskaan ollut
iloinnut suuresti käynneistä tuossa talossa. Ei hän viihtynyt siellä niin
huonosti siksi, että täti vuosien kuluessa oli muuttunut aivan
talonpoikaiseksi, vaan sentähden, että hän käyttäytyi kovin

omituisesti aina kun Lövdalasta tuli hänen luokseen vieraita. Hän ei
tullut heitä vastaan portaille eikä toivottanut heitä tervetulleiksi, ja
kun he astuivat tupaan, ei hän malttanut koskaan olla sanomatta,
että heillä oli aivan liiaksi vaivaa tullessaan talonpoikaistaloon. Heti
sen jälkeen hän saattoi laskea, kuinka pitkä aika oli kulunut heidän
viime käynnistänsä, eikä hän tehnyt sitä lainkaan ystävällisesti, vaan
siten, että vieras tunsi mielensä aivan masentuvan eikä tiennyt
tekikö hän oikein taloon tullessansa, vai olisiko hänen pitänyt olla
kokonaan tulematta.
Olipa se hullua! Eräänä aamuna, kun Maija Liisa istui
aamiaispöydässä isän ja äidin kanssa, tuli hän sanoneeksi, ettei
pitäisi kokonaan unohtaa Svanskogin tätiä.
Tuskin hän oli sen sanonut, niin hän jo katui sitä. Mitä tekemistä
hänellä oli Svanskogissa? Olihan se aivan tarpeetonta. Eihän täti ollut
hänelle sen suopeampi kuin äitikultakaan. Jumala varjelkoon! Vaikka
Maija Liisan annettaisiin lähteä sinne, niin tokkopa hän sittenkään
uskaltaisi pyytää apua.
Isäkulta katsoi heti vellilautasestaan ylös. Hänen oli aina ollut sääli
pappilanmamselia, josta oli tullut talollisen emäntä, ja hän koetti
aina osoittaa hänelle, että häntä yhä muistettiin vanhassa kodissa.
Nyt hän alkoi tuumia milloinkahan hän viimeksi oli ollut hänen
luonaan. Ehkäpä siitä oli jo niin pitkä aika, että heidän pitäisi taas
lähteä Svanskogiin häntä tervehtimään?
Äitikulta oli vaiti, sillä hän ei tuntenut juuri nimeksikään noita
talonpoikaissukulaisia, ja Maija Liisan täytyi vastata, ettei kukaan
ollut käynyt siellä edellisestä joulusta saakka. Hän uskalsi lisätä, että
täti olisi kai enimmin mielissään, jos isäkulta itse lähtisi sinne
äitikullan kanssa.

Mutta Maija Liisa huomasi varsin pian, ettei hän voinut päästä
tästä asiasta niin helpolla. Isäkulta nojautui tuolinsa selkänojaa
vasten eikä näyttänyt kovin tyytyväiseltä. Hän arveli varmaan, että
sukurakkaudellakin saattoi olla rajansa. Lopuksi hän selitti, että täti
oli niin usein nähnyt hänet, ettei hänen tarvinnut enää lähteä
Svanskogiin näyttämään itseänsä. Mutta äitikulta ja Maija Liisa
voisivat vielä tänään lähteä sinne. Se sopikin erinomaisesti, sillä sekä
Pitkä-Bengt että Musta olivat vapaat.
Sellainen päätös tehtiin aamiaispöydässä. Oi! Maija Liisa olisi
tahtonut purra kielensä poikki. Miksi hän oli ruvennut puhumaan
Svanskogista? Nyt hänen täytyi ajaa kaksi kokonaista peninkulmaa
äitikullan kanssa samassa reessä!
Mutta aamiaisen jälkeen meni äitikulta heti isäkullan huoneeseen,
ja kun hän palasi sieltä, oli koko päätös kumottu. Äitikulta sanoi nyt,
ettei kenenkään muun kuin Maija Liisan tarvinnut lähteä Svanskogiin.
Kyllähän hän näki, ettei Maija Liisalla ollut sinne suurta halua, mutta
nuorisolle oli hyväksi tehdä sellaistakin, mikä ei ollut heille mieleen.
Mutta hän sai mennä sinne jalan eikä hevosella, sillä äitikulta tarvitsi
kynttilöitä valaessaan Pitkän-Bengtin apua kyökissä. Mutta
seuraavana päivänä Pitkä-Bengt sai kyllä tulla häntä hevosella
hakemaan.
Ei ainoallakaan kasvojen eleellä pappilanneiti uskaltanut ilmaista,
oliko hän tästä iloinen vai pahoillaan. Mutta täytyihän hänen
myöntää, että jos hänen kerran täytyi lähteä Svanskogiin, niin
mielemmin hän kulki sinne yksin jalan kuin ajoi yhdessä äitikullan
kanssa.
Koska hänen täytyi viipyä poissa niin kauan, niin hän pyysi, että
pikkupiika silloin-tällöin kävisi isoäidin luona tiedustelemassa,

