Election campaign

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iv

Contents

Preface
................................................................................................ v
Acknowledgement ............................................................................. vi
Author’s notes ................................................................................... vii

1 Introduction ................................................................................ 1
2 Existing Theoretical Landscape ................................................ 6
3 Campaign ................................................................................. 13
4 Roles in a Campaign ................................................................. 15
5 Campaign-Leader ..................................................................... 20
6 Candidate - Categories............................................................. 23
7 Candidates' Style-scripts .......................................................... 34
8 The Electorate ........................................................................... 37
9 The Voter's Search .................................................................... 69
10 Strategising the campaign ....................................................... 85
11 For incumbents ...................................................................... 104
12 Concluding Notes .................................................................. 123
13 References ............................................................................. 124

Soumendra Narain Bagchi
Foundation Publishing House
First Floor, 4, Tulsi Apartment, Govind Mitra Road,
Patna - 800004, Bihar, India
Tel. No. : 0612-2300557, Telefax : 0612-2300819, Mobile : 9031789345
Email : [email protected], URL : www.fph.co.in

First published in India in 2013 by Foundation Publishing House, Patna
© Soumendra Narain Bagchi 2013
ISBN : 9788192312668
Cover images: By Al Jazeera English : (1. Congress supporters, 2. BJP and Shiv
Sena flags & 3. Samajwadi Socialist Party rally) [CC-BY-SA-2.0
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v

Preface
Living in a society is bound to lead to what is called politics, an aggregate of
human aspirations, motives and behaviours. Probably the only humans who
were apolitical were Adam and Eve. But then, politics manifested itself
among the sons of Adam and Eve. From that mythical start, if one were to go
by the Bible, politics has been a constant companion to human beings,
manifesting itself in all types of social groups, irrespective of its settings,
prompting Aristotle to profess that man, by nature, was a political animal.
Reactions to politics vary from a resigned acceptance of its omnipresence, to
a pragmatic opinion about it being a necessity in everyday life, to a more
cynical ‘last refuge of scoundrels’, from being pointed out as the reason for
India’s dismal record in development, to being labelled as the cause of all the
ills of the country. Participation in politics of everyday life evokes reactions
ranging from passionate debates to sceptical dismissal or passive acceptance.
However neither the passionate debate nor the cynical dismissal does anyone
any good. Wishful thinking by citizens waiting for better sense to prevail on
existing politicians or the system to change on its own somewhat miraculously
remains just that. It will take nothing short of a revolution to change things
overnight. Even that, for that matter, does not guarantee that the right people
would be at the top.  The history of many a country is proof enough.
The other option, among other possibilities, could be to understand how the
so called 'system' works. Once the heuristics that guide the working of the
system are unravelled, we could perhaps hope that politics would attract
better players. This book is written with that perspective in mind – to decode
the hitherto obscure aspects of election-campaign, and present it as subject to
clear out mental hurdles that often prevent better people from entering
politics, people who may be better suited to the demands of the profession.
This book represents a strategic theory of campaigns in electoral contests,
aiming to provide a coherent basis to allow exploration into victories and
losses in electoral contests.

vi

AcknowledgementAcknowledgementAcknowledgementAcknowledgement
The theory presented in this book had its birth in the month of May 2012 in
the form of a working paper in XLRI. From that stage of infancy, the theory
has grown enough, despite certain rough edges, to be presented to a larger
audience. The journey from the initial working paper to its present stage in
the form of a full fledged book has been helped by the discussions and
debates with different faculty members of XLRI, which have helped me to
identify different gaps in the initial working paper.
I gratefully acknowledge Pranav Mishra, my former student and a strategist in
his own right, who has been a sounding board for my ideas, providing
valuable inputs from time to time. The help given by Ms. Deepa Xavier to
polish my ideas as well as my initial document is appreciatively recognized.
The patience and fortitude shown by my wife has been remarkable during the
course of working on this book. Her support has been crucial in the
completion of this book.
This book is humbly dedicated to my father, late Sanjeev Narayan Bagchi,
whose debt can never be adequately acknowledged. The blessings of my late
father-in-law, Dilip Kumar Ganguly, have been a constant source of
inspiration for my endeavours.

