Can the Subaltern Speak?

An Essay by Gayatri Spivak

1. Faculty of Humanities Department of English Language and Literature Post Graduate Program English Literature Ph.D. Program   Bahir Dar University Presentation for the course Literary Theory and Criticism II: Contemporary Debates/Cultural Studies (Lite- 702) June, 2022 Bahir Dar, Ethiopia Can the Subaltern Speak? An Essay by Gayatri Spivak By: Dawit Dibekulu Alem

2. Spivak Post colonial theorist Translated Derrida’s of grammatology theoretical approach: blend of Feminist studies, deconstructionism, post colonialism and Marxism Made a contribution to contemporary cultural studies and critical theories Challenges the idea of Marxism and post- marxism , post structuralism and feminism

3. Can the subaltern speak? First published in the journal ‘Wedge’(1985) Reprinted in the collection ‘Marxism and the interpretation of culture(1988). A detailed analysis of the conversation between the post- stractualism philosophers Michel Foucault and Gilles Deleuze . She speaks about the harm done to the poor, women and non Europeans by the privileged West. Writes against the ‘Epistemic Violence’ Done by the discourse of knowledge. She borrowed from Gramsci’s idea of subalternity .

4. Key terms Hegemony : hegemonic power or dominant discourse is predominantly that of a white male . Equivocation : Spivak is suggesting that we have to be sure in the theoretical rigor of our use of terms. We need to avoid using terms that have multiple meanings. She wants us to avoid equivocation .

5. ...cont’d Subjectivity : Foucault and Deleuze ascribe to the poststructuralist traditional model that believe desire, interest, and intent are all united and all the same in the formation of the subject. They conflate the terms. However , Spivak argues for Akrasia and Marxist subjectivity, which is the antithesis of Foucault and Deleuze . She believes that desires and interests are not the same. She suggests subjectivity doesn’t come from unity but dislocation.

6. …cont’d Subaltern: In post colonial term designates the colonized mass who are socially, politically and geographically excluded from the hierarchy of power. For Spivak the subalterns are those who belongs to the third world countries. Subaltern is that identity that has no possibility at social mobility. No possibility to speak and to be heard. Intransability of the Subaltern’s structural position. Who are the subject to the hegemony of the dominate class.

7. ...cont’d Intellectuals and power: conversation between Michel Foucault and Gilles Deleuze (1972 ) Appeared in Michel Foucault’s language counter-memory, practice:

8. Spivak’s interest in the conversation Problematize the function of the post colonial intellectual. Connects these two: The radical claims of 20 th C French intellectual Michel Foucault and Gilles Deleuze to speak for the disenfranchised. The self-righteous claims of British colonialism to rescue native women from Hindu widow sacrifice. Propagates the limits of French post- stractualist theorist ( Foucault, Lacan , Guattari and Deleuze ) Uses the tool of deconstruction.

9. Spivak’s Criticism of both Deleuze and Focuault Deleuze is trapped in his unconscious Euro-centrism. Foucault and Deleuze favor micrological structures of resistance which are basically determined by local conflict. Spivak reject the post- stracuralists micrological determinations. Argues that the micrological forms of resistance must not be used to eliminate the larger macrological configurations of power.

10. Spivak’s Strategies One of the first to articulate postcolonial theory through a deconstructive lens. Dismantled the tradition of western thought that has provided the justification of European colonialism and neo-colonialism. Argued that the development of western philosophy is connected to the history European imperial expansion from 19 th C British imperialism to 20 th C American policy making.

11. Gift of the Conversation Foucault and Deleuze discuss The link between the struggles of women, homosexual, prisoners etc. to class struggle, and The relationship between theory, practice and power

12. Deleuze We are in the process of experiencing a new relationship between theory and practice. Practice was considered an application of theory. But practice inspires theory too . Confined individuals need to speak for themselves. purpose of Foucault’s information group for prisons(G.I.P.) to create conditions for prisoners to speak. a theorizing intellectual is not a representative consciousness. those who act and struggle are not represented by any group or a union. the right to reprinted the conscience is appropriate by the group.

