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5. Mountain, Field, and Family

7. Mountain, Field, and Family:
The Economy and Human Ecology
of an Andean Valley
Stephen B. Brush
University of Pennsylvania Press / 1977

8. Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Brush, Stephen B. 1943-
Mountain, field, and family.
Bibliography: p.
Includes index.
1. Peru—-Economic conditions—1968 2. Indians
of South America—Peru— Economic conditions.
3. Peasantry—Peru. I. Title.
HC227.B79 330.9'85Oe3 77-24364
ISBN 0-8122-7728-7
Copyright © 1977 by Stephen B. Brush
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America

9. Contents
Preface χι
Acknowledgments ix
1 The Andean Way: Cultural Adaptation to 1
a Mountain Environment
Andean Geography
Verticality: The Human Ecology of the Andes
The Andean Resource System
Patterns of Andean Zonation
Studying Subsistence Systems among Mountain Peasants
Field Methods
2 Uchucmarca: The Village and its People 22
The Village of Uchucmarca
The Upper Maraiion River and the Eastern Cordillera
Population
3 The Early History of Uchucmarca 40
Pre-Hispanic History: Chachapoyas
The Prehistory of Uchucmarca
Inca Domination
The Spanish Conquest
Uchucmarca after the Spanish Conquest
Cultural Development of Uchucmarca
4 The Formal Organization of Uchucmarca 54
The Peasant Community
District Organization
Intercommunity Conflicts
Religious Organization: Saints and Celebrations
5 Resources For Subsistence: Land 69
Life Zones of the Uchucmarca Valley
Crop Zones and the Folk Taxonomy
The Determination of Crop Zones
Settlement Location in the Valley
Land Tenure
Land Distribution
Alternatives to Ownership: Sharecropping
ν

10. 6 Agricultural Technology and Labor
Tools
Farm Procedures
Erosion Control and Fallow
The Agricultural Calendar
Phase of the Moon
7 The Exchange of Labor and Goods
Reciprocal Labor
Nonreciprocal Labor
Exchange Mechanisms
The Use of Cash
Livestock
8 The Myth of the Idle Peasant
The Employment Question
Economists' Approach to Underemployment
Economists' Critique of the Concept
Anthropological Approaches to Underemployment
Case Study of a Full-Employment Peasant Economy
Nonagricultural Activities
9 How the Economy Works:
The Role of Kinship
Households
Selecting a Marriage Partner
The Extended Family
The Role of Kinship in Sociedad: Case Studies
The Role of Kinship in Sociedad: Overview
Reciprocal Relationships as Action-Sets
10 A Peasant Economy in the Modern World
Spatial-Demographic Adaptation
Techno-Economic Adaptations
Socio-Economic Adaptations
Adapting to a Developing World
Appendix 1
Religious Celebrations
Secular Celebrations
Appendix 2 Potato Varieties
Appendix 3 Food Yields from
Uchucmarca Agriculture
Bibliography
Index

11. List of Maps, Figures, Tables,
and Illustrations
Maps
1. Peru 3
2. Types of Andean Zonation 12
3. Location Map of Uchucmarca 23
4. Uchucmarca Valley 25
5. Uchucmarca 27
6. Life Zones of Uchucmarca Valley 71
7. Crop Zones of Uchucmarca Valley (Schematic Diagram) 75
8. Crop Zones of Uchucmarca Valley 76
Figures
1. Immigration to Uchucmarca (Upper Valley Area) 34
2. Immigration to Pusac 36
3. Percentage of Total Population Per Age Group 38
4. Perceived Environmental Hazards Beyond Crop Zones 82
5. Agricultural Calendar 100
6. Planning Agricultural Activity According to
Plot Fertility and Phase of the Moon 103
7. Average Labor Demands in Field Agriculture—Per Family 131
Tables
1. Immigration and Marriage in Uchucmarca (by household) 31
2. Percentage of Certain Crops Planted in 81
Different Zones during 1970
3. Acquisition of Chacras 84
4. Average Landholdings Per Household /
Average Size Per Chacra 86
5. Land Under Sharecropping 88
6. Percentage of Households Involved in Agriculture 89
7. Labor Inputs Per Hectare in Man-Days 96
8. Percentage of Agricultural Labor by Crop 97
9. Timing and Nonworkdays Associated
with Saints' Days 101
vii

12. VIII List of Maps, Figures, Tables, and Illustrations
10. Payments in Crops Compared to Cash 108
11. Percentage of Crops Sold 115
12. Average Labor Requirements by Crop 130
13. Average Labor Requirements and Employment in 132
Uchucmarca
14. Types of Kinship Relations of Socios 148
15. Outputs Per Man-Day and Per Hectare 174
16. Nutritional Values for Crops—Calories and Protein 175
17. Nutritional Outputs Per Man-Day and 175
Per Hectare in Terms of Calories and Grams of Protein
18. Contributions of Crops to Available 177
Calories and Proteins Per Day
Illustrations between
pages 90 and 91
1. Aerial photograph (1962) of Uchucmarca.
2. Central plaza of Uchucmarca.
3. Typical house with kitchen on the left. Stairs on the right lead to a stor-
age area where grains and tubers are kept.
4. Spinning and weaving.
5. House roofing fiesta. Women prepare a feast while the men finish the
tile roof.
6. Guests at a faena feast on hominy, chicha, and mutton soup after
threshing wheat.
7. Men and women along the side of the municipal building during a meet-
ing of the Peasant Community of Uchucmarca.
8. A communal labor day to level village streets rutted during the rainy
season.
9. Grandmother and her grandson.
10. A meeting of the Peasant Community of Uchucmarca. Men in fore-
ground, women behind.

13. Acknowledgments
The preparation of this book would not have been possible without the en-
couragement and wisdom of many other people. The restrictions of a pre-
face such as this make it impossible to acknowledge all of the people who
have, in one way or another, assisted me in my years as a student and trav-
eler. The people of northern Peru have been most hospitable to me as a
Peace Corps Volunteer and then as an anthropologist. They have given me
hours of their time and food from their sometimes meager larders. Officials
throughout the Peruvian government have been patient and helpful. Institu-
tions that were particularly helpful include the Institute Geogräfico Militär
for maps and air photographs, the Biblioteca National and the Archivo Na-
tional for historical material, the Mintsterio de Relaciones Exteriores for vi-
sas, and the Prefectura del Departemente de la Libertad. Both my wife and I
owe our deepest gratitude to Enrique Mayer and his family for their hospi-
tality to us in Lima.
In order to acknowledge our debt to individuals in Uchucmarca, I
would have to list the Community roster. The officials of the Peasant Com-
munity of Uchucmarca, especially the President, Juan Abanto Merin, and
the officials of the Municipal Council, especially the mayor, Tulio Navarro
Diaz, were invaluable during the research period. Village schoolteachers
were also especially helpful, particularly Ruperto Llaja Prieto and his wife
Aurora Vega Rengifo, and Napoleon Navarro Prieto and his wife Maria San-
chez. Friends and neighbors surrounded us and made us feel at home in
their lives. We were constantly welcome in the kitchen of Margarita Vega
and her husband Gregorio Peyrera. The family of Julio Vega Navarro was
kind enough to house and feed me for several weeks while I was in Pusac at
the lower end of the Uchucmarca Valley. To Milciades Rojas Sagastegui and
his wife Engma Rojas Navarro, I owe a special note of gratitude as my prin-
cipal informants. I could extend this list out longer than anyone would care
to read, but to those unnamed my debt is just as great.
My work was generously funded by the National Science Foundation
(grant GS-2836) and by supplementary grants from the University of Wis-
consin Ibero-American Studies Ford Fellowship programs. These allowed
me to stay in Peru for extra months, and a Summer Fellowship gave me
time to think and write. I am also indebted to the Faculty Research Com-
mittee of the College of William and Mary for supporting my continuing re-
search in Uchucmarca and Peru.
To my friends, colleagues, and professors at the University of Wiscon-
IX

14. χ Acknowledgments
sin and the College of William and Mary, I owe a great deal for their sup-
port and guidance. Dr. Donald Thompson, with whom we covered many ad-
venturesome and enjoyable miles, was responsible for the funding that al-
lowed me to conduct the research; and it was through his insights that the
fascination of the eastern Andes became real to us. Dr. Arnold Strickon
trained me in much of the anthropology I used in the field and later became
a mentor in the preparation of this book. Dr. William Denevan primed me
in cultural ecology and the importance of understanding a people's subsist-
ence system. Dr. John Hitchcock has helped me to understand one Andean
culture through his research into another mountain culture in the Himala-
yas. I am certain that no one writing about mountains or mountain peoples
has had better or more tireless help in preparing their manuscript than that
given me by Mrs. Susan Glendinning. Mrs. Sharon Vaughn helped with her
preparation of Maps and Charts.
Finally to my wife Peggy, I owe a debt which is impossible to repay in
words. Without her constant companionship and assistance through both
happy and difficult times, this book might not have ever been completed.
She made a home for us in the Andes that was very hard to leave. I dedicate
this book to her.

15. Preface
"Oye .... Delfin," came the firm whisper and gentle tug on the heavy blan-
ket pulled over his sleeping head. "It's early and time to go," said Rosa as
she turned to go out to the kitchen where she had already laid a fire in
preparation for breakfast. Delfin and Rosa did not own a radio to get the
time from Radio Nacional like some of their neighbors, but the early cock's
crow was warning enough that the day would soon begin. It was 4:30 AJ*.,
and Delfin eased himself out of the bed trying not to awaken Carlitos. Rosa
was popping maize into cancha and boiling water for their usual cinnamon
and molasses tea. As she patted out the wheat cakes, she reminded herself to
ask Delfin to bring her a length of bamboo from the banks of the river near
Santa Cruz to make a blow pipe for the fire. Carlitos had broken the last
one trying to break dirt clods in front of their house as he had seen his hi-
ther do with a hoe in their fields.
As Delfin pulled on his sweater and pants and fastened his rubber tire
sandals, he thought of the day ahead. Yesterday, he had brought the mare
from her grazing area above the village so that he would not have to waste
time on that today. If he could get off before the sky became too clear, he
could be well into the lower valley before mid-morning. His ultimate desti-
nation that day was the maize field in Balon owned by his cousin Praxides.
They had been partners on this plot for two seasons now. Delfin's neighbor
Gregorio had spotted a pair of mules from the other side of the valley
browsing in the field and had managed to scare them off with some shouts,
but Delfin would have to go there himself to survey the damage; he would
have to find the hole in the stone and brush barricade that had let the mules
through. He hoped that the mending job would not be too serious. With
luck Delfin could find the mules or someone who had seen them and could
identify them so that he could seek retribution from the owner. Maybe the
damage was not appreciable.
Delfin also wanted to check the fences around his field peas in the
middle valley. From there he would climb to his other maize field; he would
have to decide whether a second weeding would be necessary. If so, he
would have to busy himself looking for friends and kinsmen to help him. He
could at least count on his uncle, Eusebio, and on Tulio, whose crop he had
helped weed last week. Besides these he would still have to hire a couple of
peons. It looked like a good crop year in the lower valley with an abundance
of rain. Delfin knew he had made a good decision in specializing in maize
this year. If his harvest was large enough, the payments to the peons would
xi

16. xii Preface
not make a serious dent in their maize supply. He should harvest enough
maize to exchange for potatoes; his own potatoes had been almost ruined by
an attack of late blight. Luckily, there were always people who wanted to
trade potatoes for maize.
Delfin and Rosa ate in silence. As he pulled on his poncho, she re-
minded him about the blow pipe. He smiled at the thought of his son Carli-
tos trying to use the bamboo instead of a hoe. As he struck off down through
the village toward the lower slopes, he reminded himself to keep an eye
open for any ripe custard apples along the trail; they would make a special
treat for his young wife and son. As he crossed the plaza, he greeted Geron-
imo who was headed to the pastures above the village with salt for his three
cows. Delfin left the village alone, but he knew that he would meet several
of his neighbors and kinsmen in the lower valley; this thought made him
smile for the second time that day.
This describes the beginning of a typical day for one family in the vil-
lage of Uchucmarca in northern Peru. It briefly traces the path of one man
for one day. Later that year, the direction of his path will be reversed. In-
stead of going down the valley to the lower crop zones, he will hike upward
to work in the potato fields which lie on the upper slopes of the valley. If
we followed his pathways and the pathways of his fellow villagers in the val-
ley throughout the year, their imprints would cover the terrain like a web.
This book will describe and analyze some of the features of the physical and
social environment of one Andean village and valley. I hope to show how
the village culture and individual inhabitants have adapted to the Andean
landscape which surrounds them. In doing this, I will discuss the decisions
and actions taken by individual villagers in their attempt to meet the de-
mands placed upon them by their culture and in the face of obstacles placed
before them by the factors of time, space, and the social structure within
which they live. Their environment includes natural resources (principally
land) and human resources (principally labor), which are available to and
can be used by a particular individual. In addition, there are a number of in-
stitutions and reciprocal relationships that an individual may utilize to gain
access to the resources needed for subsistence.
In speaking of adaptation, I am referring to the process by which be-
havior is fashioned in such a way as to attain certain ends. My concern here
is the set of cultural and personal patterns by which the people of one An-
dean valley in northern Peru produce and procure food.
The natural environment in which they live is marked by tremendous
diversity owing to the nature of the steep environmental gradient of the An-
dean landscape. The adaptations designed to produce enough food to sustain
the lives of the participants in the culture are treated as two separable, but
interrelated, types. On one level are cultural adaptations that allow the peo-
ple of Uchucmarca to extract adequate subsistence from the Andean envi-