Soumendra Narain Bagchi
Jamshedpur
May 31, 2013

vii

Author’s NotesAuthor’s NotesAuthor’s NotesAuthor’s Notes
Not too long ago, campaigns implied public walls covered with posters and
party graffiti, extensive rallies and speeches, and finally topped with door
door campaign by a khadi clad candidate. Now these activities have been
accompanied by SMS broadcasts and emails, and debates on
Youtube, Facebook or Twitter. Till the late 1990s, the use of official TV
channels was a privilege, often taken advantage of by the ruling party.  Now
many political parties boast of their own satellite based TV channels.
Yet the knowledge about the winning combination seems elusive. The losses
suffered by political behemoths, in the recent elections and in differe
arenas viz., Punjab, Uttar Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh, Gujarat, West Bengal
Karnataka along with the last elections of Lok Sabha, are evidence
same.
This book, for the first time, sets out strategic theory for analysing and
strategizing a campaign. The issues deliberated in this book pertain to real life
political battles. So are the examples of different players in Indian political
world, which are taken to illustrate the concepts. The varied vignettes in this
book have been selected from multiple contexts and contests so as to best
illustrate the concepts and principles and interweave them with the theoretical
narrative, and not with an idea to make this book a compendium on current
affairs.
To allow the readers to relate to the examples, the illustrations have been
taken from the recent past, which of course leads to a certain bias as actions
of existing actors, in their respective roles in the political arena,
most contemporary examples. Choice of certain examples may be considered
contentious as they might appear to focus too much on an individual or a
single political party. However that is a function of time, as different
individuals and parties occupy different positions at different points of time.
For readers, especially those who might take offence regarding choice of
examples, one would like to recall the old adage of learning from one’s own
mistakes. Regarding learning from other’s mistakes, especially one’s enemies,
one might recall the instruction given by the great Chanakya:

One should accept good qualities even f
rom an enemy. One should reject
bad qualities even of the guru.
with posters and
party graffiti, extensive rallies and speeches, and finally topped with door-to-
door campaign by a khadi clad candidate. Now these activities have been
accompanied by SMS broadcasts and emails, and debates on television,
1990s, the use of official TV
taken advantage of by the ruling party.  Now
channels.
ms elusive. The losses
suffered by political behemoths, in the recent elections and in different
h, Himachal Pradesh, Gujarat, West Bengal,
evidence of the
for analysing and
The issues deliberated in this book pertain to real life
political battles. So are the examples of different players in Indian political
to illustrate the concepts. The varied vignettes in this
from multiple contexts and contests so as to best
illustrate the concepts and principles and interweave them with the theoretical
book a compendium on current
To allow the readers to relate to the examples, the illustrations have been
taken from the recent past, which of course leads to a certain bias as actions
, will be the
may be considered
as they might appear to focus too much on an individual or a
However that is a function of time, as different
parties occupy different positions at different points of time.
For readers, especially those who might take offence regarding choice of
one would like to recall the old adage of learning from one’s own
mistakes, especially one’s enemies,

rom an enemy. One should reject

1 Introduction
Ein jeder lebt's, nicht vielen ist's bekannt.
We are all doing it; very few of us understand what we are doing.
- Goethe
Politics, a term that encapsulates the good and the bad of a democracy, at
the same time also represents the means by which an individual, or a group
of individuals, attempt to reform the society according to a particular world
view, instead of travelling down the road towards a bloody revolution. The
opening up of positions of power to contestants, individuals and political
parties, in the form of electoral contests, or simply put the elections, allows
the voters to choose from the different ideologies of the contestants, allowing
the governed to decide on the governors, with the temporal nature of office
creating an accountability mechanism.
1
Traditional approaches in political studies have been either philosophical
(which is normative in character and exemplified by scholars like Plato,
Hobbes, Locke, and Marx), or historical/institutional (both of which
incorporate study of development and functioning of political institutions), or
legalistic (study of power with regarding to legalistic provisions).
2
The study
of conduct of the contestants which allow them to win elections has been,
unfortunately, neglected. To remedy this, in this book I propose and expound
a strategic approach, guided by a single question - how does a candidate or
a political party win an election?
Congress's Jai Ho versus BJP's Bhai Ho
The 2009 general elections witnessed a clash of songs. The rights to the song of Oscar
winning movie Slumdog Millionaire were reportedly bought by Indian National Congress
Congress and used in its campaign. This was countered by Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP)
with a parody based on the same tune. How did these initiatives impact outcomes of an
election? Do the electorate consider these activities while making their choices, or are these
dismissed as pre-election gimmicks?
Among the many possible explanations, money, and the entitlements that
acompanies it, emerges as the foremost of the candidates. An affluent
candidate is able to mobilise the resources necessary for waging an
elaborate campaign, and can, if required, go to the extent of ‘buying’ votes,
rewarding voters if they vote in his/her favour. Such buying, theoretically,
ought to be more straightforward for candidates already entrenched in
power. With access to power, funds can be diverted to obtain additional
resources like people to participate in rallies, or in certain contexts, the
1Election. Merriam-Webster online. Retrieved December 24, 2012.
2Readers interested in the different approaches may refer to any standard book on political science, for
example, Bhushan (2011), Biswal (2013) or many credible sources on Internet.
1

required muscle power would be more easily accessible. Or, announcement
of welfare schemes can be synchronised with the election calendar. One
can, therefore, identify the resource based theory, if one were to term it
such, as the intitial explanation to explore.
Media-Spending based explanation?
The Gujarat-assembly elections of 2012 reportedly witnessed a campaign-spending of Rs.
200-500 cr by Narendra Modi in different forms: print ads, firms, campaigns on online
forums like Twitter, Facebook and YouTube. Such massive communication campaign
reportedly caused uneasiness in the mind of Arjun Modhwadia, president of the Gujarat unit
of the Congress party, who had to create a counter campaign.
3