13. Foucault The political involvement of the intellectual: product of two different aspect of his activity: His position as an intellectual in bourgeois society His proper discourse that disclosed political r/ nship The intellectual spoke the truth: To those who had yet to see it, For those were forbidden to speak the truth; He was conscience, consciousness, and eloquence The intellectual discovered that: The mass no longer need him to gain knowledge: They know far better than him And they are certainly capable of expressing themselves A system of power which blocks, prohibits and invalidates this discourse intellectual are themselves agents of this system of power The intellectual's roles is to struggle against the form of power To undermine where it is most invisible and insidious

14. Deleuze A theory is exactly like a box of too. If no one uses it, then the theory is worthless. The notion reforms is stupid. Reforms are: designed by people who claims to be representative or arise from the complaints and demands of those concerned. Hence it is not a reform but revolutionary action that question that totality of power and the hierarchy that maintains it. (as is evident in prisons)

15. ...cont’d Foucault : Prisoners speech: is the form of discourse which matters. A discourse against power, Is the counter-discourse of prisoners and not a theory about delinquency P eople hate the judicial system because they think power is always exercised at the expanse of the people. Deleuze : power develops a global vision. All the current forms of repression are totalized forms the point of view of power.

16. ...cont’d Foucault Yet to fully comprehend the nature of power. Who exercises power? And in what sphere ? power is exercised the way it is in order to maintain capitalist exploitation. The generality of the struggle specifically derives from the system of power. Deleuze : it is clear who exploited , who profits , and who governs , but power nevertheless remains something's more diffuse. Marxism defines the problem essentials in terms of interests. But interested is not the final answer: because interest always desire therefore every revolutionary attack is linked to the workers’ struggle.

17. Guha’s idea one must nevertheless insist that the colonized subaltern subject is irretrievably heterogeneous. Against the indigenous elite we may set what Guha calls ‘ the politics of the people,’ both outside and inside the circuit of colonial production ( Guha 1982). Against the possible charge that his approach is essentialist , Guha constructs a definition of the people that can be only an identity-in-differential. He proposes a dynamic stratification grid describing colonial social production at large.

18. …cont’d Even the third group on the list, the buffer group, as it were, between the people and the great macro-structural dominant groups , is itself defined as a place of in- betweenness , what Derrida has described as an ‘ antre ’ (1981): Dominant foreign groups. Elite Dominant indigenous groups on the all-India level. 3. Dominant indigenous groups at the regional and local levels. 4. The terms ‘people’ and ‘subaltern classes’ used as synonymous throughout [ Guha’s definition]. The social groups and elements included in this category represent the demographic difference between: the total Indian population and all those whom we have described as the ‘elite.’

19. Beyond Postcolonialism Spivak is considered a leading postcolonial critic but her critical work is difficult to define. because Spivak constantly revises her arguments to refuse identification by any single category or label such as ‘ postcolonial ’, ‘ feminist ’ or ‘ Marxist ’. She is committed to re-thinking and revising theoretical concepts and approaches in response to: social, economic and political changes in the contemporary world order. She embodies what it means to be a philosopher, because there’s always new interpretations and new modes of reviving/revising schools of thought.

20. Deconstruction Spivak has often been criticised for drawing on the western post- structuralist theory of Derrida, Foucault and Lacan . This criticism is based on the assumption that poststructuralist theory is a product of European philosophy and culture and is therefore inadequate to criticise the cultural, social and economic legacies of European colonialism. For Spivak , the idea of an indigenous theory uncontaminated by the legacy of 19 th C colonialism is unrealistic. Derrida, Foucault and Lacan provide Spivak with a conceptual apparatus that enables her to question the cultural and philosophical foundations of western imperialism.

21. Post Structuralism The very existence of this body of knowledge is debated. Some define post structuralism as a theory that is concerned with the relationship between human beings and the world and the practice of reproducing meaning. Others argue there is no clear definition. Spivak sets her argument in opposition to French poststructuralists. Some argue that post structuralism is a product of a single historical moment It is also considered to mark the beginning of decolonisation. Post structuralism sought to explain successful decolonisation.

22. Marxist Conception Hegemonic power (HP) – want to: increase their influence and power and decrease resistance. HP is challenged by a well informed population/proletariat who realise they are being exploited and so they create an opposition . HP want to create a block between themselves and the proletariat; so the proletariat remain unaware of the intention to create a system of delusion (otherwise known as ideology). Ideology controls the population by pacifying and making them docile, creating a false consciousness. HP controls the thoughts and behaviour of the proletariat to decrease the likelihood of a revolt and create a false consciousness and a sort of akrasia . Class consciousness is a result of material circumstances.

23. Ideology for Marx Capitalism must construct a system of indoctrination to defend property. For example: Marx would argue that we are deluded into believing that the more we work the more value we will accumulate. HP don’t have to work as hard, they rely on investment – and the more the proletariat work the more money HP makes. HP constructs capital as inevitable and a force of nature. Any alternative to capital is degraded.