17. Preface xiii
ronment. I will examine three such adaptations here: spatial-demographic,
technological, and socio-economic.
The second type of adaptation involves the day to day behavior of the
individuals as they attempt to meet the need of feeding themselves. This
type of adaptation is looked at as a strategic behavior for subsistence. These
subsistence strategies are not only a response to the Andean environment
but also a response to the socio-cultural environment of the village of
Uchucmarca.
The initial stages of this project began in the spring of 1969 when Dr.
Donald Thompson asked me to join a team that would go to the eastern
slopes of the central Andes of Peru in 1970. The object of the project was to
investigate late pre-Hispanic occupation of the eastern Andes, drawing on
archaeological, ethnohistorical, and ethnographic sources. It was hoped that
all three of these would provide information about the prehistoric and mod-
ern land use patterns of the Andes. Of particular interest was how people
before and after the Spanish Conquest utilized the highly diverse Andean
landscape. Besides Dr. Thompson and myself, other members of the project
included Dr. Rogger Ravines of the Museo Nacional de Antropologia y Ar-
queologja and Mrs. Ann Saddlemire Rovner.
The first field operation in Peru was an extended survey in the area of
the upper Mar anon River in order to locate a site that would be satisfactory
to the different members of the project. This survey, which lasted four
months, covered roughly 300 kilometers of the upper Maranon River from
the Department of Huanuco to the Department of Amazonas. An extended
survey was conducted in the area of Llamellin in eastern Ancash. At one
point my wife and I traveled by horse and foot from the high jungle area of
Μοηζόη to the town of Rapayän on the western side of the Maranon. This
trip took some five days and brought us within sight of the spectacular Cor-
dillera Bianca of the Callejon de Huaylas.
Our first introduction to Uchucmarca came in early October 1970. On
that first trip, which lasted five days, I sensed that this village would be a
good one to live in and study. The Peasant Community of Uchucmarca con-
trolled a valley that contained many of the Andean zones we had explored
further south; the factors of size and isolation were satisfactory; the village
was in an area that had hitherto been unstudied by anthropologists; finally,
and perhaps most importantly, the people of Uchucmarca were among the
most open and hospitable we had encountered in our months of surveying.
After deciding that Uchucmarca was, indeed, the place where the re-
search would be most satisfactory, my wife Margaret and I prepared for the
trip that would establish us in a permanent field station. We arrived with
three mules laden with supplies in early December 1970. After renting a
house from one of the village schoolteachers, laying a hearth, digging a lat-
rine, and having a table and a couple of chairs built, the research on an An-

18. xiv Preface
dean ecosystem began. A regular schedule of interviews with friends and in-
formants was kept, and notes were recorded at night. With the help of a
paid assistant, Sr. Milciades Rojas Sagastegui, I conducted a lengthy census
covering over 90 percent of the village. Later on, Milciades and I surveyed a
selected number of households to determine labor inputs into and outputs
from agriculture. These households were visited several times in an effort to
cross-check their information. Besides these surveys, censuses, and inter-
views, my wife and I worked on maps of the village and of the Uchucmarca
Valley, and we made as many trips as possible into the surrounding area to
observe people at work in the subsistence agriculture of the community. In
November 1971, after eleven months in the village, we departed from the
place and people who had taught us so much.
In 1974, I revisited the village from June to August, where I was
greeted with the same hospitality that brought us to Uchucmarca in the first
place. During the three years of my absence, the outward appearance of the
village had undergone change: a cement border and walk had been com-
pleted around the plaza, construction of a market place had begun, and a
vacant room under the municipality had been converted into Uchucmarca's
first secondary school. These changes, I feel, are highly representative of
how dynamic this "traditional peasant" village is. As I hope to show in the
following pages, these changes are the latest steps in the on-going adaptation
of the village to the Andean landscape and culture that surround it.

19. The Andean Way:
Cultural Adaptations
to a Mountain Environment
Unlike so many people, I was not at all depressed by a sojourn in a narrow
valley where the slopes, so close to one another as to take on the look of high
walls, allowed one to glimpse only a small section of the sky and to enjoy at
most a few hours of sunlight. On the contrary, I found an immense vitality in
the upended landscape. Instead of submitting passively to my gaze, like a
picture that can be studied without one's giving anything of oneself, the
mountain scene invited me to a conversation, as it were, in which we both
had to give of our best. I made over to the mountains the physical effort that
it cost me to explore them, and in return their true nature was revealed to
me. At once rebellious and provocative, never revealing more than half of it-
self at any one time, keeping the other half fresh and intact for those comple-
mentary perspectives which would open up as I clambered up or down its
slopes, the mountain scene joined with me in a kind of dance—and a dance
in which, I felt, I could move the more freely for having so firm a grasp of
the great truths which had inspired it.
Claude Levi-Stiauss (1967: 334)
The environments and landscapes of the high Andes are among the
most spectacular on earth, providing constant variety and challenge to in-
habitants and travelers alike. The great altitudinal differences, which can be
traversed in a matter of hours or days, offer a series of climates that in other
parts of the world where latitude is the determining factor may take weeks
and even months to cover. Mountainous terrain compresses the major cli-
matic zones of the world into single hillsides and valleys. There are places in
the Andes where one can stand in a temperate valley, surrounded by tropi-
cal crops and wild flowers and look up across a landscape where trees and
other vegetation dwarf, become tundra, and eventually disappear beneath a
cover of permanent snow and ice. The vitality of the land and climate con-
stantly impresses itself upon the viewer.
As one travels through the Andes, two things become apparent by
their repetition. The first is the immense variety of the mountain landscape
with its multiple altitudinal floors, each characterized by different micro-
climates and biotic communities. The second is the adaptation of the indige-
1

20. 2 Cultural Adaptations to a Mountain Environment
nous population to this landscape. This book examines these two factors and
how they relate to one another in one Andean valley. For some eighteen
months, my wife and I traveled and studied the relationship between these
two factors in northern Peru. For eleven months of that time, we lived in
one village which is characteristic of other isolated villages in the Peruvian
Andes. The village was Uchucmarca, standing at some 3,000 meters in alti-
tude. To the west of the village, within one long day's horse ride, flows the
Maranon River, which has carved an immense canyon some 3,500 meters
deep.
This rugged terrain has imposed isolation on the Andean people. The
fragmented landscape divides and isolates the areas which are inhabited.
Footpaths, horse trails, and roads must be laboriously carved into hillsides,
and some are washed out yearly in the winter rains. Distances can be decep-
tive. I remember standing on a pass on a clear day and looking westward
over the rolling ridges which characterize the northern Andes. Within easy
eyeshot were a road and some houses; they would take some twenty hours
to reach by conventional transportation: walking or perhaps riding a horse
or mule. By using the modern means of transportation (horse plus pickup
truck), this distance might be reduced to twelve hours.
Regional and national integration have been objectives of political re-
gimes in the Andes for a thousand years. The fame of the Incas rests
squarely on their success in this integration. For most Andean people, how-
ever, the links to the outside world have been too ephemeral and fragile to
depend on. Thus they have adapted their cultures and economies to the
local environment, creating independent and self-sufficient subsistence sys-
tems based on cultivation and herding.
Andean Geography
Peru has attracted some of the world's finest geographers, such as Humboldt
and Raimondi, and such well-informed travelers as von Tschudi and Squier.
Like contemporary scholars, these men were drawn to an area where dra-
matic changes in altitude yield a series of environmental shifts (variations in
temperature, rainfall, drainage, exposure, and slope) that in turn directly in-
fluence the natural biotic community. As one geographical observer noted
about the Andes, "nowhere else on earth are greater physical contrasts com-
pressed within such small spaces" (Milstead 1928: 97). The descriptive and
analytical challenges which this natural complexity pose are obvious. The
traditional starting point for students of the Andean area has been the three
major zones which characterize Peru. These are the Pacific coastal desert
(costa), the Andean highlands {sierra), and the Amazon lowland forest
(selva). A fourth, which has gained increasing attention as a frontier zone, is
the intermediate montaha lying between the highlands and the eastern low-

21. Cultural Adaptations to a Mountain Environment
ECUADOR
COLUMBIA
BRAZIL
CHILE
S VAUGHN
MAP 1. Peru

22. 4 Cultural Adaptations to a Mountain Environment
lands. The literature on these zones and the respective land use patterns and
cultural configurations is extensive.1 The characteristic approach has been
an area-wide or macro-environmental one for the cultural geography and ec-
ology of the area (e.g., James 1959, Sauer 1950). Whereas the general char-
acteristics of the natural and cultural ecology are well described in macro-
environmental studies, the complexity and variety within the major zones,
especially the highlands, tend to be glossed over. There are some exceptions
to this (notably Bowman 1916 and Gade 1967), but the tradition of macro-
environmental studies persists (Fittkau I and II 1969).
The macro-climate of the Peruvian Andes must be understood along
three axes: longitude, latitude, and altitude. As one goes east to west across
the Andean Cordilleras from the Amazon Basin to the Pacific, the climate
becomes increasingly dry. The thin strip of coastal plain is one of the driest
deserts in the world, a sharp contrast to the humid, verdant valleys of the
eastern slopes of the Andes. Rain-bearing Pacific equatorial currents are di-
verted by the strong, cold Humboldt (Peruvian) current, and rain-bearing
easterlies lose their moisture in the highlands. The heaviest rainfall occurs on
the eastern slopes of the Andes, where the tropical forest begins. As latitude
increases from the Equator southward, the climate tends to become drier,
with less total yearly precipitation and longer dry seasons. In the northern
Andes of Peru, the dry season is only three months long (June-August),
while in the southern Andes, it extends from May to November. Another
significant phenomenon, which is tied to latitude, is photoperiod. In the
northern Andes, close to the equator, daylight hours are uniformly long (ca.
twelve hours) year round, while as one moves south, they lengthen in sum-
mer (December to March) and shorten in winter. A result is greater seasonal
variation in temperatures as one moves south. Related to this is the fact that
the snow and frost line in the south is higher during the summer, and the
upper limit of cultivation is therefore raised. The third axis, altitude, has the
greatest impact on the macro-climate of the Andes. As altitude increases cli-
matic conditions change: heat radiation increases, resulting in lower temper-
atures and a high diurnal temperature range; evaporation and insolation in-
1 Because of the complexity of the area, plant and physical geographic overviews of the
Andes are usually too general to be of much use in understanding the geography of particu-
lar places. Consequently, the best geographies concern themselves with smaller regions within
the Andes. In English, the reader is recommended to Bowman (1916), The Andes of Southern
Peru, and Gade (1967), Plant Use and Folk Agriculture m the Vilcanota Valley of Peru. Am-
bitious, but not entirely successful, overviews of Andean geography include Pulgar Vidal
(1946), Geographia del Peru: Las Ocho Regiones Natural del Peru, and Ford (1955), Man and
Land in Peru. Perhaps the most useful attempt at a geographic overview and synthesis is the
work of Carl Troll, summarized in his "The Cordilleras of the Tropical Americas" (1968: 15-
56).
The anthropological and cultural geographic literature on Peru is extremely large in Span-
ish and very sizeable in English. The most complete bibliographic summaries of this literature
are found in Matos Mar and Ravines (1971); Martinez, Cameo, and Ramirez (1969); Aguirre
Beltran, Castillo Ardiles and Miranda Pelayo (1968); and O'Leary (1963).