In absence of data regarding expenditure by Congress, any conclusion would be premature.
Ironically BJP, if it hypothetically spent more than Congress in 2012, obtained 115 seats,
which was two less than that it won in the 2007 elections! What is overlooked in the media
based explanation is Narendra Modi’s win over Congress in 2012 was like a repeat of the
2007 story. In both the elections a high powered Congress campaign was led by Sonia
Gandhi + Rahul Gandhi combine.
The state assembly election of Uttar Pradesh was one of the most high
profile political battles in 2012. Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) headed by
Mayawati, Samajwadi Party (SP) headed by Mulayam Singh Yadav, BJP
with its stalwarts like former Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee, Gujarat
Chief Minister Narendra Modi, along with Lal Krishna Advani, Sushma
Swaraj among others, and Congress headed by Rahul Gandhi, were the
significant parties in the contest.
The resource based theory fails to provide adequate answer as to why
Samajwadi Party won, winning 224 seats out of 403 assembly
constituencies, and the other parties, which one may tentatively argue to be
more or less equally endowed, lost.
4
Noteworthy was the loss suffered by
BSP, which had been ruling the state till the conduct of election, and had all
the aforementioned advantages of an incumbent.
The wide coverage by media did not pick up any fraudulent means adopted
in the elections, which could have been an alternate explanation. Neither can
one identify religion or caste based ideology as a significant factor in this
election. Uttar Pradesh elections 2012 also witnessed candidates being
fielded based on strategic considerations, as reported, rather than on pure
ideological considerations. An example would be the candidate profile of
BSP - 117 upper caste, including 74 Brahmins and 33 Kshattriyas, 85
religious minorities candidates, 88 SC candidates and 113 OBC candidates.
5
Confining oneself to resource based explanation, one will be at a loss to
3With adspend of Rs 200-500 cr Modi's election PR blitz leaves Congress dazed. 2012 From www.rediff.com
4Uttar Pradesh legislative assembly election, 2012. From http://en.wikipedia.org
5Bring back BSP to power: Mayawati to party workers. 2012. From http://www.dnaindia.com
2

account for the defeat of the ruling Left Front in West Bengal, which was
swept out of power after 34 years of uninterrupted rule. In the 2011
assembly elections, apart from the loss of the party, the elections also
witnessed political heavy-weight candidate like Buddhadeb Bhattacharya,
the West Bengal Chief Minister, losing from Jadavpur constituency, which
had been his constituency for the last 20 years.
6
Alternate reductionistic explanations, based on religion or caste, or popular
terms like wave, lead to similar unsatisfactory conclusions.
West Bengal witnessed an massive upsurge towards Trinamool Congress in
2011 assembly elections. Labelled by the media as the ‘Mamata wave’, out
of 226 candidates put forward by Trinamool, 184 emerged as winners. One
would look at those who did not win, the 42 candidates, as data defying the
wave based explantion. Why did not, or could not, these candidates ride the
wave?
In Gujarat elections of 2012, out of 182 candidates put forth by BJP, 115
'rode' the wave and emerged winners, while for the remaining 67 candidates,
the wave could not lift them to glory. Differences in the potency of waves is
another puzzle to resolve. Thereotically a wave implies a significant swell of
goodwill towards a particular party, which ought to translate into votes for
the party candidates. In West Bengal, All India Trinamool Congress had a
success rate, based on successfull candidates as a percentage of
candidates put forth, of 81.42% while its ally Indian National Congress had a
success rate of 63.64%. In contrast, BJP in Gujarat in 2012, with the widely
reported Narendra Modi wave, had a success ratio of only 63.19%, lesser
than the Congress in West Bengal, where Congress was a weaker ally of
Trinamool.
7

These facts points out to insufficiency of the wave based explanation, and to
possible existence of other factors or variables which need to be considered
in order to obtain a more robust explanation.
One might be tempted to explain election-results using ‘voters’ preference’
as a catch-all answer, but that again leads us to back to the starting point
rather than resolving the puzzle. What accounts for voters’ preferences? And
then, what explains the shifts when the voters vote out the incumbent?
The statement by Nirmala Sitaraman, BJP spokesperson, explaining the
choice of candidates during assembly elections of Gujarat, 2012, “winnability
is important”
8
provides a clue that it is not just the resource entitlement
alone. There is something called winnability, which differentiates candidates,
making someone more and others less winnable. What leads to winnability
6Alok Pandey (2011). The man who beat Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee for the first time in 24 years. May 13,
2011. From http://drop.ndtv.com
7Data taken from website of Election Commission of India, eci.gov.in.
8Modi selects his side, rejects Muslim candidates. 2012. From http://www.hindustantimes.com
3

has been however left untouched and undiscussed.