24. Post Structuralists Criticise Marxism Post structuralist (PS) reject false consciousness – they argue: If every member of the proletariat is misinformed it’s unhelpful if there is no consciousness that exists that is not distorted. We cannot make sense of false consciousness if everyone is deceived. There is no such thing as a group/collective consciousness - it should be replaced with more useful analysis of culture using discourse or background. Global consciousness is even more impossible.

25. Rejecting False Consciousness PS argue that ideology doesn’t influence or coerce the population. The system is secured by CONSENT . The proletariat consent to dominance and being governed if their basic needs are being met. The oppressed consent to passivity to preserve the structure of power. PS do not believe there is any deception.

26. How is Speaking Subject being Produced? Brown woman oppressed as structural necessity Saving brown woman is also a structural necessity

27. …cont’d In order to give authority to Spivak’s sentence : ‘white men are saving brown women from brown men’, the portrayal of each participant and then their relationship in the texts may be analyzed. as one interpretation of the relationship between colonizer and colonized. The recurring dehumanization of the brown men, by allowing individual identity to be replaced either by large bloodthirsty crowds or animalistic qualities, creates the impression of a wild and dangerous populace. Brown men also encompasses the notion of Hinduism and its domination. Here the power of religion can be inferred, its practices supersede the maternal bond and are thus something women and children need saving from.

28. …cont’d The motive for this representation is summarized by Morton: ‘ by representing sati as a barbaric practice, the British were thus able to justify imperialism as a civilizing mission, white British colonial administrators believed that they were rescuing Indian women from the reprehensible practices of a traditional Hindu patriarchal society’. This elaboration of Spivak’s sentence demonstrates: how the British dealings with India were vindicated by contrasting their benevolent intentions against the iniquitous behavior of brown men.

29. Woman as a Subject Woman remains an unthinkable figure that needs saving, protection, an assigned identity, a set of limits, rules. Where do the rules/norms/ideas of identity come from? How are the rules, norms, identities POLICED ?

30. Subaltern Identity Accepts wretchedness as normality Millennial cognitive damage done to subaltern Valid institutional background can help subaltern speak

31. Agency Agency is the CAPABILITY or POWER to affect a desired change. Agency is NOT the same as : Rights, Freedoms, Privileges, Advantages, Abilities. Agency is more specific to time, place, socio-economic context. Agency is increasingly perceived as a key goal of development.

32. New Subaltern Identity Subaltern becoming permeable because of desire to “ do good ” or “do something” Allow subaltern to speak and be heard A general will to create exploitation into the subaltern, too, is present.

33. Spivak argues: The subaltern is oppressed. The subject is divided. Subjectivity arises as a consequence of dislocation. Any attempt to make sense of contradiction and dislocation homogenises the subject. 3. There are two forms of representation. Representation ( Vertreten ) - political representation from within the hegemonic power. Representation ( Darstellen ) - re-presentation - something that has been presented will be re-presented (self-re-presentation). Transforming the nature of representation. 4. We need try to clarify our use of terms to avoid equivocation and re-present concepts.

34. Can the subaltern speak?

35. Eurocentric knowledge is not innocent Eurocentric knowledge is produced by the colonizers and they export the same to the third world countries and therefore such knowledge is never innocent. British intervention saved the lives of many women According to Britishers “ wihte men saved brown women from brown men” Spivak criticize Foucault and Deleuze for Committing Epistemic Violence Which is projecting Eurocentric knowledge to the third world countries Truth construction

36. Criticism of Essentialist ideologies Use Marxist ideology to criticize the leftists The leftists consider themselves and the third world people as those who have the same identities and therefore it has negative impact on the subalterns. Paves way for colonialism Provides a logocentric assumptions of cultural unity among heterogeneous people Subaltern depends on western intellectually

37. Death of Bhuvaneshwari Bhaduri There was a belief that if a teenage girl commits suicide she would have done that to cover up a relationship. Bhuvaneshwari killed herself when she was menstruating and was a proof that she was not a victim of railed romance. After a decade or so her family found out that she was a member of the anticolonial group. She failed to carry out the task of killing a political figure and this turned out to be the cause of her death.

38. Summary Spivak’s sentence does reflect the coloniser / colonised relationship to an extent, or certainly some of the mentality behind the colonial effort, however it is not a ‘clinching solution’. In discovering other interpretations of the relationship it is clear that the sentence is only limitedly applicable, and that essentially the interpretations lie against the post that brown women do not need saving. The portrayal of British dealings in India is dependent on the motive and context: brown women need saving when the British are justifying their presence in India and trying to save themselves from native rebellion. White women need saving in India when the British need to justify the civilising mission, whilst other political motivations assert brown women more power and the ability to save themselves. Ultimately , brown women are not being saved by white men and the coloniser is represented as the intruder rather than the hero.