23. Cultural Adaptations to a Mountain Environment 5
crease; exposure to wind increases generally but varies on windward and
leeward slopes; and orographic rainfall patterns change with leeward slopes
and intermontane valleys receiving generally less moisture than windward
slopes and high valley areas.
The micro-climate of a particular place must be understood primarily
in terms of altitude. The effect of changing climatic conditions related to al-
titude on the vegetation of mountainous areas is clear: a series of vegetation
belts or life zones. In the Andes, as in other high mountain areas, increasing
altitude is analogous to increasing latitude as one goes north or south from
the equator. The succession of climatic and vegetation belts in mountainous
regions is unique because of the steepness of the environmental gradient.
Numerous zones are often found on single hillsides. Referring to southern
Peru, Isaiah Bowman noted in 1916:
The greatest variety of climate is enjoyed by the mountain zone. Its deeper
valleys and basins descend to tropical levels; its higher ranges and peaks are
snow-covered. Between are the climates of half the world compressed, it may
be, between 6,000 and 15,000 feet of elevation and with extremes only a
day's journey apart (p. 122).
Depending on altitude and the steepness of the valley terrain, small Andean
valleys may contain a half a dozen or more clearly defined climatic and veg-
etation belts.
The particular belts which are found in a valley depend on the alti-
tude range of the valley and on where it is situated in relation to the prevail-
ing easterlies, which carry all of the Andean precipitation. Valley floors on
the western slopes of the Andean chain, as well as intermontane regions, are
hot and dry. These fall within the rain shadow of the higher Cordilleras. Val-
ley floors on the eastern slopes are humid since they are on the windward
side of the Andes and out of the rain shadow. As one moves up from the val-
ley bottoms, above 1,500 meters, he passes through a series of belts, most of
which are variations on montane and subalpine temperate forests. Reaching
the upper slopes, around 3,500 meters, he enters into the Andean version of
the Alp: the puna, high rolling grasslands with tundra vegetation. In the
south, these are situated in the great intermontane plateau of the Andes: the
alttplano. In the north, where the altiplano disappears in the more broken
terrain, the tundra is of the more humid paramo variety, known locally as
"jalka." The high grassland area is marked by a diurnal temperature climate
with cool daytime temperatures and regular frost at night (Troll 1968). Be-
cause of elevation and nightly frosts, vegetation in this area is dwarfed and
predominately of the hardy bunch grass and sedge type. Trees and cultigens
are confined to lower elevations, below the regular frost line. The last natu-
ral zone in the Andean landscape is the nival zone of eternal snow, generally
above 5,000 meters.
Botanists and geographers have attempted to classify and analyze this

24. 6 Cultural Adaptations to a Mountain Environment
natural zonation in the Andes. During this century, the outstanding attempts
in this regard have been those by Weberbauer, El Mundo Vegetal de los
Andes Peruanos (1945); by Tosi, Zonas de Vida Natural en el Peru (1960);
and by Pulgar Vidal, Geografia del Peru: Las Ocho Regiones Naturales del
Peril (1946). Each of these works presents a different schema of Andean
zonation. Weberbauer's is the most complex with fifteen major ecological
zones and over 150 locally defined sub-zones. Pulgar Vidal's is the simplest
with only eight zones. Tosi's system, based on the Holdridge life zone con-
cept, is the most widely used. He identifies thirty-four life zones for Peru,
roughly twenty of which are in the Andes. These zones are essentially plant
communities related to three climatic variables: a) the mean annual bio-
temperature; b) the mean annual precipitation; and c) the potential evapo-
transpiration ratio (Tosi and Voertman 1964). In spite of some objections
concerning the Tosi system,2 it is an extremely useful reference tool in An-
dean geography.
Verticality: The Human Ecology of the Andes
The impact of this highly variable Andean geography on the human popula-
tion of the area can be observed on two levels: macro and micro. On the
macro level, three major regions which differ in economic development as
well as in natural geography are easily discernible: the coast, highlands, and
Amazon flood plain. The differences between the respective land use pat-
terns in these three regions is striking. The coast is characterized by large-
scale, irrigated and mechanized plantation agriculture (sugar cane, cotton,
rice) and intensive cash cropping for marketing in the urban and industrial
centers of the area. The infrastructure of roads, markets, credit services, and
public services such as hospitals and schools are fairly well developed. As
one moves eastward into the highlands and then down again onto the Ama-
zon flood plain, the type of land use changes markedly from that on the
coast. The sierra is characterized by subsistence-oriented peasant agricul-
ture. This has traditionally been done in the context of manor systems,
2 Two objections to Tosi's (1960) classification might be cited. First, it is questionable
whether the scale employed in mapping can ever give an adequate rendition of the actual
botanical conditions "on the ground". This objection is especially valid in areas of steep envi-
ronmental gradients where change from one biome to another is often abrupt and is also rel-
evant when one is trying to evaluate the assessments made by the people who actually live
in and use the landscape that is being mapped. The decisions that they must make on a daily
basis in their exploitation of any given set of life zones must usually be based on information
and analysis far more sophisticated than Tosi's scale of 1:1,000,000 permits.
The second objection to Tosi is that his classification of plant zones ignores the impact of
human occupation and exploitation on the natural biotic communities. In many parts of Peru,
this objection is, of course, irrelevant because the effects of human occupation are minimal.
In other parts, however, the centuries of human occupation have had a crucial influence on
the biotic community. Both Cook (1916: 292) and Gade (1967: 21-22) note that the defores-
tation of the Vilcanota Valley reflects the impact of human activity in the valley.

25. Cultural Adaptations to a Mountain Environment 7
known as haciendas or latifundias.3 Since 1968, these have begun to break
down with recent agrarian reforms of the Revolutionary Military Govern-
ment. In the Andean sector, agriculture differs from that of the coast by its
simplified technology, essentially nonmarket orientation and lack of a devel-
oped infrastructure of roads, markets and services. Finally, the land use in
the Amazon basin is characterized by slash-and-burn horticulture combined
with hunting, fishing, and gathering. As in the highlands, this system is es-
sentially subsistence-oriented, and it goes on without a well developed in-
frastructure of roads, markets, and other services. The reliance on tropical
tubers and the focus on the riverine environment are key factors in this area.
The differences between these three macro-regions in cultural devel-
opment are equally clear. The coast is an area of large urban centers with a
culture consisting of the local Peruvian variation of the Spanish-American
(criotto) culture as well as considerable European and North American influ-
ence. The highlands have a few small cities, but most of the population still
lives in peasant villages with a peasant life-style and culture derived from
the mixture of indigenous Quechua and Spanish cultures that came together
in 1532. Even though he may speak Spanish, a highlander is easily recogniz-
able by a coastal person as such: a serrano.* He comes from an area where
the pace of life is slower, where a family's tie to the land is still primary, and
where there is a sense of community derived from a certain homogeneity
that has been lost in the cities. The eastern lowlands offer an equally
marked divergence from the cultures of the coast and the highlands. Outside
of the areas of penetration and colonization by Peruvian and foreign nation-
als, the Amazon Basin of Peru is still inhabited by small tribal cultures.
Some contemporary tribal groups along the eastern rim of the Andes are
known to have coexisted and traded with the great highland empire of the
Incas. Today they are being incorporated into the Peruvian nation, although
some remain as isolated primitive cultures.
The natural variety of the Andes has a visible impact on a second
level: the micro-regional one. It is on this level that the local populations of
3 The hacienda and latifundia systems of Latin America have drawn considerable atten-
tion from social scientists and historians, especially since the increased pressure for agrarian
reform after 1950. Anthropological or other studies of existing haciendas are, understandably,
extremely rare. For Peru, the ones available in English include Miller (1967), Holmberg
(1960), and Tullis (1970). Reviews of Latin American land tenure issues, with reference to
these systems in Peru include Barraclough (1973), Feder (1971), Keith (1971), Lockhart
(1969), Hobsbawm (1969), and Momer (1973).
4 The contrast between coastal criollo culture and highland serrano culture are part of the
general racial, ethnic, and class patterns of Peru. An extensive literature exists concerning
these patterns in Peru and elsewhere in Latin America. For Peru, Stein (1972) is reasonably
complete. Specific treatments of criollo and serrano subcultures include Simmons (1955) and
Patch (1967). For good introductions to the importance of understanding the relation be-
tween race, class, and ethnicity in Latin America, Harris (1964) and Momer (1969) are re-
commended. Few historic or contemporary issues in Latin America can be understood with-
out reference to these patterns.

26. 8 Cultural Adaptations to a Mountain Environment
the Andes must deal with the Andean landscape and climate. It is also here
that the human geography of the Andes must be analyzed. The relationship
between environment and culture is developed and played out on this level.
In recent years, anthropologists and geographers have increasingly turned
their attention to studying the relationship between culture and environ-
ment in the Andes. There are a few outstanding analyses done by earlier ge-
ographers which are a foundation of the more recent work. Among the nota-
ble ones are those by Bowman (1916) and Troll (1958). Troll recognized that
the appearance of high Andean civilizations and military powers partially
rested on the production of freeze-dried potatoes (chuho). This production is
dependent on a particular geographic location between areas of cultivation
and areas of frequent nightly frosts, a phenomenon peculiar to the southern
Andes.
The relationship between Andean ecology and culture is a central
theme in the ethnohistory of the Andean economy as studied by John Murra
(1972). Following Murra, Andeanists have used the term "verticality" and
"vertical control" to describe the indigenous economies of the region. Verti-
cality describes the ability of a single group (village or ethnic group) to ex-
ploit numerous ecological zones in the Andes. The exploitation of the varied
Andean environment rests on the demarcation of different production zones
which are determined according to altitude and climate. Murra's work with
early Colonial documents describes an Andean ideal of simultaneous control
of 'vertical archipelagoes' that are geographically distant from one another
and which differ according to the complexity of economic and political or-
ganization (Murra 1972: 430). This model is one where different ethnic
groups attempt to control the maximum number of ecological "floors" in an
effort to achieve self-sufficiency. Systems of reciprocity and redistribution
operate within the internal economies of these communities, but trade may
occur on the periphery between communities. The model is applied to five
pre-Columbian cases (dating from 1460 to 1560) in the Andean region and
draws on ethnohistorical and archaeological evidence. The scope of the
model is broad, incorporating both small highland communities, with lands
in widely separated ecological zones, as well as large, complex highland
kingdoms with extended trade and administrative networks covering the en-
tire range of Andean zones from the arid Pacific coast to the western Ama-
zon Basin. Other cases which are included in the model are coastal commu-
nities, coastal kingdoms, and isolated montane villages.
The significance of the model of vertical control is that it reconstructs
a native Andean type which was established to fulfill Andean needs with
Andean technology and organization. There is no doubt that the system of
verticality suffered greatly at the hands of the Spanish through the introduc-
tion of new crops and animals, the resettlement (reduction) of large numbers
of persons in new towns that were often established to meet European

27. Cultural Adaptations to a Mountain Environment 9
rather than Andean needs, the destruction of the native administrative sys-
tem, and the destruction, through disease and maltreatment, of the majority
of the Andean population.5
Perhaps the strength of the model is best supported by the fact that after
over four hundred years of European influence and complete reorganization
of much of Andean life, there still are many communities whose subsistence
economies are organized along the same lines of vertical control as Murra's
ethnohistorical examples. To put it another way, the fact that many Andean
communities are still organized in a pattern that has roots in pre-Columbian
times testifies to the resilience and resourcefulness of the Andean people
and to the success of a particular mode of adaptation in a particular ecosys-
tem. Several isolated communities found along the eastern slopes of the Pe-
ruvian Andes and differing greatly in ethnic and ecological characteristics,
have recently been described as having "vertical" economies which corre-
spond to Murra's ethnohistoric model.® Whereas Murra's model incorporates
both the eastern and the western Andes as well as the Pacific coastal area of
Peru, these contemporary systems of vertical control are found mainly along
the eastern slopes of the Andes.
The Andean Resource System
In spite of the tremendous natural diversity of the Andes, the resource sys-
tem of the indigenous population in the eastern Andes is limited to only a
relatively few crop zones. These vary somewhat according to locality, but
the pattern of most communities on the eastern slopes of the Andes gener-
ally involves four major crop or production zones.7 The highest is one of
natural pasture, which lies outside the range of cropping because of fre-
quent frosts. Animals pastured here include llama and alpaca in southern
Peru and Bolivia, and horses, cattle and sheep throughout the Andes. Terms
that are applied to this zone include puna in the south and jalka in the cen-
tral and northern highlands. Lying next to this zone is one of potato and
other tuber production also called puna or jalka. This zone has traditionally
been the major focus of subsistence activity in the Andes. It is here that the
potato and other Andean tubers such as the oca (Oxalis tuberosa) were do-
5 The immense dislocations and disruptions in Andean life and culture are perhaps best
evidenced by the extent of depopulation suffered by the native inhabitants. Populations
throughout the Americas declined precipitously for nearly 150 years after European contact
For Peru, the estimates of the depopulation ratio for this period range between 7-8 to 1 on
the conservative side and 20-25 to 1 at the other side. Dobyns (1966) provides a useful sum-
mary and bibliography of the issue of prehistoric Latin American demography.
For central Peru, these include the studies of the Huänuco area in the upper Huallaga
and Marafion drainage area done by Mayer (1971, 1974), Fonseca Martel (1966, 1972a, b),
and Burchard (1972, 1974). For southern Peru, see Webster (1971), Custred (1974), and Or-
love (1974).
7 In Peattie's (1936) sense, these may be thought of as production zones.