Welfare programs – the path to electoral victory?
Certain political scientists hold government welfare programs as reasons for electoral
contests. For example, Arun R. Swamy in his work "Political Mobilization" argued that
Congress’s return to power in 2004 at the head of United Progressive Alliance was
predominantly due to “the large poverty alleviation programmes initiatied by the Congress
government in the 1980s and 1990s”; continuing with the welfare program based
explanation, NREGA, now renamed as MGNREGA, was credited to be “a major, and
perhaps the most important reason for the Congress’ victory in 2009” (Swamy, 2010:283).
However the welfare scheme based explanation needs to overcome challenges by alternate
explanations.
The last significant win for Congress prior to 1991 general elections was in 1984 in the
aftermath of Indira Gandhi's assassination, after which the Congress had struggled to return
to power. It returned to power in 1991 in the aftermath of Rajiv Gandhi's assassination. An
alternate sympathy based explanation emerges to counter the welfare program based
explanation.
One would also like to look at the perspective as to whether it was a win due to efforts of the
Congress, or did the mistakes of the opposition help the outcome. The BJP's insistence on
"India Shining" despite reported farmers' suicides and starvation deaths in rural hinterland in
2004, and a negative anti-Congress campaign were certain factors that helped the
Congress in 2004 and 2009.
9

Most of the analysis in media is in the form of post-hoc analysis, or worse,
using circular logic. An example is cited from 2012 election related report.
Hinting at Congress hoping for anti-incumbency factor, Economic Times
published an article containing the lines: “The hopes of cashing in on anti-
incumbency in Punjab and Uttarakhand remained a pipedream”.
10
A vote against the ruling regime in a particular state becomes a specific
instance, and not a cause of the phenomenon. Anti-incumbency is, as an
article in Hindu illustrates “one word for many failures” where “different
reasons to vote out a government... are usually massed together under this
catch-all concept”.
11

A look into the history of state assembly elections in Tamil Nadu, the state
which has made the term anti-incumbency famous, presents a different
picture of the anti-incumbency phenomenon.
12
9Sonia Sarkar (2009). Left, right and centre. The Telegraph. Calcutta. December 27, 2009.
10Election results 2012: Congress ends up with 28 seats in UP, 6 more than its 2007 tally. From The
Economic Times.
11Five verdicts, one lesson. 2012. From http://www.thehindu.com/ opinion/editorial
12List of Chief Ministers of Tamil Nadu. Accessed from http://en.wikipedia.org
4

Table 1: Chief Minsiters of Tamil Nadu
The Madras Legislative Asembly Elections of 1946, 1952, 1957, and 1962
witnessed domination by Indian National Congress in the erstwhile Madras
State. In 1967, Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) came to power
defeating Indian National Congress, the first instance of anti-incumbency
vote. If one were to consider the entire history, then it would be a tie between
anti-incumbency vote and pro-incumbency vote with seven each.
Historical evidence of different states forces us to disprove anti-incumbency
as a pervasive phenomenon. One example would be the state of
Maharashtra which historically has seen a domination of Indian National
Congress as the ruling party. Similarly other states like Tripura, Meghalaya,
Kerela, Gujarat, Bihar etc., do not provide evidence of electorate that flip-
flops in their choice of political party every election.
The question regarding what leads to an election victory is a profound one.
Not only does it impact the fortunes of a country, but it also represents a
significant gap in the existing theory of leadership and politics. In the
following chapter the existing theories are explored as to how they stand up
to the challenge of explaining the wins and losses of leaders.
5

2 Existing Theoretical Landscape
He who loves practice without theory is like the sailor who boards ship without a
rudder and compass and never knows where he may cast.
- Leonardo da Vinci
Electoral contests, taking place under the umbrella of the rules and the
procedures that are characteristic of the democracy in question, are marked
by campaigns of different contestants. Campaigns are typically manifested
as rallies, posters, speeches, televised debates, and other related activities
engaged in by contestants and their supporters. What are the characteristic
of a winning campaign? The prevalent discourse regarding campaigns,
specifically in media, is seemingly bereft of any robust explanation which
would offer a candidate rudimentary signposts on how to go about planning
his/her campaign.
13

Literature on related subjects of war-campaigns, politics and governance can
be classified into two broad categories - the traditional, pre-1900 and the
modern, post-1900. Before moving forward, it would be wise to browse
through the existing scholarly works on the allied subjects.
The pre-1900 tradition, often practised by those who had developed
expertise on any subject through thoughtful observation and deliberation,
consisted of presenting one’s ideas in a comprehensive treatise. Examples
of the same are the treatises that focused on military campaigns, e.g., of Sun
Tzu’s Art of War (circa 512 BCE) and Carl von Claustiwiz’s On War (circa
1830), or on strategies for governance, e.g., Chanakya’s Arthasashtra (circa
350–283 BC) and Niccolò Machiavelli’s The Prince (circa 1530). Some of
these works have been extrapolated to contexts different from that originally
intended, e.g., On War has been converted into Marketing Warfare by Al
Ries and Jack Trout in 1985 while Art of War has been used to explore
business strategy as well (e.g., The Art of War for Executives: Ancient
Knowledge for Today's Business Professional by Donald G. Krause).
However explicit modification for guiding political campaigns in a democracy
has not been presented so far.
Gustave Le Bon’s The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind (circa 1986)
which had psychology of the crowd as its subject matter is an exception. In
this work the author had explored electoral crowds. While certainly providing
critical insights, the book is not exactly applicable due to the characteristics
and working of modern democracies, which are distinctly different from
regimes which existed during which the book was written.
14