tarvitsiko hän jotakin.
Mutta tietysti ei äitikulta voinut suostua mihinkään, mitä Maija
Liisa ehdoitti. Äitikulta määräsi heti paikalla, että pikkupiian piti
lähteä hänen kanssaan Svanskogiin. Ei suinkaan Maija Liisa luullut,
ettei emintimä tietäisi, kuinka sopimatonta oli antaa hänen yksin
kulkea niin pitkää matkaa? Eikä hänen tarvinnut olla levoton isoäidin
vuoksi. Olihan talossa siksi paljon naisväkeä, että he saattoivat pitää
hänestä huolta.
Niin, äitikulta sai tahtonsa läpi tässäkin, ja tunnin kuluttua he
olivat jo matkalla, sekä pappilanneiti että pikkupiika.
He astuivat vakavasti ja hitaasti sekä lehtikujassa että tietä
myöten, niin kauan kuin heitä saattoi nähdä Lövdalasta. Mutta pian
he joutuivat kuusikkoon, joka peitti heidät aivan näkyvistä.
Olihan tämä Svanskogin matka pappilanneiden mielestä ikävä ja
turha, mutta sattuipa olemaan oikein ihana talvipäivä, alamäki hänen
edessään oli jyrkkä ja liukas, ja hän oli vapaampi ja iloisempi kuin
kuukausimääriin, siksi hänestä tuntui aivan siltä, kuin hän olisi
päässyt pois ahtaasta häkistä. Hän, joka oli seitsentoista-vuotias,
ojensi nyt kätensä kolmentoista-vuotiaalle, ja he läksivät yhdessä
juoksemaan, kunnes he kaatuivat suureen kinokseen mäen alle ja
jäivät siihen pitkäkseen nauramaan. — Heidän tultuansa perille
Svanskogiin ei kello ollut vielä kuin yksi päivällä. Heillä oli ollut niin
hyvä onni, ettei heidän tarvinnut kulkea jalan kuin puolet matkaa.
Aina Broby'stä saakka he olivat saaneet ajaa Svanskogin rengin
reessä, joka palasi kotiin kyytimatkalta.
Svanskogissa pidettiin kestikievaria, joskaan se ei ollut
sinnepäinkään niin suuri kuin Broby'ssä, jossa aivan alituisesti kulki

matkustajia edes ja takaisin. Svanskogiin, joka oli kaukana pitäjän
pohjoisessa kolkassa, tuli korkeintain yksi matkustaja päivässä, ja
joskus saattoi kulua kerrassaan kokonainen viikkokin kyydittä.
Kaikki oli täällä ennallansa. Ei täti eikä kukaan hänen
palvelijoistansakaan tullut auttamaan pappilanneittä ja pikkupiikaa
reestä. Oi, voi! Kylläpä Maija Liisan sydäntä nyt ahdisti, aivankuin
rintaa olisi puserrettu kokoon, jotta sillä ei ollut kyllin tilaa tykyttää.
Matkan varrella oli hän ollut hiukan rohkeammalla mielellä, mutta
kun hän nousi pois reestä, niin tunsi hän aivan selvästi, ettei täti
varmaankaan häntä auttaisi.
Svanskogin asuinrakennus oli hyvin suuri ja sisäänkäytävä oli
keskellä pitkääseinää eikä toisessa nurkkauksessa, niinkuin
tavallisesti talonpoikaistaloissa. Sisäänkäytävän edessä oli kuisti,
tosin se ei ollut yhtä suuri kuin Lövdalassa, mutta kuitenkin aivan
samanlainen, ja katto ja pilaritkin olivat aivan samanmuotoiset.
Olipa tämä todellakin omituista! Niin usein kuin pappilanneiti oli
käynytkin täällä ennen, niin ei tuo kuisti koskaan ollut herättänyt
hänen huomiotaan. Nyt hänen täytyi jäädä sitä hetkeksi
tarkastamaan sekä kaikkea muutakin. Asuinrakennus oli vanha,
mutta sitä oli korjattu ja muutettu tädin aikana, ja varmaan
lapsuudenkoti oli silloin ollut mallina. Ikkunoissa oli yhtä monta ja
yhtä suuret ruudut kuin sielläkin, ja puoliympyrän muotoiset
ullakkoluukut olisi huoleti voitu muuttaa toisesta rakennuksesta
toiseen kenenkään huomaamatta vähintäkään eroa.
Heti paikalla alkoi sydäntä hiukan helpoittaa. Ehkäpä ei sittenkään
ollut niin perin typerää tulla tänne? Ehkäpä entinen pappilanneiti ei
ollutkaan niin kokonaan kadonnut, kuin hän yritti luulotella sekä
itselleen että muille?