28. 10 Cultural Adaptations to a Mountain Environment
mesticated. The large number of varieties of potato, numbering over 400 in-
digenously-named cultivars (Ugent 1970), indicates the importance and di-
versity of these crops. In many parts of the Andes potato cultivation receives
more attention in terms of land and labor input than all other crops com-
bined. Ancient field and settlement patterns indicate that the potato was
equally, if not more, important to prehistoric Andean people.
Below the tuber zone lies the area of cereal production known
throughout the Andean region as the kichwa. Pre-Hispanically, the major
crop grown here was maize, but since the Conquest, European grains such
as wheat and barley have made significant inroads. Although the cereals
produced in the kichtva are important subsistence items in many parts of the
Andes, in some communities maize (or more correctly maize beer, chicha) is
used as a ceremonial rather than subsistence crop (Webster 1971). The low-
est major crop zone, referred to as the montaha, yunga, or temple, is the
zone which is used to grow tropical crops such as coca, plantains, manioc,
sweet potatoes, citrus fruits, hot peppers (aji), and sugar cane. Many of these
crops, such as coca, are important for their ritual and exchange values rather
than as subsistence crops. Along the eastern slopes of the lower Andean
foothills, crops are grown without irrigation; but in the intermontane valleys,
where the rain shadow effect creates a hot, dry zone, irrigation is essential.
The growing literature on contemporary subsistence systems in the
eastern Andes as well as archaeological and ethnohistorical accounts of pre-
Hispanic subsistence systems indicate the persistence of these four major
crop zones over a very wide diversity of Andean climatic patterns. In dis-
cussing the zonation of any mountain agricultural system, it is necessary to
consider both environmental features (topography, exposure, altitude, pre-
cipitation) as well as the characteristics of the particular crop or crops which
are cultivated (Peattie 1936: chapt. 4). As we shall see, however, the physi-
cal spacing of these crop zones may be a deciding factor in such things as
settlement patterns, land tenure, economic specialization, and exchange net-
works.
Patterns of Andean Zonation
In comparing the ecological zonation of valleys and regions in different parts
of the Andes, two important features are apparent. The first is the similarity
between the ethnogeographical taxonomy of the crop zones in diverse areas,
despite the tremendous variety of life zones. The second is the location of
the zones within a single valley system. There are, of course, numerous An-
dean valleys having a similar spatial arrangement of zones. In surveying dif-
ferent types of Andean zonal arrangements and displacements, as well as
human subsistence systems based on them, it appears that the relative spac-
ing of the zones is an important factor in determining the type of exploita-

29. Cultural Adaptations to a Mountain Environment 11
tion and corresponding socioeconomic features of the community. There are
three types of zonation that can be delineated: a) the Compressed type, b)
the Archipelago type, and c) the Extended type. (See Map 2.)
The Compressed Type
Uchucmarca, the valley to be described in detail here, is representative of
the "Compressed" type of Andean zonation. The spacing of the crop zones
in the Uchucmarca Valley is characterized by a very steep environmental
gradient that places different zones close to one another.8 All of the zones
are accessible to inhabitants of the village within a reasonably short travel
time. One can go from the base of the Uchucmarca Valley, in the temple
zone, to the montaha zone in the Huallaga River drainage in two days. The
entire valley is less than 50 kilometers long, and the location of the main vil-
lage of Uchucmarca in the middle of the valley complex means that all of
the zones are within one day of the major settlement. The only zone which
takes more than one day to reach is the montaha zone in the Huallaga River
drainage. The compactness of the Uchucmarca Valley means that the people
of the village can exploit the entire valley complex for subsistence items
without major migration or extended trade networks and exchange systems
that reach beyond the Community's territorial limits.
One other example of the Compressed type is the community of Q'ero
in the southern Andes of Peru near Cuzco. Q'ero's lands go from 2,000 me-
ters to 5,000 meters altitude, and they are traversed by the people who ex-
ploit various crop zones that may be up to three days apart (Webster 1971:
174). As in Uchucmarca, the exploitation of Q'ero's lands requires constant
movement between zones. Webster notes, however, that, "the community
could be described as transhumant, in that any given time, season, crop, and
herd determine their residence in dispersed locations. But residence outside
the upper valley hamlets is considered by the Q'eros themselves (and is in
fact) only temporary" (Webster 1971: 176).
The Archipelago Type
The Archipelago model is suggested by Murra (1972) for ethnohistoric cases,
and it remains a common pattern in the very upper areas of the Mar anon
and Huallaga River drainages. Rather than continuous use of contiguous
zones, this pattern involves wide separation between some of the zones that
are used. The exploitation of these widely separated zones depends on some-
times lengthy migrations. Contemporary villages which correspond to this
pattern include those studied by Burchard (1972), Fonseca (1972a, 1972b),
and Mayer (1971, 1972) in the Departments of Pasco and Huänuco. In the
upper Maranon River area, there are a series of villages, such as Rapayan in
8 Within 40 kilometers, the valley climbs over 3,500 meters. In certain places, the climb is
extremely abrupt, and in others, more gentle.

30. 12 Cultural Adaptations to a Mountain Environment
TYPES OF ANDEAN ZONATION
(Schematic Diagram)
COMPRESSED TYPE
(UCHUCMARCA)
ARCHIPELAGO TYPE
(RAPAYAN)
PASTURE ZONES
TUBER ZONES
CEREAL ZONES
COCA/FRUIT ZONES
POPULATION CENTERS
EXTENDED TYPE
VILCANOTA VALLEY)
S. VAUGHN
MAP 2. Types of Andean Zonation

31. Cultural Adaptations to a Mountain Environment 13
the Department of Ancash, whose populace make three to four yearly mi-
grations from their permanent village sites to a different ecological zone in
the montana region of the Huallaga River basin. These migrations usually in-
volve treks of from four to eight days. The people of Rapayan travel some
five days to the area around the town of Μοηζόη. In one of the more ex-
tended archipelagos, the people of villages around Tayabamba trek into the
Tocache area, some eleven days away.
The main settlements in this pattern are located in areas with rela-
tively easy access to the ecological zones that produce the typical Andean
subsistence base of potatoes, maize, wheat, and pasture for their animals. As
in Uchucmarca, this is generally the interstice between the kichwa and the
jalka zones at an altitude of roughly 3,000 meters. The long migrations are
made to the montana that have altitudes of roughly 1,000 meters where
coca, sugar cane, coffee, and fruit can be cultivated.
Murra (1972) has pointed out that migrations in the vertical archi-
pelago model involve traversing not only different ecological areas, but also
different ethnic areas. In some cases, migrations may be replaced or reduced
by sending out "satellite" communities which reside in the zone of migra-
tion. This may be done on either the household or the village level. The idea
of archipelago is an accurate one in describing the pattern of zonation
which involves traversing wide portions of the Andean landscape that are
not directly exploited by those doing the migrating. It is as though they are
passing from one "island" of cultivation in the highlands to another "island"
in the montana.
In these migrations down the flanks of the eastern cordillera of the
Andes to the montana, coca is a central factor. Many households with sub-
sistence bases in the higher zones own plots of land in the montana valleys
on which they produce coca and other tropical products. The alternative for
persons who do not have land in the lower zones is to harvest coca leaves on
the chacras of their neighbors or kinsmen. This is done three or four times
per year, with both men and women participating in the harvest. The peo-
ple from the highlands who work in the coca harvests are paid in the leaf,
which they then transport into the highlands along well-traveled trade
routes. The coca leaf is used as a currency throughout the highlands, and it
can be easily exchanged for other goods. Besides its ready exchangeability, it
has the added advantage that its value inflates rapidly as one gets into the
highlands away from the montana.
The Extended Type
A third type of Andean zonation is the Extended type. This is characterized
by relatively long valleys which include the usual set of Andean crop zones.
This type, however, is marked by an environmental gradient that is less
steep than the Compressed or the Archipelago types. The zones are contigu-

32. 14 Cultural Adaptations to a Mountain Environment
ous and continuously exploited. Demographically, this type also differs from
the former types. Instead of the clustering of population on the upper parts
of the valley where access to the jalka and kichwa zones is direct, the popu-
lation in the Extended type of zonation tends to be more evenly spread
throughout the valley. Instead of the direct exploitation of, and constant
movement between, several zones which characterize the first two types,
the products of the various zones move throughout this system through ex-
change networks. These are often characterized by highly developed market
systems. Households which live in different parts of the valley may periodi-
cally travel to market centers where the products of various zones are con-
centrated. Exchange is carried out through both barter and monetary trans-
actions.
The Extended type of zonation and the corresponding type of human
exploitation of that system is found in primarily the larger valleys of the
eastern and central Andes. One of the clearest examples of this system is the
Vilcanota Valley of southern Peru. This valley was the center of the Inca
Empire, which had its capital at Cuzco near the center of the valley. The
valley is some 300 kilometers long and runs between altitudes of roughly
4,300 meters to 1,000 meters. The width of the valley floor allows cultiva-
tion along much of its course. As evidenced by the impressive Inca terrace
systems and ruins, the entire valley above 1,500 meters altitude has been in-
tensively exploited since before the European Conquest. The modern settle-
ment pattern of the valley is characterized by a series of medium size towns
which intersperse smaller and virtually continuous villages, hamlets, and
homesteads. Before 1968, much of the valley was controlled by haciendas.
The important towns are Sicuani (altitude 3,531 meters), Urcos (3,120 me-
ters), Calca (2,950 meters), Urubamba (2,880 meters), and Quillabamba
(1,050 meters). Cuzco, which is on a tributary of the Vilcanota Valley,
stands at 3,382 meters. The densest population is between Ollantaytambo
(2,790 meters) and Sicuani. Gade (1967: 74) notes that, "more than 90 per-
cent of the people in the Vilcanota Valley derive their livelihood directly
from agriculture on one of several kinds of producing units which have dif-
ferent economic orientations." These range from haciendas to peasant sub-
sistence agriculture. Among the latter, although there is little actual com-
mercialization, Gade observed that there is a high degree of specialization
and exchange between peasant communities:
Although the agricultural economy of most small peasant farmers in the Vil-
canota Valley is basically subsistent in nature, nevertheless, much exchange is
carried on among them. The most active markets are those which receive
products from different environmental zones. For example, at Chincheros, a
village far above the valley from Huayllabamba, potatoes are the main crop
and people from the depression below come to exchange their specialties for
this tuber: maize, firewood, and walnut leaves are brought from Urquillos;
fruit and bread from Urubamba; vegetables from Huayllabamba; and maize

