The Fourteen Points (1918) – Woodrow Wilson As World War.docx
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About This Presentation
The Fourteen Points (1918) – Woodrow Wilson
As World War I drew to a close, Woodrow Wilson issued these Fourteen Points as a roadmap for
a just and permanent peace. He proposed that European nations, including Belgium and France,
be restored to their former condition. He also advised against ...
The Fourteen Points (1918) – Woodrow Wilson
As World War I drew to a close, Woodrow Wilson issued these Fourteen Points as a roadmap for
a just and permanent peace. He proposed that European nations, including Belgium and France,
be restored to their former condition. He also advised against punishing Germany with overly
harsh measures. Wilson advocated progressive ideals of democracy, transparent and open
diplomacy, and free trade as the proper basis for American foreign policy. Perhaps most
surprising to the citizens at the time, his fifth point introduced the principle of national
sovereignty for colonial peoples.
8 January, 1918:
President Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points
It will be our wish and purpose that the processes of peace, when they are begun, shall be
absolutely open and that they shall involve and permit henceforth no secret understandings of
any kind. The day of conquest and aggrandizement is gone by; so is also the day of secret
covenants entered into in the interest of particular governments and likely at some unlooked-for
moment to upset the peace of the world. It is this happy fact, now clear to the view of every
public man whose thoughts do not still linger in an age that is dead and gone, which makes it
possible for every nation whose purposes are consistent with justice and the peace of the world to
avow nor or at any other time the objects it has in view.
We entered this war because violations of right had occurred which touched us to the quick and
made the life of our own people impossible unless they were corrected and the world secure once
for all against their recurrence. What we demand in this war, therefore, is nothing peculiar to
ourselves. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live in; and particularly that it be made safe
for every peace-loving nation which, like our own, wishes to live its own life, determine its own
institutions, be assured of justice and fair dealing by the other peoples of the world as against
force and selfish aggression. All the peoples of the world are in effect partners in this interest,
and for our own part we see very clearly that unless justice be done to others it will not be done
to us. The programme of the world's peace, therefore, is our programme; and that programme,
the only possible programme, as we see it, is this:
I. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which there shall be no private international
understandings of any kind but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the public view.
II. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside territorial waters, alike in peace and in
war, except as the seas may be closed in whole or in part by international action for the
enforcement of international covenants.
III. The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers and the establishment of an equality
of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to the peace and associating themse ...
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Language: en
Added: Oct 31, 2022
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Slide Content
The Fourteen Points (1918) – Woodrow Wilson
As World War I drew to a close, Woodrow Wilson issued these
Fourteen Points as a roadmap for
a just and permanent peace. He proposed that European nations,
including Belgium and France,
be restored to their former condition. He also advised against
punishing Germany with overly
harsh measures. Wilson advocated progressive ideals of
democracy, transparent and open
diplomacy, and free trade as the proper basis for American
foreign policy. Perhaps most
surprising to the citizens at the time, his fifth point introduced
the principle of national
sovereignty for colonial peoples.
8 January, 1918:
President Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points
It will be our wish and purpose that the processes of peace,
when they are begun, shall be
absolutely open and that they shall involve and permit
henceforth no secret understandings of
any kind. The day of conquest and aggrandizement is gone by;
so is also the day of secret
covenants entered into in the interest of particular governments
and likely at some unlooked-for
moment to upset the peace of the world. It is this happy fact,
now clear to the view of every
public man whose thoughts do not still linger in an age that is
dead and gone, which makes it
possible for every nation whose purposes are consistent with
justice and the peace of the world to
avow nor or at any other time the objects it has in view.
We entered this war because violations of right had occurred
which touched us to the quick and
made the life of our own people impossible unless they were
corrected and the world secure once
for all against their recurrence. What we demand in this war,
therefore, is nothing peculiar to
ourselves. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live in;
and particularly that it be made safe
for every peace-loving nation which, like our own, wishes to
live its own life, determine its own
institutions, be assured of justice and fair dealing by the other
peoples of the world as against
force and selfish aggression. All the peoples of the world are in
effect partners in this interest,
and for our own part we see very clearly that unless justice be
done to others it will not be done
to us. The programme of the world's peace, therefore, is our
programme; and that programme,
the only possible programme, as we see it, is this:
I. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which there
shall be no private international
understandings of any kind but diplomacy shall proceed always
frankly and in the public view.
II. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside
territorial waters, alike in peace and in
war, except as the seas may be closed in whole or in part by
international action for the
enforcement of international covenants.
III. The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers and
the establishment of an equality
of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to the
peace and associating themselves for
its maintenance.
IV. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national
armaments will be reduced to the lowest
point consistent with domestic safety.
V. A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of
all colonial claims, based upon a
strict observance of the principle that in determining all such
questions of sovereignty the
interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight
with the equitable claims of the
government whose title is to be determined.
VI. The evacuation of all Russian territory and such a
settlement of all questions affecting Russia
as will secure the best and freest cooperation of the other
nations of the world in obtaining for
her an unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the
independent determination of her own
political development and national policy and assure her of a
sincere welcome into the society of
free nations under institutions of her own choosing; and, more
than a welcome, assistance also of
every kind that she may need and may herself desire. The
treatment accorded Russia by her sister
nations in the months to come will be the acid test of their good
will, of their comprehension of
her needs as distinguished from their own interests, and of their
intelligent and unselfish
sympathy.
VII. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated
and restored, without any attempt
to limit the sovereignty which she enjoys in common with all
other free nations. No other single
act will serve as this will serve to restore confidence among the
nations in the laws which they
have themselves set and determined for the government of their
relations with one another.
Without this healing act the whole structure and validity of
international law is forever impaired.
VIII. All French territory should be freed and the invaded
portions restored, and the wrong done
to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine,
which has unsettled the peace of
the world for nearly fifty years, should be righted, in order that
peace may once more be made
secure in the interest of all.
IX. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected
along clearly recognizable lines of
nationality.
X. The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the
nations we wish to see safeguarded
and assured, should be accorded the freest opportunity to
autonomous development.
XI. Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated;
occupied territories restored; Serbia
accorded free and secure access to the sea; and the relations of
the several Balkan states to one
another determined by friendly counsel along historically
established lines of allegiance and
nationality; and international guarantees of the political and
economic independence and
territorial integrity of the several Balkan states should be
entered into.
XII. The Turkish portion of the present Ottoman Empire should
be assured a secure sovereignty,
but the other nationalities which are now under Turkish rule
should be assured an undoubted
security of life and an absolutely unmolested opportunity of
autonomous development, and the
Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free passage to
the ships and commerce of all
nations under international guarantees.
XIII. An independent Polish state should be erected which
should include the territories
inhabited by indisputably Polish populations, which should be
assured a free and secure access to
the sea, and whose political and economic independence and
territorial integrity should be
guaranteed by international covenant.
XIV. A general association of nations must be formed under
specific covenants for the purpose
of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and
territorial integrity to great and
small states alike.
In regard to these essential rectifications of wrong and
assertions of right we feel ourselves to be
intimate partners of all the governments and peoples associated
together against the Imperialists.
We cannot be separated in interest or divided in purpose. We
stand together until the end.
For such arrangements and covenants we are willing to fight and
to continue to fight until they
are achieved; but only because we wish the right to prevail and
desire a just and stable peace
such as can be secured only by removing the chief provocations
to war, which this programme
does remove. We have no jealousy of German greatness, and
there is nothing in this programme
that impairs it. We grudge her no achievement or distinction of
learning or of pacific enterprise
such as have made her record very bright and very enviable. We
do not wish to injure her or to
block in any way her legitimate influence or power. We do not
wish to fight her either with arms
or with hostile arrangements of trade if she is willing to
associate herself with us and the other
peace- loving nations of the world in covenants of justice and
law and fair dealing. We wish her
only to accept a place of equality among the peoples of the
world, -- the new world in which we
now live, -- instead of a place of mastery.