Eteinen oli pienempi kuin Lövdalassa. Samoinkuin sielläkin oli
täällä myös puoliympyriäisiä seinäkaappeja joka nurkassa, ja seinät
olivat harmaaksi maalatut ja täynnä mustia ja valkoisia täpliä.
Porraskäytävässä olivat hirsiseinät paljaat aivan kuin kotonakin, ja
ullakkoportaat olivat peloitta van jyrkät kapeine astimineen. Varmaan
täällä oli yhtä hyvä kuin Lövdalassakin liukua käsipuun varassa
portaita alas tarvitsematta liikuttaa jalkojansa.
Eteisen perällä oli ovi, joka johti suureen vieraita varten varattuun
huoneeseen. Siellä ei kotiväki koskaan oleskellut. Mutta pappilanneiti
väänsi sittenkin avainta ja kurkisti sisään. Aivan niinkuin hän oli
olettanutkin: siellä oli keltaiseksi kiillotettuja koivutuoleja ja valkoisia
saranapöytiä, aivan kuin Lövdalan salissakin. Ei edes suurta
kallaakaan ikkunan äärestä puuttunut. Yksi asia oli kuitenkin toisin.
Siniset käymämatot olivat myös lattialla, mutta ne olivat toista kuosia
kuin kotona. Mutta kun Maija Liisa tuumi tarkemmin, huomasi hän,
että täti oli siihen aivan syytön. Hän oli kutonut matot samanlaisiksi,
kuin ne olivat hänen lapsuudenkodissaankin. Mutta heillä kotona oli
vaihdettua mallia.
Pappilanneiti sulki oven ja seisoi hetken aikaa ääneti eteisessä.
Kyyneleet olivat nousseet hänen silmiinsä. Mutta ei suinkaan täti
pitänyt mistään hempeämielisyydestä. Hän tahtoi näyttää levolliselta
ja iloiselta, kun hän astui hänen luokseen.
Taaskin Maija Elisaa suosi hänen tavallinen onnensa! Kun hän
avasi suurtuvan oven, näki hän, että täti parasta aikaa pesi pyykkiä.
Suuri pata riippui siellä tulella, ja pesusammio, joka oli täynnä
vaatteita, seisoi keskellä lattiaa ja siitä juoksi hiljalleen lipeää
sankoon. Nyt varmaan täti tulisi entistä pahemmalle tuulelle, kun
vieraita saapui taloon. Lattialle oli kaatunut paljon vettä, ja pitkällä

penkillä oli vasta pestyjä, karheita vaatteita. Täytyihän Maija Liisan
tunnustaa, ettei kukaan voinut olla hyvillänsä, kun vieraita tuli noin
pahansiivoiseen huoneeseen.
Täällä ei mikään muistuttanut mieleen Lövdalaa, vaan huone oli
aivan tavallinen talonpoikaistupa. Maija Liisan mielestä tuo tupa, sen
suuret, kattoon asti ylettyvät kaapit, mahtava telttavuode ja pitkät,
kiinteät penkit olivat aina näyttäneet niin kauniilta ja kunnioitusta
herättäviltä. Mutta nyt olivat pesuvaatteet karkoittaneet kodikkuuden
pakosalle.
Täti seisoi pesupunkan ääressä selin oveen ja hankasi ja hieroi
kaikin voimin. Maija Liisa oli monta kertaa kuullut sanottavan omasta
äidittään ja hänen sisaristaan, että he olivat olleet pitkäkasvuisia ja
solakoita aivan kuin hän itsekin, mutta täti oli nyt suuri ja roteva eikä
näyttänyt lainkaan lempeältä. Hänellä oli yllään musta sarkahame ja
punaiset liivit, joiden yläosa oli valkoinen. Lyhyen, valkean
lammasnahkaturkin, joka kuului pukuun, oli hän työtä tehdessään
heittänyt päältään.
Täti ei kääntynyt oveen päin, kun he avasivat sen, eikä hän
sanonut sanaakaan. Nyt ainakin Maija Liisa olisi toivonut olevansa
monen peninkulman päässä. Mutta eihän siinä mikään auttanut;
hänen täytyi astua tädin luo ja ojentaa hänelle kätensä
tervehtiessänsä.
Tädin molemmat kädet olivat vedessä. Hän nosti toisen ylös,
mutta ei hän huolinut sitä pyyhkiä, vaan ojensi sen sellaisenaan
sisarentyttärelleen.
"Vai niin, sinäkö se siis lopulta tulitkin tänne", sanoi hän. "Uusi
pappilanrouva on kai liian hieno tullakseen tervehtimään