33. Cultural Adaptations to a Mountain Environment 15
and strawberries from Yucay and Ollantaytambo. Active markets, such as the
one at Sicuani, may also develop because of a tendency in many Indian com-
munities to specialize by growing one crop in larger quantities than others.
Thus, in the southern part of the valley, at least 3 communities specialize in
wheat, 3 in potatoes and one in onions (Gade 1967: 76).
Although there is exchange in both the Compressed and Archipelago
types of zonation, there is not the high degree of specialization of communi-
ties in different altitudinal zones. In the Extended type, these communities
merge periodically in highly developed market centers in order to acquire
their subsistence base. The Cuzco area is famous for its markets, which at-
tract large numbers of tourists to observe the Indians from dispersed com-
munities. In describing these markets, Gade observes,
The exchange of products takes place in daily, weekly or yearly markets.
Daily markets are set up to provide opportunities for trade of goods coming
from a radius of several miles. Many towns in the valley have, in addition to
these daily markets, weekly markets where not only local products are sold,
but also those of the entire region. On Sundays, Pisac, Combapata, Quilla-
bamba and Sicuani have busy markets; on Wednesday, Urubamba; on Thurs-
day, Tinta; and on Saturday, San Pablo (Gade 1967: 78).
Besides these three types of zonation which integrate a number of
zones, there are also many single communities that exploit only one ecologi-
cal zone. Many of these communities are integrated into larger systems
through much simpler exchange networks than those in the Extended type.
There may be no regular market, and people in these communities must
trade with nonspecialized subsistence communities. In the Andean area,
communities that exploit only one zone are usually found at either extreme
of the environment gradient. At the lower altitudes, communities specialize
in tropical products such as coca, sugar cane, and fruit. The town of Pusac,
located at the base of the Uchucmarca Valley, is one such town, specializing
in the manufacture of crude sugar (chancaca), coca, and fruit, which are
marketed or exchanged for food products from unspecialized communities,
such as Uchucmarca, in the higher altitudes. In the higher altitudes, there
are communities specializing in such things as mining and herding. One such
herding community, Alccavitoria, in southern Peru participates in both ex-
change and marketing to obtain cereals not produced locally (Custred 1972).
The heuristic typology developed here describes different ecological-
subsistence systems on the eastern slopes of the Peruvian Andes. There are,
undoubtedly, additional t),pes of Andean integration that should be apparent
when geographic areas beyond the eastern slopes are considered. One may
conclude, however, that in spite of the tremendous upheaval caused by the
Spanish Conquest, the patterns of vertical control which Murra has analyzed
for the Andean highlands at the time of the Conquest have analogous pat-
terns that operate today. The actual operations of the system of verticality
depends in part on the particular landscape within which it functions. In

34. 16 Cultural Adaptations to a Mountain Environment
some communities with steep environmental gradients, such as Uchucmar-
aca, it can operate without markets and through a system of community
control and reciprocity. In other areas of the Andes, where the environmen-
tal gradient is less steep, it operates with long migrations and complex mar-
ket systems. The three types of Andean zonation (Compressed, Archipelago,
and Extended) outlined here are based on different ways of integrating the
complex Andean resource system. This book will examine in detail how the
inhabitants of the Uchucmarca Valley utilize their mountainous environment
in ways similar to other Andean populations in both prehistoric and modern
times.
Studying Subsistence Systems Among Mountain Peasants
The study of verticality in the Andes reflects a growing interest among an-
thropologists in the nature of cultural adaptation to different environments.
Although previous generations of Andeanist anthropologists were aware of
the significance of adaptation to the mountain environment, most concen-
trated on social relations rather than on the relations between Andean cul-
ture and environment. Ever since the pioneering theoretical work of Julian
Steward (1936) on "cultural ecology," adaptation of indigenous, "low en-
ergy" societies has been a major theme in cultural anthropology.9 Adapta-
tion, or coping with the environment, takes place on all levels of culture—
from primitive hunters and gatherers to modern industrial societies. How-
ever, it is within societies with simple subsistence economies, where produc-
tion is for use rather than for exchange, that the environment and man/land
relationships are equally, if not more, important than purely socio-economic
relationships. 10 These economies do not usually have the technological or
man-power capabilities necessary to affect appreciable changes in the envi-
ronment. Consequently, the environment may play a more positive role in
the economies of these societies than in more technologically advanced ones.
The study of all agrarian economies involves the analysis of two sets of
relationships. First is the relationship of the society to its environment. This
necessarily requires a detailed study of elements of the environment—cli-
mate, soils, water resources, and vegetation—to be combined with the study
of how they are utilized by a particular culture. In anthropology, such topics
have generally been viewed as problems of ecological anthropology or cul-
tural ecology. Second is the social relationship between the people function-
9 The roots of contemporary ecological anthropology go far back into the history of ideas
concerning the nature of man and his environment (Malefijt 1974). More recent roots have
been traced to the works of nineteenth century evolutionists (Harris 1968).
10 See Sahlins (1972) and Vayda and McCay(1975) for two different approaches that con-
verge on this same point.

35. Cultural Adaptations to a Mountain Environment 17
ing in the given agrarian economy. This set of relationships involves such el-
ements as land tenure, human resources, and the structure of production.
Anthropology has a rich tradition of research in the economies of peasant
and primitive groups practicing some form of subsistence agriculture (Net-
ting 1974).
In many anthropological studies of agrarian subsistence economies,
these two sets of relationships, man/land and man/man, are bifurcated with
the former being the purview of ecological anthropology and the latter be-
ing that of economic anthropology. This separation between ecological and
economic anthropology may be useful for some theoretical and analytical
purposes. Whereas the former generally concerns itself with a level of analy-
sis above the individual, the latter has investigated phenomena at both this
level and on the level of the individual actor. One may argue, however, that
such bifurcation is artificial and expedient rather than natural and logical. In
most instances, behavior within a subsistence economy can and should be
understood in terms of both sets of relationships, because both are parts of
the same process. The environment that surrounds the individual has natural
as well as social facets, and the individual culture as well as the individual
person must adapt to both. Therefore, the study of the subsistence system
and traditional economy of a peasant society such as the one described here
must draw on two traditions in anthropology: economic and ecological an-
thropology.
The starting point in this research is the environment and a culture's
adaptation to it. Relevant environmental factors are defined as the "effec-
tive environment" of the culture. Cultural adaptations of subsistence econo-
mies to the environment include the inventory of plants and animals, wild
and domesticated, and the technology of food gathering, producing, and
storing. On an abstract level, anthropologists argue that the environment
and the culture both determine the parameters of individual subsistence ac-
tivities. Bennett (1969: 14) envisions these two factors as determining "adap-
tive strategies" for individuals.
Within mountain environments, the outstanding feature of the effec-
tive environment for subsistence systems of peasant farmers is the steepness
of the environmental gradient. Other features include a diurnal temperature
climate (rather than a seasonal one) in tropical mountain areas and steep
slopes that are easily eroded. The steep environmental gradient, which de-
rives from abrupt changes in altitude, presents the local population with a
wide range of micro-climates and vegetation belts. Thus a single community
in a mountainous region like the Andes may be able to produce a spectrum
of plants that depend on different climates. One result is a tendency among
mountain peasants to have locally self-sufficient agrarian economies produc-
ing a relatively wide range of foods. As in the Andes, other steep mountains
like the Himalayas and the Alps provide local populations with four differ-

36. 18 Cultural Adaptations to a Mountain Environment
ent micro-climates: warm to hot valley bottoms, temperate mid-valley areas,
cool high valley and plateau areas, and nival belts."
The cultural adaptation to this environment is a mixed agro-pastoral
economy with a number of crops and animals suited to different climatic
zones. Subsistence inventories include fruits and other cultigens that prefer
warm and tropical areas, cereals that do best in temperate climates where
rainfall is certain, tubers that do well in cool temperate climates, and ani-
mals that are grazed on natural pastures above the line of cultivation. The
basic technology of the culture is a knowledge of the productive capabilities
of different micro-climatic belts within the mountain environment. This
technology recognizes the effective zonation of this environment into prod-
uctive zones. Whereas it is very difficult to define absolute limits to culti-
gens, effective limits of production are certainly defined by peasant cultiva-
tors (Gade 1967; 154). Specific technologies are utilized in each production
zone and for each crop and animal species. Beyond these technologies, most
mountain peasant cultures also have adaptive strategies that cope with the
steep and easily eroded slopes and with the diurnal temperature climates.
An example of the former is terracing and quasiterracing (Brush 1977a). An
example of the latter is the production of freeze-dried potatoes (chuho) in
the Andes (Troll 1958).
The next research objective, beyond a description of the effective en-
vironment and the basic cultural adaptations to it, is to describe and analyze
the production and distribution of food and materials; that is, the specific
provisioning of the society.12 If the environment and cultural ecology of a
society indicate what resources exist and generally how they are to be used,
it is the economy of the society that decides specifically how they are to be
used, by whom, and what will be done with the results of that use. In all
agrarian societies, the control over the use of resources is mediated in large
part by social convention, by such things as land tenure and water rights.
Moreover, peasant societies, like more advanced ones, are characterized by
inequalities of distribution of productive resources, and thereby of goods.
The economies of such societies are, in large part, devoted to the distribu-
tion of resources and goods so that each household will be able to provision
itself. The study of these economies may be undertaken on two levels. First
is that of the general rules applying to the control and use of resources and
the distribution of goods. Second is that of how specific households and indi-
viduals obtain access to resources and goods. Relevant questions here in-
clude: what social institutions and mechanisms are used to obtain access to
necessary resources; what alliances are formed for the use of those re-
11 Brush (1976a) summarizes some of the correlations that may be made between adapta-
tions to various mountain environments by different cultures.
12 Such an economic focus is customarily referred to as "substantive" economics (Dalton
1961; Sahlins 1972).

37. Cultural Adaptations to a Mountain Environment 19
sources; and what exchange relationships are established to provide distribu-
tion of goods and services.
In studying the subsistence economy of Uchucmarca, I dealt exten-
sively with the process of decisionmaking and strategies which individuals
used to procure enough food for themselves and those who depended upon
them. A question I repeatedly asked myself was, "If I were an Uchucmar-
quino, what would I do?" During the research and the subsequent analysis,
it became apparent that two types of data were emerging. On the one hand,
there were ethnographic patterns that fit the description of the community
as a whole. Included here were such things as the fact that the community
controlled one Andean resource system with tremendous variety and that
the community had a set of institutions such as the Peasant Community and
municipal organization. On the other hand, there were those ethnographic
facts that seemed to fit the description of individual behavior within the
community. Included here were such factors as specific relations with kins-
men and the types and sizes of fields claimed by the household. Thus, data
was collected and analyzed on two levels, those of the community and of
the individual.
This division is useful for focusing on different ethnographic problems.
On the community level, it allowed me to look at adaptations which were
made by the village as a whole to such things as the Andean resource con-
figuration and to larger economic and political systems. The ethnohistory
of Uchucmarca is also looked at on this level. Description of community in-
stitutions and culture, however, does not elucidate all of the ethnographic
phenomena observable in places like Uchucmarca. For this we have to turn
to individual behavior. Individuals must adapt their behavior not only to the
Andean resources surrounding them, but also to the society of other individ-
uals of which they are a part. Decision making and strategies concern them-
selves with social relationships as often as they do with ecological variables.
The resources, institutions, and economic system of the community provide
a number of both opportunities and constraints influencing the decision mak-
ing and strategies of any one individual. Every person in Uchucmarca has a
unique constellation of characteristics that determine, to a significant de-
gree, the course he will follow in his subsistence strategies. Some of these
are his kinship position and that of his spouse, the number and sex of his
children, inheritance of land, education, capital accumulation, and skills (tile
making, carpentry, masonry). Although the village as a whole appears to
have an adequate resource base for its population, there is a very real dis-
parity between the distribution of resources. Many of the strategies devel-
oped by individual households attempt to correct this imbalance using recip-
rocal relationships which are part of the village culture. Just as the
community has adapted to the Andean environment with a particular tech-

38. 20 Cultural Adaptations to a Mountain Environment
nology, so too have individuals adapted their behavior to the economic and
social environment of the village with a particular set of strategies.
Field Methods
The objectives of my research were to obtain data that was appropriate to
both economic and ecological analysis of the subsistence system of Uchuc-
marca and hopefully to be able to understand why people acted in particu-
lar ways under certain circumstances. In order to meet these objectives, a
number of different field methods were used. As an anthropologist, I was
aware that the basis of this data collection was to live in the village as long
as possible and to maintain close personal contact with as many of the in-
habitants as possible. There were a number of circumstances tempering our
approach to living in Uchucmarca. As North Americans, my wife and I felt
the need of some privacy, something most Uchucmarquinos are concerned
about but many houses are unable to provide. Moreover, the demands of
writing field notes and working with other data meant that I would need
work room. Although many houses are spacious and their inhabitants hospit-
able, we felt that our presence within a household would burden it beyond
the point where friendship could survive. Finally, the relative isolation of
Uchucmarca meant that travel to and from the village was always more
problematic and time-consuming than we wished. Thus, maintaining as
good health as possible was necessary for ourselves as well as for data col-
lecting. We concluded that one major way of promoting good health was to
do as much of our own cooking as our time, food networks, and village pro-
tocol would permit.
We rented two upstairs rooms in a vacant house close to the village
plaza from a school teacher for what the villagers considered the outrageous
sum of $7.00 per month. Off a small patio behind the house was a small
kitchen in which we built a raised hearth. To the bewilderment of the vil-
lagers, we also built a latrine, the second of its kind in the history of the vil-
lage. We contracted a village carpenter to build a table and two chairs for
the kitchen. The schoolteacher provided us with a table, bench, and a
wooden cot for our living and working quarters. With the help of neighbors,
my wife was able to set up an effective network of people who would sup-
ply us with bulk quantities of foods: twenty-five pounds each of potatoes,
beans, wheat, and com that would last for a couple of months. Other net-
works provided fresh foods and other daily necessities: onions, cabbage,
eggs, mutton, and firewood. Our life was made easier by a few items care-
fully carried into the village: a Petromax kerosene pressure lamp, a small
shortwave radio, down sleeping bags, and a small stash of medical supplies.
A great deal of field work is always involved in informal activities: cas-
ual conversations, touring the village and local region, and quiet observation