Table 5.2Walace Garden Center Data Figure 5.2SalesTest
Center Absolute Value of Error3 Month Moving
AverageAbsolute Value of ErrorJan1010.00------Feb1212.00----
--Mar1313.00------
Apr1616.000.000.00May1919.000.000.00Jun2323.000.000.00Jul
2626.000.000.00Aug3030.000.000.00Sep2828.000.000.00Oct18
18.000.000.00Nov1616.000.000.00Dec1414.000.000.00Jan------
0.00---Sum of Abs Val of Error190.00Sum of Abs Val of
Error0.00MAD21.11MAD0.00Hence "on the average, each
forecast missed the actual value by"6.48 unitsp. 155
Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec 10
12 13 16 19 23 26 30 28 18 16 14
5.1 Introduction
5.2 Types of Forecasting Models
5.3 Components of a Time Series
5.4 Measures of Forecast Accuracy
5.5 Forecasting Models – Random Variations Only
5.6 Forecasting Models – Trend and Random Variations
5.7 Adjusting for Seasonal Variations
5.8 Forecasting Models – Trend, Seasonal, and Random
Variations
5.9 Monitoring and Controlling Forecasts
Qualitative Models
Delphi Method
Iterative group process
Respondents provide input to decision makers
Repeated until consensus is reached
Jury of Executive Opinion
Collects opinions of a small group of high-level managers
May use statistical models for analysis
Qualitative Models
Sales Force Composite
Allows individual salespersons estimates
Reviewed for reasonableness
Data is compiled at a district or national level
Consumer Market Survey
Information on purchasing plans solicited from customers or
potential customers
Sales
| | | | | | | | | |
0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18
Time Period (Years)
FIGURE 5.3 – Scatter Diagram of Times Series with Cyclical
and Random Components
Time-Series Models
Two basic forms
Multiplicative
Demand = T x S x C x R
ERRORS (DEVIATION), (ACTUAL – FORECAST)1110—
21001103120100414012051701406150170716015081901609200
1901019020011—190
TABLE 5.1 – Computing the Mean Absolute Deviation (MAD)
Forecast based on naïve model
No attempt to adjust for time series components
Moving Averages
Used when demand is relatively steady over time
The next forecast is the average of the most recent n data values
from the time series
Smooths out short-term irregularities in the data series
where
Ft+1 = forecast for time period t + 1
Yt = actual value in time period t
n = number of periods to average
Wallace Garden Supply
Wallace Garden Supply wants to forecast demand for its Storage
Shed
Collected data for the past year
Use a three-month moving average (n = 3)
Weighted Moving Averages
Weighted moving averages use weights to put more emphasis on
previous periods
Often used when a trend or other pattern is emerging
Selecting the Smoothing Constant
forecast
The objective is always to generate an accurate forecast
The general approach is to develop trial forecasts with different
PROGRAM 5.2D – Output for Port of Baltimore Example
Forecasting – Trend and Random
Exponential smoothing does not respond to trends
A more complex model can be used
The basic approach
Develop an exponential smoothing forecast
Adjust it for the trend
Exponential Smoothing
with Trend
The equation for the trend correction uses a new smoothing
Ft and Tt must be given or estimated
Three steps in developing FITt
Step 1: Compute smoothed forecast Ft+1
Smoothed forecast
=
Previous forecast including trend
+ a(Last error)
x
x
x
| | | | | | | | | | | |
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11
180 –
160 –
140 –
120 –
100 –
80 –
60 –
40 –
20 –
0 –
Generator Demand
Time Period
Projected demand for next 3 years is shown on the trend line
Trend Line
Seasonal Indices with Trend
Steps in CMA
Compute the CMA for each observation (where possible)
Compute the seasonal ratio = Observation/CMA for that
observation
Average seasonal ratios to get seasonal indices
Using Regression with Trend
and Seasonal
Multiple regression can be used to forecast both trend and
seasonal components
One independent variable is time
Monitoring and Controlling Forecasts
Positive tracking signals indicate demand is greater than
forecast
Negative tracking signals indicate demand is less than forecast
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be
reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any
form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying,
recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of
the publisher. Printed in the United States of America.
1
1.6 The Role of Computers and Spreadsheet Models
in the Quantitative Analysis Approach
1.7 Possible Problems in the Quantitative Analysis
Approach
1.8 Implementation—Not Just the Final Step
1.1 Introduction
1.2 What Is Quantitative Analysis?
1.3 Business Analytics
1.4 The Quantitative Analysis Approach
1.5 How to Develop a Quantitative Analysis Model
CHAPTER OUTLINE
5. Use computers and spreadsheet models
to perform quantitative analysis.