talonpoikaista väkeä."
Hän ei sanonut todellakaan mitään muuta eikä hän puhunut sen
epäystävällisemmin kuin muulloinkaan, mutta varmaankaan ei Maija
Liisa ollut yhtä kärsivällinen kuin ennen, sillä hän purskahti nyt
itkuun.
Mieluimmin hän olisi hyökännyt ulos ja lähtenyt kotiin yhtä päätä.
Hän menikin aina ovelle saakka, mutta kun hän tuli sinne, tunsi hän
niin suurta heikkoutta, että polvet eivät kannattaneet häntä. Oven
vieressä oli pieni penkki, ja siihen hän jäi istumaan.
Koko ajan hän saattoi niin elävästi kuvailla mielessään, mitä täti
ajatteli nyt hänestä, joka tuli itkemään hänen luokseen ja häiritsi
hänen pyykinpesuaan. Vaikka eipä hän näyttänyt kovin levottomalta.
Hän lakkasi hieromasta vaatteita, mutta kaatoi kuitenkin vielä
kauhallisen kuumaa vettä pesupunkkaan ja heitti pari halkoa uuniin
ennenkuin hän astui Maija Liisan luo.
"Et suinkaan sinä nyt noin pahaksesi pane", sanoi hän. "Ehkä minä
en kuitenkaan ole niin vaarallinen kuin miltä näytän."
Mutta jos hän oli luullut sillä saavansa pappilanneiden itkun
taukoamaan, niin hän erehtyi vallan. Hänen kyyneleensä tulvivat niin
syvästä ja runsaasta surunlähteestä, että kun ne kerran olivat
alkaneet vuotaa, täytyi sitä kestää tuntikausia.
Pappilanneiti ei voinut vastata sanaakaan, vaikka hän käsitti kyllä,
että täti varmaan tuli kärsimättömäksi, sillä olisihan hänen pitänyt
saada pestä pyykkiään. Mutta täti ei ollut kuitenkaan neuvoton, vaan
kääntyi pikkupiian puoleen, joka koko ajan oli pysytellyt

pappilanneiden vieressä ja siveli nyt aivan pelästyksissään hänen
kättänsä.
"Ehkäpä sinä tiedät, miksi hän itkee? Ei suinkaan hän
loukkaantunut vaan siitä, etten ennättänyt kunnolla tervehtiä
häntä?"
Hänen äänessään oli leikkisä sävy, ikäänkuin hän olisi tahtonut
nauraa koko jutulle, ja sen varmaan pikkupiika ymmärsi, sillä hän tuli
äkkiä aivan hurjaksi.
"Eikö hänellä muka ole syytä itkeä, kun te kohtelette häntä tuolla
tavalla? Tässä hän tulee pyytämään apua äitinsä omalta sisarelta,
ettekä te sano hänelle ainoatakaan ystävällistä sanaa!"
Pappilanneiti koetti kiireesti sulkea pikkupiian suun kädellään,
mutta siitä ei ollut mitään apua, sillä pikkupiika tuli pahoilleen
nähdessään mamseli Maija Liisan itkevän, ja kaikkein surkein myrsky
— tuulimieli sai hänessä nyt vallan.
Mahdotonta oli huomata, oliko täti suuttunut pikkupiikaan, mutta
hän alkoi nyt puhua paikkakunnan murretta, ja hänen äänensä oli
kovin mariseva ja hidas.
Millä tavalla hän voisi auttaa Maija Liisaa? Olihan hänellä niin hyvä
olla Lövdalassa, ettei hän suinkaan kaivannut köyhän
talonpoikaisvaimon apua.
Se oli paras keino saada pikkupiian suun käyntiin. "Te olette
varmaan samaa maata kuin hänen emintimänsäkin", sanoi hän.
"Mutta sen minä voin sanoa, että hän tuli tänne pyytämään teiltä —
—"