13One often comes across news of students interning in different political parties,specially when the students
come from premier institutes like IIMs or the IITs. Whether that has led to development of any theory or
conceptual framework is not known. As of date, there is none publicly available known to the author.
14The principles articulated by Le Bon are under the premise of the electorate as less willing to think or more
or less under the sway of the propaganda of the moment, and that is reflected in the description of
electorates as “working men and peasants” which may have been the situation in Gustave’s time. That
6

With the rise of academic journals in the 1990s, as major outlets of scholarly
work, research output of scholars has altered significantly in format as well
as in quantity. In contrast to the holistic treatment of the subject matter in the
pre-1900 tradition, the post-1900 practice has been driven predominantly by
the search for trends in micro-level data, and the work limited to the space
restrictions enforced by journals' editors.
15
The inadequacy of such research
is not the focus of this paper; the inability of these micro-models to account
for the recent election results, especially in the Indian context, or even for
that matter the results of elections in any constituency, would suffice to be a
pointer to any researcher or any practitioner.
An exception to this has been Thomas Holbrook's 1996 study of campaigns
of UP presidential elections Do Campaigns Matter? in which the impact of
media coverage, conventions, presidential debates, and scandals was
studied. While the conclusion was that the campaigns indeed mattered, the
variables discussed were limited to US presidential elections. Among the few
which explored the role of strategy in politics, Stephen Barber's Political
Strategy: Modern Politics in Contemporary Britain focuses on application of
strategic concepts in British politics, with the book more of a chronicle of
“strategic history of the period” (Barber, 2005: 213). Yet, neither of these two
offer clear clarity on the guiding principles that would be instrumental in
structuring a campaign.
Devoid of a coherent theory, the existing body of literature does not offer any
holistic understanding of the subject which would guide either the researcher
or the practitioner, particularly in non-western context like that of India, on
potency or failings of certain strategic action-choices. Take for example the
issue of posters. Would more of posters lead to victory or would it be the
rallies on the streets that would be more helpful? What should the speeches
delivered by different candidates focus on? How does one predict the impact
of these individual elements, not only in isolation, but also taken together, so
that one can understand which initiatives mutually reinforce each other and
which of the moves probably might be cancelling out each other?
As discussed earlier, the resource based theory, which tries to explain the
outcomes as a function of the resource engaged by the contestants, initially,
was an interesting candidate to start exploring the subject with. This is more
however, I believe, would be radically different from the world of today, where the electorate is more often
than naught more aware of the ground realities, despite the government propaganda or the so called
'official news'. Therefore to build a theory which has the naivety of the electorate as one of the premises
would be to have an ineffectual foundation for the theory.
15Some of the studies which reflect the same are: the impact on candidate’s vote shares due to changes in
campaign contribution restrictions (Stratmann and Aparicio, 2001), the effect of candidate's campaign
rhetoric on beliefs of voters (Aragones & Postlewaite, 2000), campaign spending (Geber, 2004), voter’s
belief in terms of political efficacy (Vercellotti, 2011), the focus on issues in candidate interaction in
competitive and non-competitive elections (Banda, 2011), voters’ responses to campaign promises and
later fulfilments (Elinder, Jordahl and Poutvaara, 2008), impact of misleading advertisement on voter
participation (Houser, Ludwig and Stratmann 2009) etc. These have been selected primarily to understand
the extent of theoretical development done, and should not be construed as to be fully representative of
entire post-1900 research available on the subject.
7

so in Indian context where it is believed by many that the resources spent
during elections by candidates exceed what is declared officially (e.g., see
Ray, 2009). This belief has found support in some empirical research done
by Kapur and Vaishnav (2011) and by Prabash (2011), to quote a few.
Resources are an essential requirement for any endeavour and there is no
denying that. However the evidence seems to indicate resources to be more
of a necessary condition rather than a sufficient condition for ensuring an
election-victory.
There is a substantive literature existing on propaganda and its use during
election campaigns which may interest any reader. This place is not the
place for listing such books. However the subject matter focuses on a single
aspect of communication and persuasion, which is considered to be a
simplisic view of campaigns.
Existing leadership theories from management literature present
an alternate perspective. Can these be used to examine electoral
battles? There too, one is faced with significant challenges. All
leaders are supposed to carry out, with some variation, the
essential tasks of 1) identifying and articulating the vision, 2)
strategising 3) communicating to ensure shared understandings,
meanings and goals, 4) monitoring progress and making mid-
course modifications, and 5) developing subordinates, the
elements common to all the leadership theories.
16
These tasks,
modified for the context of electoral contests, are typically carried out by
almost all contestants, even more faithfully by those backed by major
political parties, with their extensive organisation and resources. If that is so,
how does one explain the varying outcomes? The inadequacy of the existing
body of leadership literature or the inapplicability of the same in electoral
context, is, primarily due to the premise of the theories - that the dyadic
relationship between the leader and the follower(s) is already established,
and that the different leadership styles as discussed in literature are in reality
different action-choices. The followers of the management theories
therefore mistake different temporary situation-specific action-principles,
such as transactional or transformational, for different leadership styles.
In other words, the premise of the existing leadership theories is that the
individual leader is already placed at the head of the troops, and his/her sole
focus should be (or is) on how to get the troops, i.e., the employees down
the hierarchy, to follow him/her towards his/her goal. Such an assumption
would be inapplicable in a democratic contest, where the question is how to
16Leadership theories, as existing, are broadly classified into different types: 1.The “Great Man”, 2.Trait
theories, 3.Contingency theory, 4.Situational theory, 5. Behavioral theory, 6. Participative theory, and
7.Management theories, 8.Relationship theory, 9. Servant Leadership etc. For brevity, I have not given
details of different theories or a review of the different leadership theories. For a detailed exposition of the
leadership theories the reader is advised to consult the existing literature.
8