6. Discuss possible problems in using quantitative
analysis.
7. Perform a break-even analysis.
1. Describe the quantitative analysis approach.
2. Understand the application of quantitative analysis
in a real situation.
3. Describe the three categories of business analytics.
4. Describe the use of modeling in quantitative
analysis.
After completing this chapter, students will be able to:
Introduction to
Quantitative Analysis
1CHAPTER
LEARNING OBJECTIVES
M01_REND7331_12_SE_C01_pp2.indd 1 01/ 10/13 9:50 AM
1
1.6 The Role of Computers and Spreadsheet Models
in the Quantitative Analysis Approach
1.7 Possible Problems in the Quantitative Analysis
Approach
1.8 Implementation—Not Just the Final Step
1.1 Introduction
1.2 What Is Quantitative Analysis?
1.3 Business Analytics
1.4 The Quantitative Analysis Approach
1.5 How to Develop a Quantitative Analysis Model
CHAPTER OUTLINE
5. Use computers and spreadsheet models
to perform quantitative analysis.
6. Discuss possible problems in using quantitative
analysis.
7. Perform a break-even analysis.
1. Describe the quantitative analysis approach.
2. Understand the application of quantitative analysis
in a real situation.
3. Describe the three categories of business analytics.
4. Describe the use of modeling in quantitative
analysis.
After completing this chapter, students will be able to:
Introduction to
Quantitative Analysis
1CHAPTER
LEARNING OBJECTIVES
M01_REND7331_12_SE_C01_pp2.indd 1 01/10/13 9:50 AM
MAD =
forecast error∑
n
MAD=
forecast error
å
n
MAD =
forecast error∑
n
=
160
9
=17.8
MAD=
forecast error
å
n
=
160
9
=17.8
MAPE =
error
actual∑
n
100%
MAPE=
error
actual
å
n
100%
MSE =
(error)2∑
n
MSE=
(error)
2
å
n
Ft+1 =
Yt +Yt−1 +...+Yt−n+1
n
F
t+1
=
Y
t
+Y
t-1
+...+Y
t-n+1
n
Ft+1 =
(Weight in period i)(Actual value in period)∑
(Weights)∑
F
t+1
=
(Weight in period i)(Actual value in period)
å
(Weights)
å
Ft+1 =
w1Yt +w2Yt−1 +...+wnYt−n+1
w1 +w2 +...+wn
F
t+1
=
w
1
Y
t
+w
2
Y
t-1
+...+w
n
Y
t-n+1
w
1
+w
2
+...+w
n
Ft+1 = Ft +α(Yt −Ft )
F
t+1
=F
t
+a(Y
t
-F
t
)
Enter the number of periods to be averaged.
Click OK.
Enter a title. Enter the number of past periods of data.
Enter the demand data and the weights. The
calculations will automatically be performed.
The measures of accuracy are shown here.
The forecast for the next period is here.
In the Forecasting module, click
New and Time-Series Analysis.
Enter a title.
Enter the number of
past periods of data.
Click OK.
Enter the value for the
smoothing constant.
Enter the data. Then click
Solve at the top of the page.
Click here to see the models. Other input
areas appear based on the model. Select
Exponential Smoothing and a window opens
for you to enter the smoothing constant.
Additional output is
available under Window.
The measures of
accuracy are shown here.
The forecast for next
period is here.
Ft+1 = FITt +α(Yt −FITt )
F
t+1
=FIT
t
+a(Y
t
-FIT
t
)
Tt+1 =Tt +β(Ft+1 −FITt )
T
t+1
=T
t
+b(F
t+1
-FIT
t
)
FITt+1 = Ft+1 +Tt+1
FIT
t+1
=F
t+1
+T
t+1
FIT1 = F1 +T1 = 74+0 = 74
FIT
1
=F
1
+T
1
=74+0=74
Ŷ = b0 + b1X
ˆ
Y=b
0
+b
1
X
Ŷ
ˆ
Y
Ŷ = 56.71+10.54X
ˆ
Y=56.71+10.54X
To forecast other time periods,
enter the time period here.