Nyt pappilanneiti tarttui niin lujasti hänen käsivarteensa, että hän
vaikeni. Mutta täti ei ollut huomaavinaankaan keskeytystä.
"Onko Maija Elisalla niin vaikea olla siksi, että hän on saanut
emintimän? Sanotaan, että se joka saa emintimän, Saa myös
isintimän, mutta niin ei suinkaan hänen ole käynyt. Ei suinkaan
häneltä kielletä mitään mitä ikänä hän tahtoo?"
Pappilanneiti teki kaikenlaisia merkkejä pikkupiialle, mutta mitä
hyötyä siitä oli, kun täti tällä tavalla häntä yllytti?
"Kyllä te itsekin voitte nähdä, miten hänen laitansa on", sanoi
pikkupiika, "jos teillä vaan on silmät päässä. Eihän hän ole juuri
paremmin vaatetettu kuin minäkään, ja sitten hän on vain nahkaa ja
luuta. Sanotaan, että veri on paksumpaa kuin vesi, mutta niin ei
suinkaan ole teidän laitanne. Te ette välitä siitä, vaikka emintimä
kiusaisi hänet hengiltä."
Kaikki tuo oli kovin kiusallista pappilanneidelle. Tukalaa se oli, ettei
hän voinut hillitä itkuaan, mutta vieläkin pahempi, että täti viekoitteli
pikkupiikaa puhumaan jos jotakin. Kukapa tiesi, miten täti sen vielä
käsittää? Ehkäpä hän oikein vihasi sisarensatytärtä ja oli vaan
mielissään siitä, mitä hän kuuli.
Hän ei voinut kestää tätä kauemmin. Hän nousi pystyyn ja
hoiperteli ovelle. Mutta kun hän aikoi tarttua oven ripaan, oli se
jollakin tavalla epäkunnossa. Hän ei saanut sitä heti auki, hän veti ja
kiskoi sitä, ja lyyhistyi sitten kokoon — ja kaatui lattialle —
Kun hän tointui jälleen, makasi hän vuoteessa, siinä huoneessa,
jossa oli siniruutuiset matot lattialla. Hän lepäsi pehmeillä tyynyillä ja
niin hienoilla lakanoilla, että tuskin sellaisia oli koko Lövdalassa.

Vuoteen ääressä oli pöytä ja pöydällä tarjotin ja tarjottimella vati,
joka oli peitetty liinalla.
Niin, hänen oli todellakin hiukan nälkä, ja hän poisti kiireesti liinan
vadilta. Mutta siinä ei ollutkaan mitään syötävää, vaan ainoastaan
suuri, kirkas ja komea taalari.
Ensin hän ei voinut lainkaan käsittää, miten asian laita oikeastaan
oli, mutta sitten hän sen ymmärsi. Täti oli viekoitellut pikkupiialta
totuuden. Hän tuli niin iloiseksi ja liikutetuksi, että hän alkoi
uudestaan itkeä, ja kun hän oli itkenyt hetken aikaa, niin hän
nukahti.
Hän nukkui yhteen kyytiin siksi kunnes suurtuvan seinäkello löi
kolme. Kun hän silloin katsahti ympärilleen, oli taalari kadonnut,
mutta sen sijalla oli paljon hyvää ruokaa vuoteen vieressä. Hän
pelästyi ensin pahasti, kun taalari oli kadonnut, mutta sitten hän
tuumi, että hän oli varmaan joutunut hyviin käsiin, rauhoittui ja alkoi
syödä.
Syötyään häntä jälleen liikutti se tieto, että häntä oli kohdeltu niin
hyvin, ja silloin hänen piti uudestaan ruveta itkemään. Ja hän itki
kunnes hän nukahti.
Seuraavalla kerralla herätessään oli jo pimeä ilta. Uunissa paloi
tuli, ja täti istui vuoteen ääressä ja katseli häntä.
Kaikkein ensiksi pyysi täti Maija Liisaa suomaan anteeksi, että hän
oli uskaltanut lähettää taalarin sille miehelle, joka oli lainannut sen
hänelle. Iltapuolella oli sattunut olemaan kyytiä Henriksbergiin, ja
renki oli saanut taalarin mukanaan ja käskyn ottaa selkoa siitä, kuka
sepistä oli joulun aikana ostanut Loby'stä heiniä. Hänen piti antaa