be accepted by, first the initial group who would form the nucleus of the
contestant’s organisation, and then by the electorate. Or for cadidates
aspiring for party-tickets from established political parties, how does one get
nominated to be the party's candidate, after which comes the bigger
question of how to win the elections. It is after the declaration of the final
results, does one get to be at the position of the authority and power to
influence the administrative apparatus to work towards a certain goal.
Attempts have been made to overcome the lack of a guiding theory by
opinion polls, both formal as well as informal, by different political parties.
The results have not been encouraging. As the example of the Uttar Pradesh
elections 2012 indicates, such an approach can hardly be termed reliable.
Reliability of Opinion Polls: Uttar Pradesh, 2012
Opinion polls by agencies like STAR News-Nilsen and News24 had indicated a hung
assembly. A comparison with the final results indicates the extent of error in the predictions.
Description BSP Samajwadi
Party
BJP INC-RLDOthers
STAR News-Nielsen Opinion
Poll
101 135 61 99 7
News24 Opinion Poll 108 127 57 94 17
Final Results 80 224 47 28+9 15
Source of data: Uttar Pradesh legislative assembly election, 2012
17
Do these examples imply that an understanding of campaigns is lacking, not
only among the surveyors, but also among practitioners? It seems difficult to
accept that any political party would campaign, with all the investment in
terms of time, money and greatest of all, reputation of the individuals
concerned, with an intent of losing.
The results of 2009 general elections and the comments by some of the
senior leaders illustrate certain efforts towards post-result introspection
among the national level parties. E.g., it was reported that BJP lost despite
having the "ideal platform", with the leaders citing infighting among leaders,
excessive dependence on "media management" and "ideological
confusion".
18
One would be hard-pressed to understand why these issues
were ignored during the campaign by the strategists.
Available evidence indicates a lack of a precise understanding of the
principles at play during electoral contests. One might take as supporting
evidence an article published by the prominent Times of India, in relation to
2012 elections in Andhra Pradesh, wherein it was reported that the ruling
17Uttar Pradesh legislative assembly election, 2012. From http://en.wikipedia.org
18Sanjay Jha (2009). BJP's double ache: election defeat and rival revival. From The Telegraph. 18 May 2009.
9

Congress was “mystified at how the beneficiaries of the pro-poor schemes of
the state government" could support any other party and could not fanthom
the reasons for shift of its traditional vote bank (comprising of SCs,
Christians and Muslims) to Jaganmohan Reddy-led YSR Congress.
19
During the Gujarat elections of 2012, apart from the activities of local leaders
of Congress, there was active campaigning by Congress president Sonia
Gandhi, General Secretary of the Indian National Congress, Rahul Gandhi
and the Prime Minister of India, Manmohan Singh who, together, effectively
reflect the top leadership of the party. What is important to note, that from a
practitioner’s perspective, this was the most high-powered campaign of the
Congress party, going all out in Gujarat. The results with 61 candidates
winning out of 176, evidently does not do justice to the efforts and resources
invested by the Indian National Congress in the campaign.
The results of state assembly elections of Karnataka of 2013 present a
similar picture about BJP. The failure of its campaign despite the
involvement of Narendra Modi who has been projected as BJP's candidate
for the post of prime minister presents a disturbing picture for BJP and a
morale booster for Congress. The results have also been used to pull down
Narendra Modi who has often been highlighted as the BJP's candidate for
the post of Prime Minister and the leader who would lead the electoral
campaign as regards the general elections of 2014. As reportedly attributed
to Congress leader Subodh Kant Sahay, the loss was a failure of Narendra
Modi's magic,with the Gujarat Congress claiming that BJP lost those seats
where Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi addressed public meetings.
20
Analysis of data of last five general elections (see table 2) and recent
assembly elections (see table 3) is educative. At an aggregate level national
parties fared better than state level parties and registered (unrecognised)
parties till 2009 general elections.
Table 2: A Look at Results of General Elections
21
Success ratio of different parties (%)19961998199920042009
National Parties 22.1825.9228.4126.9423.14
State Parties 16.9521.4421.0719.8537.06
Registered (Unrecognised) Parties 0.275.631.531.670.54
Independents 0.080.310.310.210.23
Total 3.8911.4311.689.996.73
In the 2009 general elections, at an aggregate level, the state parties had
better succcess ratio as compared to national parties, which are gererally
well endowned, both in terms of resources, organisation, and are graced by
19Anti-incumbency haunts Congress. 2012. From http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com
20Rahul above Modi in Karnataka. 09 May, 2013. From http://www.newsbullet.in
21Data taken from website of Election Commission of India, eci.gov.in
10