39. Cultural Adaptations to a Mountain Environment 21
of the daily activities of friends and neighbors. I attempted to make regular
daily rounds of the village and to seek out people who had been informative
as well as talkative. These observations, which Freilich (1970) refers to as
"passive research," were always made from a point of naivete on my part,
and they proved to be an essential part of data gathering.
Formal data collection comprised the other essential source of infor-
mation. My first project was to map the village. Following this, I conducted
a census that sought information on household composition and on agricul-
tural aspects of the household. This census reached almost 95 percent of the
households of Uchucmarca. It was conducted with the aid of a field assistant
who later became my principal informant and closest friend in the village.
Using the census as a starting point, I selected a sample number of house-
holds on which to do a more detailed study of agricultural and other eco-
nomic activities. This study looked at such things as land tenure, labor in-
puts, outputs, relationships that were used in production and exchange, and
livestock production. In studying the agricultural economics of the valley, I
was immeasurably aided by the use of enlarged aerial photographs of the
district provided by the Institute Geografico Militär of the Peruvian Govern-
ment. On these, my field assistant and I were able to identify and measure
the vast majority of fields in the valley. Beyond these censuses, I conducted
numerous formal interviews with village officials, health workers, school-
teachers, midwives, and policemen.

40. — 2 —
Uchucmarca:
The Village and Its People
The road into the Andes of northern Peru takes a spectacular route: through
light green rice paddies under white sand dunes of the Jequetepeque Valley,
up through narrow mountain gorges, across high rolling grasslands above
12,000 feet, and finally into the broad Cajamarca Valley. Here, in 1532, the
Spaniards scored their first decisive victory over the Incas when Pizarro cap-
tured Atahualpa, the powerful pretender to the Inca throne. Traveling east
from the ancient Inca city of Cajamarca, the roads become poorer and less
traveled, and the increasing importance of horses and mules becomes evi-
dent (Map 3). After some five hours covering 100 kilometers of dirt road, on
a bus of the only company running east from Cajamarca, one reaches the
town of Celendin, the terminal point for most of the traffic. Celendin is a
provincial capital with 9,000 inhabitants served by a good market, a movie
theater, electric light, and a small clinic. Beyond Celendin a pickup truck
replaces the bus from Cajamarca. The road climbs out of the broad valley
dotted with eucalyptus trees and tiled roofs to the line of peaks which di-
vide this hospitable valley from the Maranon Valley: a canyon over 3,500
meters deep. From these peaks, CiroAlegria's "golden serpent," the Maran
on River, appears as a brown ribbon far below. As one drops deeper into the
canyon, the climate becomes hot and very dry. It takes four more hours, fol-
lowing a switchback road, to reach the river.1 By horse or foot it takes
twenty-four hours. The road, which is in constant danger of washing out
during the rainy season, was built in 1961 as a link to Chachapoyas and the
Department of Amazonas to the northeast. The suspension bridge spanning
the turbulent Maranon has replaced the balsa rafts at Balsas, which had
served as the fragile link to the eastern part of Peru. Local inhabitants, how-
ever, still build and use these rafts.
At Balsas the road divides. Turning north, it begins a precipitous route
to Chachapoyas. Turning south, it follows the river bank for some 20 kilom-
1 Hegen (1966: 127) reports that this road between Celendin and the Maranon covers an
air distance of only 18 kilometers, although the traveler must wind down a road 52 kilome-
ters long with 680 curves I
22

41. Uchucmarca: The Village and Its People 23
MAP 3. Location Map of Uchucmarca

42. 24 Uchucmarca: The Village and Its Feople
eters and then turns east for another 20 kilometers to the small town of Pu-
sac. This road was intended to be the first link in a longer road to Bolivar,
the capital of the province in which Uchucmarca is located. A combination
of bottlenecks, political intrigues and corrupt contractors made Pusac a ter-
minal point rather than the mere way station, which it was originally in-
tended to be. Thus after two days of bus and truck travel from Cajamarca,
one comes to the end of the road and to the beginning of the Uchucmarca
Valley (Map 4).
Pusac is obviously a new town of houses gathered around a dusty
plaza. Many of the simplest amenities of the Peruvian highlands are missing
in this frontier-like village. One enterprising individual has converted his loft
on the plaza into a hotel by providing some wooden plank beds and thin
straw mattresses. Anyone without a back yard or field to use as a bathroom
is hard put. The town is squeezed against the bare rocky hills in an attempt
to save as much land as possible for the lucrative cash crops of sugar cane,
coca, and citrus fruit grown on irrigated lands.
For most of the people who have hung onto the back of the pickup
truck from Celendin, Pusac is a staging area for the final leg of their trip
into the sierra east of the Mararion River. Perhaps the most common sight in
Pusac is pack trains of mules, horses, and burros loading and unloading peo-
ple and material going to and coming from the highland villages and towns.
Sugar, fruit, kerosene, beer, and manufactured clothing are loaded onto
mules that have brought potatoes, cereals, and other crops out of the upland
crop zones.
Pusac is at the point of confluence of three small rivers running to-
ward the Maranon. Three trails lead out from the town to three valleys and
small towns located in the higher altitudes where the staples of wheat,
maize, and potatoes can be grown. One of these valleys contains the com-
munity of Uchucmarca.
If one has had the foresight to have sent a telegram to a friend or rela-
tive in the higher villages asking for horses, an unpleasant night on a lumpy
bed in Pusac may be avoided. If not, it may take two or three days to get
mounts for the trip up the valley. The climb out of Pusac begins abruptly on
a narrow trail etched into the side of rock walls, which may plunge 200 me-
ters at some points. There are places along these cliffs where two loaded
horses cannot pass. Trees decorated with hanging bromeliaceas cling to the
craggy rocks. The steep mountain slopes and aridity from the rain shadow
effect make cultivation too difficult for the local population in this part of
the valley, but chacras (cultivated plots) can be seen perched on the tops of
hills above the trail.
The first part of the horse trip is the most precipitous, and after an
hour of threading one's way along cliffs, the traveler comes out to a small

43. Uchucmarca: The Village and Its People 25
I

44. 26 Uchucmarca: The Village and Its People
scrub-covered plain that has been cleared in parts for cultivation. The trail
follows the small Pusac River, rising gently through areas of more and more
cultivation. The trail weaves back and forth across the narrow valley, ford-
ing the river several times. Hills still tower above this part of the valley,
making one wonder if he will ever reach the next line of peaks. At times the
trail ascends steeply in a series of switchbacks, but for the most part it fol-
lows a gently rising path. As the trail goes higher, it passes out of the rain
shadow of the Marafion River basin into ever greener areas. In the lower
valley, the scattered houses are constructed of wattle and daub because the
insulating effect of the narrow valley keeps the climate hot. With the falling
temperatures of higher elevations, house construction becomes rammed
earth (tapxa). Evidence of more and more human occupation coincides with
falling temperatures and more rainfall. Fields, houses, and people are en-
countered with increasing frequency. After four hours of riding, the valley
becomes narrow again, and the trail begins to ascend sharply.
The final hour of the trip covers two long series of switchbacks.
Uchucmarca sits on a narrow shelf that breaks the steep hillsides, and it can-
not be seen until the rider or hiker tops a crest and finds himself among
houses at the entrance of the village. After making this trip several times,
one realizes that the hills standing immediately above the village can be
seen from the line of peaks on the other side of the Marafion above Celen-
dih. The trip in between these two points takes fifteen to twenty hours, de-
pending on connections, roads, and horses.
The Village of Uchucmarca
The Central Area
The village is gathered around a grassy plaza, and like most Andean towns it
is constructed on a grid laid out by the Spanish. The regular grid pattern ex-
tends two blocks in any direction from the plaza, but population growth has
pushed the village beyond the original grid. Beyond a couple of blocks,
houses are built along meandering steep trails. A smaller plaza has been
built above the larger one to accommodate the newer houses. The streets in
the original grid run virtually north-south and east-west, which happens to
be the best use of the natural table on which the village sits. (See Map 5.)
The most prominent building on the plaza is the church, built in 1692.
A free standing bell tower was tom down in 1964 to allow construction of a
municipal building. Above the main portal of the church are two scrolls
painted by the original builders. On the right is the testimony of the builder:
"This Church was built in the year 1692, under the direction of Don Luis
Jose de Castro Demonte, Priest and Vicar, Ecclesiastical Judge and Commis-
sioner of the Holy Cross of this Province of Cajamarquilla and Delegated

45. Uchucmarca: The Village and Its People 27
MAP 5. Uchucmarca
Examiner of the Diocese of Trujillo." On the left, beside the shield of Saint
John the Baptist, is the testimony of the man who founded the church long
before it was built: "That famous Don Juan Perez de Guevara was my
founder, and for his faith I am named. It was he, with so much elan after
general Service, who faithfully conquered me and became my encomendero.
And his grandson who was a priest raised my walls."
The municipal building of the District of Uchucmarca stands next to
the church on the southern side of the plaza. The lower half of this building
doubles as a meeting and dance hall for village business and social events.
The second floor holds the office of the municipal council. It is furnished
with a desk, wooden chairs and benches, a typewriter, and three wooden
cabinets for storing the documents and official papers. The walls are deco-
rated with posters proclaiming the agrarian reform and other revolutionary
measures instituted by the federal government. Adjacent to the municipal
building is the post of the Guardia Civil, Peru's national police force, which
houses three guardias. The post has one small windowless room which can
be bolted and locked from the outside to serve as a jail. Just down the street
is the telegraph and post office which is housed in one room of a private

46. 28 Uchucmarca: The Village and Its People
home. Mail arives once a week on the mule of the posteon who walks the 75
kilometers between Balsas and Uchucmarca plus the 28 kilometers to the
province capital, Bolivar. The posteon is contracted by the national mail ser-
vice, and walks the same route over a six day period throughout the year.
His routine is so regular that one can almost set his watch according to his
arrival. One lone strand of wire connects a barely audible telephone to Bal-
sas where messages can be relayed to the outside.
The plaza is crossed by two stone-lined ditches which carry water
down the dirt streets in an attempt to reduce erosion. All of the streets run-
ning toward the hills above have these ditches, but their effectiveness is
minimal during the torrential rains which pour down from January to April.
Drinking water trickles out of five spigots, located in different parts of the
village, that are connected to a small reservoir. Potable water of reasonable
quality is channeled to the reservoir by a long canal running from a spring
high above the village. During the rainy season this water often becomes
clouded with silt, reducing the output of the spigots to drops.
There are fourteen blocks in the original grid of the village, but many
streets have been lengthened to extend its area. An average block in the
original grid measures roughly 55 meters on a side, and none is completely
filled with houses. Most streets have three or four houses built along their
edge, leaving large areas in the center of the block which serve as gardens,
chacras and corrals. Some blocks have only one house on them.
Houses
The vast majority of houses are of rammed earth construction with steeply
pitched roofs. Most houses are simple one or two room affairs, often divided
by a curtain. Virtually every house has a loft for the storage of grains and
potatoes. In order of increasing prestige, roofs are thatched, tiled, or covered
with galvanized tin or calamina. The great advantage of tin roofs is that
they do not leak as frequently as tile and do not harbor rodents like thatch
does. In some houses, the loft has been converted into a true second story. A
few of the houses have been plastered and whitewashed. This is usually
done to the exterior before the interior. The vast majority of floors are made
of packed earth, but a few affluent people such as schoolteachers have
poured cement floors. Some families with second stories have laid wooden
floors of eucalyptus. Kitchens are always set apart from the main living
quarters in separate structures. Most of these are thatched to permit the
smoke from cooking fires to filter out without the benefit of a chimney.
Although kitchens are the most heavily used part of any house, they
are usually the crudest part. Cooking is commonly done over a fire set
among three rocks on the floor, although some women have built raised
hearths. Clay pots are imported into the village in exchange for an equiva-
lent volume of cereals, and aluminum and iron pots are being introduced