raha hänelle ja sanoa pappilanneideltä terveisiä. Tädin mielestä näin
oli ollut kaikista parasta. Sillä tokkopa Maija Liisan olisi ollut niinkään
helppoa saada lähetetyksi sitä Svartsjöstä Henriksbergiin.
Taaskin pappilanneiti tuli niin liikutetuksi, että hän töintuskin sai
vastatuksi. Mutta täti ei päästänyt häntä itkemään, vaan alkoi kysellä
häneltä kaikenlaista Lövdalasta. Hän ei puhunut emintimästä eikä
mistään ikävästä, vaan ainoastaan sellaisista asioista, jotka eivät
voineet pahoittaa hänen mieltään. Miten isoäiti jaksoi? Oliko hänen
huoneensa yhtä siisti kuin aina ennenkin? Ja miten Vanha-Bengta
jaksoi renkituvassa? Oliko siellä yhtä likaista kuin tavallisestikin? Ja
asustiko kissapöllö yhä vielä ullakolla? Ja istuiko rastas kuusen
latvassa Lepokiven luona ja lauloi kevätiltoina? Ja oliko
koivulehdossa puutarhan takana viime vuosinakin ollut kieloja? Ja
seisoiko vanha paaluaitta vielä paikoillansa? Ja oliko uusi pappilan
rakennus, jonka Maija Liisan isä oli rakennuttanut, aivan
samanlainen kuin entinen? Ja pitivätkö he lampaita vielä vanhassa,
pimeässä karsinassa?
Pappilanneiti makasi vuoteellaan ihmeissään ja kuunteli. Ei ollut
yhtään mitään, jota täti ei olisi muistanut kysyä.
Lopuksi hän puhui hiukan itsestäänkin.
"Minäpä sanon sinulle, että ensi aikoina, ollessani naimisissa, kävin
minä kotona Lövdalassa niin usein kuin suinkin. Minä huomasin, että
väki täällä Svanskogissa ei pitänyt siitä, mutta minä menin sittenkin,
sillä minun oli sinne niin ikävä. Minun oli niin vaikea ensi alussa
viihtyä täällä. Ei se ollut niinkään helppoa, tiedä se. Minulla oli
anoppi, joka kohteli minua samalla tavalla kuin sinun emintimäsi.
Olipa täällä eräs toinenkin, joka oli hyvin kova ja ankara minulle. Me

emme olleet silloin niin hyviä ystäviä kuin sitten myöhemmin, ja se
olikin kaikkein vaikeinta.
"Mutta sitten minä huomasin, että joka kerralta, kun kävin
Lövdalassa, oli minun yhä vaikeampi palata kotiin. Ja vihdoin minun
täytyi tutkia itseäni ja kysyä mitä minä oikeastaan halusin. Tämän
talonhan minä olin valinnut kodikseni, ja täällä minun täytyi elää ja
siksi minä olin tyhmä, kun kulutin elämäni ikävöimällä jotakin, jonka
olin jättänyt taakseni. Minä tein päätökseni: minä päätin, etten
koskaan enää menisi Lövdalaan enkä olisi minkäänlaisessa
tekemisessä Lövdalan asukkaiden kanssa. Minä tahdoin irtaantua
kokonaan kaikesta entisestä. Ja se oli ainoa oikea minulle. Sen
jälkeen minä tulin levollisemmaksi, ja muutkin alkoivat kohdella
minua toisin, kun he ymmärsivät, että minä toden teolla tahdoin
kuulua heihin.
"Voit arvata, kuinka he pitivät minua silmällä, kun te tulitte tänne
minua tervehtimään. Mutta he näkivät ja ymmärsivät, että minä
koetin pysytellä teille vieraana.
"Niin, minä olin pystyttänyt niin lujan muurin itseni ja teidän
välillenne, ettei mikään olisi voinut sitä repiä alas. Mutta minä en
ollut koskaan ottanut lukuun sitä mahdollisuutta, että Lövdalan
pappilan tytär voisi tulla pienenä ja heikkona, sellaisena kuin minä
itsekin olin hänen ikäisenään, pyytämään minulta apua. Kas, silloin
minun voimani olivat lopussa.
"Mutta älä luule, että minulle sen johdosta koituu ikävyyksiä täällä
kotona. Tiedätkö, mitä minä äsken tein sinun nukkuessasi? Minä
tartuin miestäni takinhiasta kiinni ja vedin hänet tänne ovelle ja
annoin hänen kurkistaa sisään. Ja sitten minä kerroin hänelle, kuinka
asiat olivat ja kysyin, oliko hänellä mitään sitä vastaan, että minä

autoin sinua. Ja nytpä saat kuulla mitä hän vastasi. 'Tuo, joka makaa
tuolla sisällä, on niin sinun näköisesi, aivan sellainen kuin olit
tullessasi tänne, että se, joka ei auta häntä, joutuu minun kanssani
tekemisiin.'"