presence of leaders of stature. In the statistics, one finds further support of
the idea that the elections are contested by significant parties, more as a
gamble and less guided by a coherent strategy.
Performance of the individual national parties in the state assembly elections
of 2011 and 2012 shows how the state parties have dominated the contests.
The success rate of the national parties in certain states emerges to be no
better than the tens of registered (unrecognised) parties that took part in the
elections and had zero success rate (see table 3).
Table 3: Performance of National Parties in Recent State Assembly Elections
22
Note: National Congress Party (NCP) did not contest in Tamil Nadu elections, 2011.
In contrast, the performance of certain state level parties was better that
national parties in states like West Bengal, Tamil Nadu, Punjab, and Uttar
Pradesh. Even then one cannot generalise to the conclusion that state level
parties will always fare better than national parties due to disconfirming
evidence in the same elections.
If the above data proves anything, it is probably that even leading parties,
particularly the national parties, have no coherent body of knowledge that
will guide them in the contests. In absence of such, the contests are
contested more in the form of a speculative exercise, or in a possible best
case scenario, backed by a rudimentary analysis. As an example, if one
were to analyse the report about Mayawati, which highlighted Mayawati's
decision of reverting back to the "winning formula" of dalit-upper caste
combination and therefore nominating Brahmins (50% of candidates in the
first list as reported in the article) in order to prepare for the coming 2014
general elections, along with her demand for reservation for the
22Data taken from website of Election Commission of India, eci.gov.in
11

economically-challenged among the upper castes, it would indicate an
assumption that such a caste-based combination that had helped her earlier
would hold true in the future as well.
23

One might counter argue that the knowledge is present, but is not acted
upon. Or, an alternate state of affairs might be that all the parties use a
common body of knowledge thus levelling any advantage that might have
accrued to a single party. To refute the first counter argument is quite an
easy task: if it exists, then it ought to be acted upon, unless, the parties
concerned have a fascination for ignoring such knowledge and chalking up
losses in such high stake contests. Refutation of the second counter
argument is difficult unless one has access to the decision making process
of significant, if not all, political parties. But even then, the results, over a
period of time, should lead to an equilibirium, in form of a stable distribution
of seats among the contesting parties, absence of which indicates elsewise.
Reflecting on writings of certain commentators, one would find suggestions
of strategic analysis. For example, post-result analyses for the Uttar Pradesh
elections 2012 put forward by Seema Mustafa have pointed out “absence of
an organisation” as an important factor, along with absence of locally strong
leaders.
24
Publicised self-reflection of certain leaders also hint at certain variables that
were ignored by them during the contests. For example, it was reported that
Rahul Gandhi had identified Congress’ weak organisational structure as the
primary reason for the loss suffered in UP 2012 elections.
25

Therefore, in order to understand ‘campaign’ in all its complexity, we will
subject it to a sustained analysis in the tradition of traditional scholars, the
foundation grounded in few core principles, or axioms, and the
superstructure built up brick by brick, so that a reasonably educated reader
is taken step by step from simple and self-evident principles to complex and
detailed analyses, while at all times assuring himself/ herself of the empirical
validity of the theory by reverting to real world happenings.
While expounding the principles, reference has been made to different
historical events as chronicled from different information-sources. Each of
these historical event, have their own detailed story, the details of which can
not be captured in this small work, without making it unnecessarily gigantic.
It is assumed, maybe somewhat optimistically, that the reader will be
acquainted with the full details of such historical events.
23Tapas Chakraborty (2013). Maya courts Brahmins. The Telegraph. April 19, 2013.
24No wave at all for Rahul in UP election. From The Statesman. 21 January 2012.
25Rahul’s campaign fails to deliver a lift for Congress. 2012. From http://www.livemint.com/
12

3 Campaign
...organized effort to secure nomination and election of candidates for government
offices
- The Columbia Electronic Encyclopedia
The 2009 general election saw a battle of epic proportions - 7 national
parties, 34 state parties and 323 registered (unrecognised) parties, including
independent candidates as a separate category. There were 8070
contestants (1623 from national parties, 394 from state parties, 2222 from
registered (unrecognised) parties along with 3831 independent), with more
than 71 crore voters spread across 543 constituencies.
26
It can safely be
prophesied that the coming 2014 Lok Sabha elections will be of greater
magnitude.
Apart from the magnitude of the world’s largest democracy, elections in India
are a complex phenomenon. One has multiple competing candidates with
different alliances and factions, some supported by established political
parties while others fight as independents or start their own parties, the
different clusters in the electorate based on class, castes and sub-castes,
religions etc., the supporters of different candidates, families and friends of
supporters, along with government agencies who conduct the electoral
process. The suppliers of different accoutrements and paraphernalia used by
candidates and their supporters, the economy that produces and supplies
these, the financiers of the candidates and so on, add to the intricacies of
this colossal tournament. The emergence of newer technologies like
Internet, with its own media and forums for interaction, and mobile telephony
has brought in additional dimensions.
Despite such apparent complexity in the world of elections, the contests can
be made comprehensible by anchoring oneself at one point and then moving
forward to explore the compexity. In the following sections, we enter this
world using the contestant's world-view to guide us.
Moving apart from the definition, what does a campaign signify for a
contestant? Here we broad base the definition of the campaign to:
a means for a candidate to communicate his/her vision and
showcase his/her leaderdership and organising capabilities and
strengths, relative to the competing contestants, to the electorate in
order to obtain their vote.
This definition provides the essential ingredients for any campaign:
i.candidate
ii.vision
26Data taken from website of Election Commission of India, eci.gov.in
13