Tracking signal=
RSFE
MAD
=
(forecast error)
å
MAD
MAD =
forecast error∑
n
MAD=
forecast error
å
n
MAD =
forecast error∑
n
=
85
6
=14.2
Tracking signal = RSFE
MAD
=
35
14.2
= 2.5 MADs
MAD=
forecast error
å
n
=
85
6
=14.2
Tracking signal=
RSFE
MAD
=
35
14.2
=2.5 MADs
President Roosevelt's "Four Freedoms" Speech (1941)
To the Congress of the United States:
I address you, the Members of the Seventy-Seventh Congress, at
a moment unprecedented in the
history of the Union. I use the word "unprecedented," because at
no previous time has American
security been as seriously threatened from without as it is
today. . . .
It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often had been
disturbed by events in other
Continents. We had even engaged in two wars with European
nations and in a number of
undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in
the Pacific for the maintenance
of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce.
In no case, however, had a
serious threat been raised against our national safety or our
independence.
What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States
as a nation has at all times
maintained opposition to any attempt to lock us in behind an
ancient Chinese wall while the
procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our
children and their children, we
oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any part of the
Americas.
Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to
contain only small threat of danger to
our own American future. But, as time went on, the American
people began to visualize what the
downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own
democracy.
We need not over-emphasize imperfections in the Peace of
Versailles. We need not harp on
failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world
deconstruction. We should remember
that the Peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of
"pacification" which began even
before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new
order of tyranny that seeks to spread
over every continent today. The American people have
unalterably set their faces against that
tyranny.
Every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this
moment being directly assailed in
every part of the world—assailed either by arms, or by secret
spreading of poisonous propaganda
by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in
nations still at peace. During sixteen
months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of
democratic life in an appalling number of
independent nations, great and small. The assailants are still on
the march, threatening other
nations, great and small.
Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty
to "give to the Congress
information of the state of the Union," I find it necessary to
report that the future and the safety
of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly
involved in events far beyond our
borders.
Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly
waged in four continents. If that
defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe,
Asia, Africa and Australasia will
be dominated by the conquerors. The total of those populations
and their resources greatly
exceeds the sum total of the population and resources of the
whole of the Western Hemisphere—
many times over.
In times like these it is immature—and incidentally untrue—for
anybody to brag that an
unprepared America, single-handed, and with one hand tied
behind its back, can hold off the
whole world.
No realistic American can expect from a dictator's peace
international generosity, or return of
true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of
expression, or freedom of religion—or
even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us
or for our neighbors. "Those,
who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little
temporary safety, deserve neither liberty
nor safety." As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we
are soft-hearted; but we cannot
afford to be soft-hearted. We must always be wary of those who
with sounding brass and a
tinkling cymbal preach the "ism" of appeasement. We must
especially beware of that small group
of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle
in order to feather their own
nests.
I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern
warfare could bring into our very
midst the physical attack which we must expect if the dictator
nations win this war.
There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and
direct invasion from across the
seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power,
no such danger exists. Even if
there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy
would be stupid enough to attack
us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands
of miles of ocean, until it had
acquired strategic bases from which to operate. But we learn
much from the lessons of the past
years in Europe—particularly the lesson of Norway, whose
essential seaports were captured by
treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first
phase of the invasion of this
Hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The
necessary strategic points would be
occupied by secret agents and their dupes—and great numbers
of them are already here, and in
Latin America.
As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive, they—
not we—will choose the time and
the place and the method of their attack. That is why the future
of all American Republics is
today in serious danger. That is why this Annual Message to the
Congress is unique in our
history. That is why every member of the Executive branch of
the government and every
member of the Congress face great responsibility—and great
accountability.
The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy
should be devoted primarily—almost
exclusively—to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic
problems are now a part of the
great emergency. Just as our national policy in internal affairs
has been based upon a decent
respect for the rights and dignity of all our fellowmen within
our gates, so our national policy in
foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights
and dignity of all nations, large
and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the
end.
Our national policy is this.
First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without
regard to partisanship, we are
committed to all-inclusive national defense.
Second, by an impressive expression of the public will and
without regard to partisanship, we are
committed to full support of all those resolute peoples,
everywhere, who are resisting aggression
and are thereby keeping war away from our Hemisphere. By this
support, we express our
determination that the democratic cause shall prevail; and we
strengthen the defense and security
of our own nation.
Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and
without regard to partisanship, we are
committed to the proposition that principles of morality and
considerations for our own security
will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by
aggressors and sponsored by appeasers.
We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of
other people's freedom.
In the recent national election there was no substantial
difference between the two great parties
in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on
this line before the American
electorate. Today, it is abundantly evident that American
citizens everywhere are demanding and
supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of
obvious danger. Therefore, the
immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament
production. . . .
Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for
them as well as for ourselves. They
do not need man power. They do need billions of dollars worth
of the weapons of defense. . . .
Let us say to the democracies: "We Americans are vitally
concerned in your defense of freedom.
We are putting forth our energies, our resources and our
organizing powers to give you the
strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you,
in ever-increasing numbers,
ships, planes, tanks, guns. This is our purpose and our pledge."
In fulfillment of this purpose we
will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will
regard as a breach of international
law and as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare
to resist their aggression. Such
aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally
proclaim it so to be. When the
dictators are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for
an act of war on our part. They
did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to
commit an act of war. Their only
interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks
mutuality in its observance, and,
therefore, becomes an instrument of oppression.
The happiness of future generations of Americans may well
depend upon how effective and how
immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact
character of the emergency
situations that we may be called upon to meet. The Nation's
hands must not be tied when the
Nation's life is in danger. We must all prepare to make the
sacrifices that the emergency—as
serious as war itself—demands. Whatever stands in the way of
speed and efficiency in defense
preparations must give way to the national need.
A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all
groups. A free nation has the right
to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to
take the lead in stimulating
effort, not among other groups but within their own groups. The
best way of dealing with the few
slackers or trouble makers in our midst is, first, to shame them
by patriotic example, and, if that
fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.
As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by
armaments alone. Those who man our
defenses, and those behind them who build our defenses, must
have the stamina and courage
which come from an unshakable belief in the manner of life
which they are defending. The
mighty action which we are calling for cannot be based on a
disregard of all things worth
fighting for.
The Nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the
things which have been done to
make its people conscious of their individual stake in the
preservation of democratic life in
America. Those things have toughened the fibre of our people,
have renewed their faith and
strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to
protect. Certainly this is no time
to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which
are the root cause of the social
revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world.
There is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy
and strong democracy. The basic
things expected by our people of their political and economic
systems are simple. They are:
equality of opportunity for youth and for others; jobs for those
who can work; security for those
who need it; the ending of special privilege for the few; the
preservation of civil liberties for all;
the enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and
constantly rising standard of
living.
These are the simple and basic things that must never be lost
sight of in the turmoil and
unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and
abiding strength of our economic
and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which
they fulfill these expectations.
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for
immediate improvement. As
examples: We should bring more citizens under the coverage of
old age pensions and
unemployment insurance. We should widen the opportunities for
adequate medical care. We
should plan a better system by which persons deserving or
needing gainful employment may
obtain it.
I have called for personal sacrifice. I am assured of the
willingness of almost all Americans to
respond to that call. . . .
In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look
forward to a world founded upon four
essential human freedoms.
The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in
the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his
own way—everywhere in the
world.
The third is freedom from want—which, translated into world
terms, means economic
understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy
peace time life for its inhabitants—
everywhere in the world.
The fourth is freedom from fear—which, translated into world
terms, means a worldwide
reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough
fashion that no nation will be in a
position to commit an act of physical aggression against any
neighbor—anywhere in the world.
That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis
for a kind of world attainable in
our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very
antithesis of the so-called new order
of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a
bomb.
To that new order we oppose the greater conception—the moral
order. A good society is able to
face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike
without fear.
Since the beginning of our American history we have been
engaged in change—in a perpetual
peaceful revolution—a revolution which goes on steadily,
quietly adjusting itself to changing
conditions—without the concentration camp or the quick-lime
in the ditch. The world order
which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working
together in a friendly, civilized
society.
This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and
hearts of its millions of free men
and women; and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God.
Freedom means the supremacy
of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who
struggle to gain those rights or keep
them. Our strength is in our unity of purpose.
To that high concept there can be no end save victory.
[From The Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin D.
Roosevelt, vol. 9 (New York: Macmillan
Co., 1940), pp. 663ff.]