47. Uchucmarca: The Village and Its People 29
with increasing frequency. The only cooking utensils are wooden spoons,
and food is eaten out of metal bowls with spoons. There is usually a small
table with a couple of wooden chairs and a bench or log to sit on. A wood
pile in the corner provides shelter for bevies of cuyes (guinea pigs), which
are eaten on fiestas and other special occasions. Wooden pegs are driven
into the walls of the kitchen to provide a warm place to hang saddles and
leather braided ropes so that they will remain pliable. Every kitchen is
equipped with a stone mortar and pestle to grind aji and other condiments.
The main house is roofed in such a way as to provide an overhang over
the front door. Wooden poles are slung from this overhang as a place to
hang wet saddles, ponchos, and shawls. Baskets of potatoes skewered onto
sticks are also hung here to dry. The typical house is windowless with the
only light coming through the doorway. Furniture is sparse and decoration is
usually confined to a few dated calendars on the wall picturing people and
places far removed from Uchucmarca. An inventory of furniture may list a
table, wooden chairs and benches, a wooden trunk to store family treasures,
and a plank bed covered with sheep skins and the heavy blankets woven in
the village. Candle holders are hung on the unplastered walls, and wooden
pegs driven into the wall provide places to hang ponchos, ropes, and clothes.
Among the most prestigious possessions a family can have in this room are a
transistor radio and a treadle sewing machine.
The house and kitchen are usually associated with a patio of some type
where all sorts of important activities take place from saddling horses to diy-
ing wheat for grinding. Many households keep a few animals such as pigs,
chickens, and turkeys here, and sheep may be brought for fattening and
slaughtering. During the rainy season, most of these patios tum into mires,
worsened by the presence of horses, sheep, and pigs. Besides the house and
kitchen, the only other structure commonly found in this complex is a small
shed housing a beehive-shaped oven built on an adobe and stone platform
about 1 meter high. These ovens are heated by building a fire inside and let-
ting it bum down to coals, which are then swept to one side. Small breads
and specialities like squash are baked. Often, several households share a sin-
gle oven since one firing is usually sufficient to bake bread for each.
Family Clusters and N^hborhoods
Although most households are independent, there are a number of families
occupying houses associated in an extended family compound. Roughly 20
percent of the households in the village exist within such compounds. The
most typical pattern for these has separate houses and kitchens for each nu-
clear family (parents and dependent children) and a common patio shared
by all. It is extremely rare for two nuclear families to share a kitchen or
hearth, although there are a few arrangements in which different nuclear
families occupy separate rooms in the same house. Many families desire a

48. 30 Uchucmarca: The Village and Its People
house where they can plant a garden and a chacra next to the house. The
result is that most of the area within the town is not occupied by houses but
rather by gardens and chacras.
Although most families have found the extended family compound to
be too confining, the strength of family ties and the advantages of living
next to kinsmen are such that when a family does move out of a compound,
it often looks for a place to build as close to the houses of parents and si-
blings as possible. Parents may have several "lots" near their house, which
they will give to children to build houses on. One family owns an entire
block in the village that is slowly being taken up with the separate houses of
the extended family. The result of this practice is a pattern of family neigh-
borhoods in which most of the neighbors happen to also be kinsmen. These
neighborhoods are not exclusive, although it may be difficult for a nonkins-
man to find a place to build his house. Within the village of Uchucmarca,
there are five such family neighborhoods.
The Upper Maranon River and the Eastern Cordillera
The Maranon is one of the five great rivers that flow out of the Peruvian
highlands to join other rivers from the eastern Andes and form the Amazon
River. It begins in Lake Lauricocha in the Department of Huanuco, and
flows north through the middle of the central highlands before turning east
near the rapids of the Pongo de Manseriche. The Maranon River, known as
the Jatun Mayo before the Spanish Conquest, has always been a major geo-
graphic and political landmark in the central highlands of Peru. Along its
entire length smaller tributaries feed into it. These tributaries, like the river
flowing past Uchucmarca, create valley systems that rise from the Maranon
River to the line of peaks on either side. In the region of Uchucmarca, the
altitude of the Maranon River is only 750 meters above sea level. The peaks
on either side of the valley are over 4,500 meters, meaning that the tributary
valleys traverse some 3,500 meters of altitude.
To the east of the Maranon stands the cloud-shrouded line of peaks
that mark the watershed between it and the Huallaga River. If one contin-
ues eastward, he begins the steep descent through the ceja de montana (the
"eyebrow of the jungle") into the uninhabited high jungle above the Hual-
laga River. Rain-bearing winds move east to west across the great Amazon
plain and drop a good deal of their precipitation in this region. As these
winds move westward toward the Maranon basin, they lose much of their
moisture. Thus the upper ends of the valleys flowing into the Maranon from
the east are very moist while the lower ends are dry. This rain shadow effect
is characteristic of the entire Upper Maranon Valley. These two great geo-
graphic features, the Maranon River and the eastern Cordillera, dominate the

49. Uchuanarca: The Village and Its People 31
landscape of the region around Uchucmarca and loom large in the peoples'
own stories about themselves and their town. Between the two landmarks,
the villagers traverse land that runs from 800 to 4,300 meters in altitude.
Needless to say, this gives them an extremely diversified landscape. Uchuc-
marquinos recognize and use seven different natural and agricultural zones.
The landscape, which has been molded by human occupation since long be-
fore Atahualpa was captured by Pizarro to the east in Cajamarca, is not un-
like a kaleidoscope with myriad small fields cut into hillsides with different
hues of brown, green, and yellow.
The village sits on a small table in one of the narrowest parts of the
upper valley. As shall be discussed later, its location is optimal for access to
the crop zones used by the village. As one goes either up or down the valley,
it widens for grazing above and cereal cultivation below. There are six trails
leading out of the village. Two of them descend to the river. One of these
climbs again to a grazing area across a single range of hills, while the other
heads down toward Pusac. Along the river there are several mills, three of
which operate regularly to grind wheat and barley for the village. Mill
stones are cut from rocks in the river. One of the mills has a worn stone in
front that was carved by the Spanish in the eighteenth century.
The other four trails take the traveler above the village to communal
grazing lands and to other towns and hamlets. The longest one leads to the
province capital, Bolivar, which is some 28 kilometers away and takes four
or five hours by horse to reach. Within the District of Uchucmarca, there
are four small hamlets besides the larger villages of Uchucmarca and Pusac.
(See Map 4.) The largest of these has some twenty-five households in a very
loose cluster, and the other three are smaller, ranging from ten to twenty
households. The larger hamlet is situated between the cereal and potato
crop zones in a similar fashion to Uchucmarca. The other three hamlets are
located on the upper edge of the highest crop zone, the potato zone, and
close to the grazing areas for the livestock of Uchucmarca. Most of the in-
habitants of these hamlets are full-time herders, specializing in livestock and
trading for food. Many raise potatoes, and some cultivate cereals in the
lower parts of the valley.
Besides these hamlets, there are scattered homesteads throughout the
valley. Some of these homesteads are composed of an extended family, but
many are occupied by single nuclear families. A number of these families are
either specialists in herding or in one type of cultivation and choose to live
next to their chacras. The most isolated house in the district is that of a
herder who lives in the ceja de montaha, seven hours by horse from the vil-
lage of Uchucmarca. This family, like many of the other herders, care for
the cattle of people who live in Uchucmarca and who do not have the time
to tend their own cattle. They are paid in cash, crops, and cattle.

50. 32 Uchucmarca: The Village and Its People
Population
In 1971 the nucleated village of Uchucmarca had some 230 separate house-
holds with a total population of 940 persons. An average household has
slightly over four persons. This relatively low figure may result from the ex-
istence of a significant number of households with single persons such as
elderly people who do not have children living with them. Pusac has roughly
100 households with a population of 493 persons. Outside of these two vil-
lages, there are 167 households in smaller hamlets and scattered homesteads
with an additional 835 persons. The total population of the District of
Uchucmarca in 1971 was 2,278 persons.
The national census for Peru reports that in 1941 the population of the
District was 1,121 and in 1961 it was reported to be 1,985, a twenty-year
growth of 77 percent, or 3.9 percent per year. The growth of the District
slowed considerably between 1961 and 1971 to a total of 15 percent, or 1.5
percent per year. Looking at the municipal records of births and deaths, and
using the 1961 figure as a base, it appears that the rate of natural increase of
the population is 3.4 percent per year for the decade 1961-71. This is in line
with the national figures for Peru.2 The contradiction between the real
growth of 1.5 percent per year and the rate of natural increase of 3.4 per-
cent per year can be resolved by looking at migration.
Migration to and from Uchucmarca
The difference between the rate of natural increase and real growth is a
function of migration in and out of the District. Like most peasant villages,
Uchucmarca is experiencing the pull of the urban, industrialized sector of
Peru. Following the paths of former neighbors and kinsmen who have mi-
grated to the coast, especially Trujillo and Lima, individuals and families
load their belongings onto horses and buses for the long trek to the cosmo-
politan world. Some return to Uchucmarca discouraged and disillusioned by
the lack of their preparation for the city and of the city for them. The more
tenacious, especially young men and women without a family to worry
about, leave Uchucmarca for good except for infrequent visits to celebrate a
fiesta or to attend a major family event such as a wedding or a funeral.
Virtually every person in the village has at least one close relative who
has emigrated to the coast on either a temporary or permanent basis. There
are 178 adult Uchucmarquinos who have migrated permanently. Thirty-
eight percent of the households in the village have immediate kin who have
emigrated permanently, and 31 percent have members who have emigrated
temporarily but have returned to the village. Temporary migration is espe-
2 This rate of natural increase for the village population is close to the national rate of 3.2
per annum between 1970 and 1974 (United Nations 1975:108).

51. Uchucmarca: The Village and Its People 33
cially prevalent among young adults (from 20 to 30 years old) who go to the
coast as an adventure before settling down to raise a family in the village.
During the early 1960s there was a surge of emigration from the vil-
lage because of the fear that it was in imminent danger of burial by land-
slide. This fear arose during the rainy season of 1962 when four crevices
(grietas) opened the hillside 200 meters above the town. These are up to
150 meters long, and in places they are 50 centimeters wide. The village im-
mediately sent a commmission to Lima to the Carta Geologica Nacional for
advice. The two geologists who came to Uchucmarca reported that the vil-
lage was indeed in imminent danger of destruction and that it should be
abandoned and reconstructed in a different area as soon as possible (Jaen
and Vargas 1963).
Understandably, this report caused consternation and fear in Uchuc-
marca, and a number of families left town. Others doubted the conclusions
of the geologists, and the village hired another geologist from Trujillo who
advised them that the danger of a landslide could be abated by planting eu-
calyptus trees in the area of the crevices. This was done, and although most
people keep a watchful eye on the crevices during the rainy season, people
no longer leave town because of fear of a landslide.
The other major type of migration effecting Uchucmarca is immigra-
tion to the valley. There are some 280 adult immigrants in the district, com-
prising roughly 46 percent of the adult population.3 The impact of this
in migration is strongly felt by all local residents, but the relative density of
migrants varies considerably in different parts of the District.
Immigration to Uchucmarca has occurred in two waves. The first,
occurring between 1930 and 1960, was comprised of immigrants who moved
into the town of Uchucmarca and the upper part of the Uchucmarca Valley.
The second wave of migration began in the late 1950s and continues now.
The second migration is very different from the first in that these immi-
grants tended to remain in and around the town of Pusac, whereas the for-
mer immigrants settled predominantly in the higher zones. Immigration to
Pusac was relatively greater than that to Uchucmarca. Above Pusac, 35 per-
cent of the males and 25 percent of the females are immigrants to the
Uchucmarca Valley. In Pusac, 78 percent of the males and 82 percent of the
females are immigrants. Pusac, a new town, was thus formed mainly by im-
migrants. The immigration to these two areas varies also in terms of source
and integration into the existing valley community of Uchucmarca.
Migrants in the first wave, that is those arriving in the upper valley be-
3 It is difficult to compare the figures on immigration to Uchucmarca to other regions for
Peru because of the lack of information concerning population dynamics which are internal
to the rural sectors of the Andes. Although migration in Peru has been well studied, the
overwhelming interest has been on rural to urban migration (Dobyns and Vasquez 1963). In-
deed, in most studies, the highland rural sector is treated as though it were a single, mono-
lithic one with no internal movement. See Brush (1977c).