SUOMALAISPAPPI.
Olipa aivan kuin loihduttua. Maija Liisa ei voinut olla ajattelematta
äitikultaa. Kaiken aamua hän oli hänen mielessään, ja vaikka hän
tiesi hänen olevan täydessä työssä ja valavan kynttilöitä Lövdalassa,
niin hän ei sittenkään voinut olla hätkähtämättä joka kerta, kun joku
avasi oven, sillä hän pelkäsi, että äitikulta tulisi sisään ja näkisi,
kuinka tyhmästi hän käyttäytyi.
Jospa äitikulta olisi tiennyt, että hän nukkui aina kello kahdeksaan
asti aamulla! Ja vielä sen lisäksi: että täti oli ollut niin hyvä hänelle ja
tarjonnut hänelle kahvia vuoteella, vaikka itse Kuninkaallinen
Majesteetti oli kieltänyt kaiken kahvinjuonnin! Äitikulta, hän seurasi
niin tarkasti kaikkia määräyksiä! Kylläpä se olisi häntä kauhistuttanut
siihen määrään, että punaiset täplät olisivat jälleen syttyneet
poskipäihin.
Tai olisipa äitikulta nähnyt, että täti tänään heitti kaikki työt kesken
ja istui vain penkillä ikkunan ja leveän pöydän välissä jutellen Maija
Liisan kanssa! Tai olisipa hän kuullut, miten täti nauroi, kun
sisarentytär kertoi äitikullasta ja kaikista hänen urotöistään! Sillä nyt,
kun Maija Liisa oli saanut kyllikseen levätä, ei hän enää itkeä
tilluttanut, vaan nauroi vain kaikille vaikeuksilleen. Tietysti äitikulta

oli luullut, että täti olisi yhtä kova Maija Liisalle kuin äitikultakin.
Kylläpä häntä olisi harmittanut, jos hän olisi saanut tietää, kuinka
suuresti hän oli erehtynyt.
Mutta eipä olisi ollut niinkään vaarallista, vaikka äitikulta olisi
yllättänyt Maija Liisan nyt, kun hän istui yksin tädin kanssa. Mutta
jos hän olisi tullut hiukan myöhemmin päivällä, niin se vasta olisi
ollut paha.
Puolenpäivän aikana ajoi matkustaja kestikievarin pihalle. Maija
Liisa käännähti ikkunaan päin ja näki pitkän, kauniin miehen
nousevan pienestä, vihreäksi maalatusta reestä. Hän oli puettuna
kotikutoisiin sarkavaatteisiin, niin vaaleihin, että ne olivat melkein
valkoiset, eikä hänellä ollut turkkia yllään, mutta siitä
ujostelemattomasta tavasta, millä hän tervehti kestikievarin isäntää,
saattoi nähdä, että hän oli sittenkin herrasmies.
Täti oli niin tottunut matkustajiin, ettei hän viitsinyt edes katsoa
ulos. Maija Liisan täytyi pyytää häntä kääntymään ikkunaan ja
sanomaan kuka tuo kaunis mies oli.
Olipa se hauska, että täti saattoi tyydyttää hänen uteliaisuuttaan.
Mies, joka seisoi tuolla ulkona, niin, se oli tosiaankin Finnerudin
pappi, pastori Liljecrona.
Olisipa äitikulta nyt ollut siellä näkemässä, miten Maija Liisa
säpsähti, kun hän kuuli vieraan nimen. Tätikin huomasi sen ja tuli
uteliaaksi, mutta se ei tehnyt mitään, sillä hän oli sellainen, että
Maija Liisa saattoi mielellään kertoa hänelle sekä unipannukakusta
että unestaan. Sitä juttua olisi ollut mahdoton kertoa äitikullalle. Hän
olisi vain halveksivasti nykäissyt niskaansa koko asialle.