52. 34 Uchucmarca: The Village and Its People
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53. Uchucmarca: The Village and Its People 35
tween 1930 and 1960, came predominantly from districts which are adjacent
to Uchucmarca. Sixty-two percent of the immigrant males and 60 percent of
the immigrant females during this period were from adjacent districts. This
migration slowed considerably after 1961 as indicated by the fact that only 5
percent of the immigrant families in the upper valley arrived after that year
(Figure 1). The remaining immigrants came from the adjacent Department
of Amazonas and from the Department of Cajamarca, on the other side of
the Marafion River. The two sources which figure predominantly here are
Chüquibamba, in the Department of Amazonas, which is adjacent to Uchuc-
marca, and the area around Celendin in Cajamarca.
The specific reasons for this migration differ with individual cases, but
most of the migrants refer to regional economic differences as being the
general cause in their decisions to move to the Uchucmarca Valley. These
differences are described by a low population density and a relative abun-
dance of arable land in Uchucmarca compared to a shortage of land in the
districts from which the migrants came (Brush 1977c). A clear example of
this regional economic difference can be seen in a comparison between the
Districts of Bolivar and Uchucmarca. The most important difference be-
tween the Districts of Bolivar and Uchucmarca is the fact that Bolivar con-
tains a number of large haciendas, while Uchucmarca, since colonial times,
has been a "free" community.4 The result of this difference has been to
make Uchucmarca attractive to people of Bolivar. Haciendas controlled vir-
tually all of the grazing lands of the District of Bolivar, denying free use of
one of the four main production zones to the residents. Moreover, many
peasants who were allowed to use hacienda property before 1945 were
evicted when new owners of the hacienda decided that their property would
be more productive and safe from possible land reform without tenants.
The District of Uchucmarca experienced its second wave of migration
from the late 1950s until the late 1960s (Figure 2). This wave differed from
the first both in terms of origin and final destination of the immigrants. The
focus of this second wave was the hot, lower valley around the hamlet of
Pusac. Until the mid 1950s, this area, like many other intermontane valleys
of the Andes, was virtually uninhabitable because of malaria (Gade 1973).
Between 1957 and 1959, this disease was eradicated by a joint UNESCO -
Peruvian campaign of DDT fumigation. There is still a full-time government
agent in Pusac who fumigates and dispenses antimalaria medicine. Prior to
the eradication of malaria, the lower valley was only sparsely occupied by a
very few families who grew sugar cane, coca, and fruit, which they traded
for grains and tubers from the higher crop zones. After the introduction of
DDT to the valley, a few families from Uchucmarca and the surrounding
4 The demographic imbalance created by the juxtaposition of free communities and ha-
ciendas has caused considerable tension throughout the Andes of Peru. This tension and the
peasant political and economic reactions have recently been treated at length by Tullis
(1970) and Handleman (1975).

54. 36 öchucnuirai: The Village and Its People
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56. rauhoitteli häntä. Hänhän oli vielä niin reipas, ja siinä kaupungissa
hän tunsi joka kadun.
Niinpä hän matkusti, ja tuli kaupunkiin kauniina heinäkuun
päivänä. Hän kulki samoja katuja kuin muinoinkin, ja meni
maantielle. Mutta siellä hän ei ollutkaan osata.
Vanhaa tietä ei enää ajettu, sinne oli avattu uusi kauemmaksi. Hän
kulki kuitenkin vanhaa tietä, jota peitti nyt jo melkein joka paikassa
hieno nurmi. Taloa, jossa he viimeisenä vuonna olivat asuneet, ei
enää ollut. Se oli pettymys. Mutta vanhat puut seisoivat vielä
tienpuolessa. Gunvor näki, että ne olivat selvästi paljon suurempia
kuin silloin, kun hän ne viimeksi oli nähnyt. Niityt tien varrella olivat
jotakuinkin samallaisia kuin ennenkin. Mutta tuolla oli talo, jota ei
ennen ollut.
Hän kulki sitä tietä, jota ei enää käytetty. Hän muisti joka kiven
sen varrella… ei, hän ei selvästi muistanut, mutta kaikki muistutti
jostakin, kaikki herätti entisiä muistoja… Rinkilä? oliko sitä enää?
Hän meni sinne, ja näki sitten haaroneen pensaston ja pari vankkaa
paatta, jotka muodostivat portaat… niin, siinä oli se "Rinkilä" melkein
kuin ennenkin. Vanhat penkit! Lankkuja oli kai muutettu monta
kertaa, mutta jalkakivet olivat samat kuin ennenkin. Hän muisti,
miten hän ennen oli nivellyt kättänsä tuohon terävään reunaan…
Isähän istui aina penkin keskipaikkeilla ja hän päässä; sillä hänen
täytyi alituiseen päästä katselemaan jotakin, joka hänestä oli
erikoista… aina hän juosta vilisti kuivalle nummelle… Entä nummi?
Se oli ihan entisenlainen, kuin silloin, juostessaan siellä illan
pimetessä kevein jaloin. Hän meni huvin vuoksi sinnekin ja näki kiviä
siellä täällä. Ne ehkä olivat samoja, joita hän ennen nosteli,
nähdäkseen onkimatoja ja haarapyrstöjä ja muita toukkia.

57. Hän istuutui penkille ja katseli maisemaa. Tuolla oli saari, ja tuolla
majakka; hän ei eroittanut sitä niin selvästi kuin ennen…
Hän palasi toista tietä ja tuli kirkkomaalle. Hän tiesi hyvin, missä
hänen isänsä hauta oli. Joka vuosi hän oli lähettänyt rahaa haudan
vaalijalle. Hän löysi sen viimein, mutta se oli hyvin huonosti hoidettu.
Se oli pieni ja matala. Ellei siinä olisi ollut kiveä, jonka äiti oli
pystyttänyt, niin hän tuskin olisi sitä löytänyt. Hän aikoi ryhtyä
kiivaasti asiaan, kutsua haudankaivajan puheilleen ja kysyä, minkä
tähden hän ei hoitanut sitä paremmin… Mutta hän jätti sen silleen.
Hän tahtoi nyt olla yksin. Ei juttuja ja selityksiä.
Hän rupesi polvilleen haudan ääreen; koko silloinen aika lähestyi
häntä, ja hän otti sen vastaan. Hän oli siinä kauan; viimein hän
nousi, otti vähän nurmea haudalta ja meni. Hän oli vanha ja
yksinäinen.
Seuraavana päivänä hän matkusti takaisin pääkaupunkiin.

58. XI.
Eräänä talvena tuli hänelle se suru, että Janna kuoli. Janna,
taipumaton ja peloton, meni ja asettui levolle, kun ei enää jaksanut.
Jannan kuoleman jälkeen ei hän seurustellut kenenkään kanssa.
Hän oli paljon kotona. Hän ei ollut luja jaloiltansa enää, ja hänen
näkönsä oli hyvin heikonnut. Kun hän kulki ulkona, sai hän kovin
varoa, ettei häntä sysitty tai ajettu päälle.
Joskus tuli hänelle kuitenkin halu nähdä ihmisiä. Hänhän oli elänyt
ja työskennellyt heidän parissaan. Mutta koska häntä lapsena olivat
johtaneet miehen kädet, joka oli lähestynyt kodittomia ja
rauhattomia, niin valitsi hän nyt ajan, jolloin yö levittää pimeytensä
ja päivänmelu vaikenee. Työn häiriötä siinä ei ollut, päivän
huomioon-ottaminen oli kadonnut. Surut tuijottivat ihmisten silmistä.
Monet kulkivat yksin. Usea tahtoi piillä huomaamattomissa, ja tuntea
olevansa turvassa, pimeydessä. Ja siellä liikkui eräs elämästä kuollut.
Päivän välinpitämättömien joukosta hän huomasi nuo ikuisuutta
tunnustelevat sielut.
Monasti Jan näki tullessaan hänen luonaan henkilöjä, joita hän ei
tuntenut. Ne olivat väkeä, joita hän oli tavannut kulullaan, tahi jotka

59. hän oli nähnyt istumassa tai nukkumassa puiston penkillä. Kerran oli
siellä köyhä akka, jonka hän oli löytänyt kadulta, toisen kerran lapsi,
joka itki nälkäänsä. Jan sanoi: "Rakas äiti. Ei köyhät ja suruttomat
siitä vähene. Mitä auttaa sinun puuhasi."
Äiti vastasi: "Voi se auttaa. Minä näen heistä, että se auttaa heitä.
Ja saattaa se auttaa minuakin. Kun ihmiset oppivat ymmärtämään,
että me elämme yhdessä tuottaaksemme toisillemme iloa, niin
kuuluu maailmassa suuri riemunhuuto."
Hän katseli usein isän papereja. Hän selaili niitä.
"Helvetti!" luki niissä eräässä paikassa. "Miksei sitä olisi? Kaikesta
näkee, että me olemme määrätyt tuskaan, että me olemme
langenneet vaivaan. Meidän ilomme: useimmiten utu-kuvia; meidän
pyyteemme perustuvat valheelle. Meidän nautintomme luo tuska.
Tuskat ovat loppumattomat, pohjattomat. Ja niitä on kaikkialla.
Syntyessämme, kuollessamme. Kaikki viittaa kärsimykseen,
helvettiin!
"Mutta eräs viittaa toisaanne. Se viittaa rauhaan ja sopu-sointuun.
Se viittaa taivaasen: meidän kaipuumme joka on iäinen, meidän
kiihkomme joka ei koskaan katoa. Sitä ei voi olla olemassa, ellei joku
herättäisi sitä. Paju käyristyy lähteen puoleen, magneetti kääntyy
pohjoiseen. Ihmisten kaipuu viittaa kirkastukseen."
Toinen lehti oli siihen liitetty, ehkä kirjoitettu samana päivänä.
Mut siksi usein korkeen uskon saan, ett' ykskään rukous,
kaipuu ei voi kuolla, mi sielun-haavoistamme purkautuu. Kas:
jos on rukous, mi tääll' ei täyty, siit' ikuisuuden kyyhkyt

60. valkeet syntyy, jotk' ylenevät, lentäin pimeydestä hakien
rauhan vihreit' öljypuita.
Niin, joka rukous, uni, vaivan-pyyde, niist' ikuisuuden
kyyhkysiä syntyy. Jokainen hetki, kärsimämme maassa, yön
helmaan liitää, ja ne suurin parvin kotihin suuntau, jonne
mekin mennään, kun ruumis kuolee, silmä ummistuu.
Ah, pian myöskin minä nähdä saan ne kyyhkyt sieluni, mit
lentoon läks. Ne suurin parvin mua vastaan joutuu, ja
öljypuitten suhinan saan kuulla.
Eräänä uudenvuoden aattona Gunvor sairastui, ja kohta sen
jälkeen hän kuoli. Hän ei kärsinyt paljoa taudissaan; sillä unta hän
sai melkein aina. Se suorastaan muodosti vartioston hänen
ympärilleen. Silloinkin, kun hän oli valveilla, pysyi se hänen
luonansa, mutta hieman loitompana. Se mumisi yksitoikkoista
suhinaansa hänen korviinsa, ja se kuumensi hänen poskiansa, niin
että ne usein punoittivat kuin nuoren tytön.
Viime päivinä hälveni elämän vaihtelu ja levottomuus kokonaan
hänestä. Mutta eräänä aamuna hän oli kuitenkin kyllin tajuissaan
lausuakseen, että hän oli hyvin onnellinen. Ja hän sanoi Janille, joka
istui hänen vuoteensa vieressä:
"Isän… Grögaardin, minä näin… ja viime yönä tuli Tora, ja hän
näytti iloiselta. 'Nyt minä kuolin viimeinkin', sanoi hän, 'minä olen
ennen ollut luonasi, Gunvor, ja pyytänyt sinua auttamaan minua…
Minun oli vaikea olla… Minä en ollut kuollut… Elämä elettävä… ei voi
itse sitä lyhentää… en ollut kuollut… täytyi elää elettäväni… mutta
minun täytyi kantaa kaksinkertaista taakkaa… Mutta nyt minä olen
kuollut, Gunvor, nyt olen minä kuollut!'"

61. Ja sitten hän hymyili hurmaantuneena, kuten ollessaan nuori ja
onnellinen…
"Ne tulevat kaikki… Isä, Grögaard, Tora… kaikki ne, joiden
sydämet sykkivät… kaikki ne, jotka kuulevat ihmisten yllä suuren
kohinan…"

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