Täti sen sijaan käsitti asian aivan vakavasti. "Eipä tuo olisi niinkään
tyhmää, jos voisit saada hänet", sanoi hän. "Ei siinä kyllin, että hän
on kaunis, vaan hän on oikein kelpo mieskin."
Maija Liisa hämmästyi suuresti. Eihän täti voinut tarkoittaa, että
hän menisi naimisiin Finnerudin papin kanssa? Finnerud sijaitsi kovin
kaukana pohjoisessa, vieläkin kauempana kuin Västmarken. Eikä
siellä asunut muita kuin suomalaisia, jotka olivat muuttaneet sinne
pari sataa vuotta sitten, eivätkä osanneet ruotsia. Maija Liisalle
Finnerud oli yhtä outoa seutua, kuin jos se olisi ollut aina Lapissa
saakka.
Mutta täti rauhoitti häntä. Ei hänen tarvinnut pelätä joutuvansa
Finnerudiin. Pastori Liljecrona oli ollut siellä pappina yksitoista
vuotta, mutta nyt hän luultavasti muuttaisi pois sieltä ja tulisi
Sjöskogan kirkkoherraksi.
Silloin Maija Liisa alkoi ymmärtää, miksikä täti oli tullut niin
intoihinsa. Hän, joka oli entinen pappilanneiti, tiesi kyllä, että
Sjöskoga oli paras paikka koko hiippakunnassa.
Mutta Maija Liisa ei välittänyt Finnerudista eikä liioin Sjöskogasta.
Hänen tulevan miehensä piti olla pappina Svartsjössa ja asua
Lövdalassa.
"Niin, siten sinä nyt sanot, mutta kunhan oikea tulee, niin et sinä
kysy kartanoa etkä pitäjää."
Täti puhui niin vakavasti, että Maija Liisan täytyi kääntyä vielä
uudestaan ikkunaan ja katsoa ulos. Olipa pappi todellakin hyvin
kaunis, kuinka komea vartalo ja loistavat siniset silmät hänellä
olikaan. Hänen kirkas ja iloinen äänensä kuului aina sisään saakka.

Kestikievarin isäntä seisoi ja kuunteli häntä tyytyväisen näköisenä, ja
tallista ja hihasta kiiruhtivat rengit päästämään hevosta valjaista.
"Kas, kuinka he kiiruhtavat joka puolelta! Kylläpä voi huomata,
että Finnerudin pappi on liikkeellä. Hänestä kaikki pitävät! Toivotaan,
ettei hän lähde heti paikalla, vaan viipyy täällä hetken aikaa, jotta
sinä saat puhua hänen kanssansa."
Tuskin täti oli sen sanonut, niin ovi avautui ja pappi tuli sisään
heidän luokseen.
Jo kynnykseltä hän huusi, että kestikievarin isäntä oli pyytänyt
häntä astumaan sisään hienoon saliin, mutta ei hän tahtonut olla
siellä yksin. Ei suinkaan Margareta muorilla ollut mitään sitä vastaan,
jos hän tuli hänen luokseen suurtupaan? Hän sai varmaan odottaa
hyvän aikaa kestikievarissa. Hänen veljensä, Henriksbergin
isännöitsijä, tahtoi tavata häntä täällä, mutta hän ei ollut vielä tullut.
Ei hän tiennyt lainkaan, mistä oli kysymys, oli vain saanut sanan
erään suksimiehen mukana myöhään yöllä ja lähtenyt kotoa varhain
aamulla. Isännöitsijän olisi oikeastaan pitänyt joutua tänne ennen
häntä.
Sanat tulivat aivan tulvimalla. Täti astui häntä vastaan ja tervehti
häntä, ja Maija Liisa tuumi mielessään, että täti piti hänestä varmaan
aivan yhtä paljon kuin miehetkin ulkona pihalla. Vihdoin sai täti
suunvuoroa ja pyysi häntä istumaan ja viipymään suurtuvassa niin
kauan kuin häntä halutti. Eihän hän enää monta kertaa kulkenut tätä
tietä. Hän sai luvan onnitella häntä, kun hänellä oli tiedossa niin
suuri paikka, vaikka hänestä tulisikin tuntumaan tyhjältä, kun hän ei
enää saisi tilaisuutta nähdä häntä.

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Historical Studies In The Physical Sciences Volume 6 Russell Mccormmach Editor

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Historical Studies In The Physical Sciences Volume 6 Russell Mccormmach Editor

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