iii.organisation
iv.communication
v.leadership
The above constituents, which are common to what is observed in almost all
organised human endeavour, will be analysed within the context of political
contests.
The inclusion of leadership does not mean that we fall back on the
metaphysical hero-explanation, i.e., a contest’s outcomes are result of a
particular candidate being the magnificent hero persona. On the contrary, it
is leadership, in the fullest meaning of the word, which probably ties together
the other ingredients into a multi-dimensional animated gestalt. It is this
feature of gestalt that has to be borne in mind when analysing different
ingredients. The configurations which forms due to the combination of
different elements can be hypothesised to exhibit properties or
characteristics that are not due to presence or absence of a single element,
or the strength or potency of a single element alone.
14

4 Roles in a Campaign
Every role you do is kind of a side of yourself. That's why they give you the part.
- John Cusack
Different labels are used in media: aspirant, contestant, or torch-bearer,
while discussing campaings. For the purpose of this thesis, certain terms are
adopted and clarified in terms of the roles they are required to play, so that
we are consistent in our deliberations as we delve further in the subject.
Spiritual-head: is identified as the central decision maker in an electoral
contest, defined as the one aiming at the leadership position, either for
himself (or herself) or for someone else others backed by him (or her),
primarily as a mean to certain end. This necessarily implies that the spiritual-
head might not be interested in holding the leadership position. The spiritual-
head is akin to the torch-bearer, at the forefront of the campaign as a
personification of the vision or the values for which the entire struggle is all
about.
The difference between the reality as it exists, and the spiritual-head’s vision
of what it ought to be, is the motivational trigger for a spiritual-head
embarking on this odyssey. The dissatisfaction due to the existence of this
difference may be felt by a lone individual, the spiritual-head or may be a
common occurence in the collective mind of the populace, which may be
reaped either by one genuinely concerned or by a political entrepreneur.
This vision-in-mind is distinguished from vision-espoused or communicated
to the populace at large, often in form of a manifesto or in form of speeches
etc. The vision-in-mind may range from redress of personal grievance or
self-aggrandisement to genuine concern for the improvement of the society
or a temporary focus on certain fervent issues.
27

Contestant: Contrasted with the spiritual-head persona, a contestant is
often the participant-apparent in the electoral process as one of the
candidates for the power position, subjecting himself/herself to the electoral
process.
28

How does a spiritual-head differ from a contestant? This answer is based on
the reasons for an individual to engage in the political process. An example
would clarify the significance of the distinction adopted in this thesis.
Chanakya’s extreme dissatisfaction with the prevailing status quo during the
27Vision, a simple word, is often difficult to actualize in an impactful manner so as to capture the electorate’s
imagination, while at the same time being credible and not thought of something bizarre or invented for the
sole sake of elections. Some readers may be genuinely concerned about the explicit, but not advocated,
difference identified in this book between the public stance and the thoughts-in-private, which would guide
the spiritual-heads, being a justification of deceit. The intent is, however not so. The idea is to make the
necessary distinctions between different concepts to ensure a robust foundation on which to develop the
theoretical edifice.
28 For the rest of this book the terms contestant and candidate will be used synonymously.
15

Nanda rule and the felt need for change led to his engaging in the leadership
process through his protégé Chandragupta Maurya.
The same phenomenon is amply manifested in political parties offering party
tickets to candidates, wherein the individuals queueing up for a party ticket
do not qualify to be called the spiritual-head. Similarly, when certain
candidates are ordered by party-leadership to vacate a seat to
accommodate other candidates, in those cases the party-leadership may be
identified as the true spiritual-heads of the respective parties, while the role
of different candidates in different constituencies would be nearer to that of
pieces in a real-world chess game.
29
Triggers
The conversion of an individual into a political Spiritual-head is often triggered by intense
personal experience which acts as the turning point in the life of the individual. Once might
term the insult in the court of Dhana Nanda suffered by Chanakya, or in case of Mohandas
Karamchand Gandhi it was racial indignities suffered by him and other fellow Indians in
South Africa, or in case of Bal Thackeray it was the victimization felt at the hands of the
editors of Free Press Journal in which he was employed (Purandare, 2012:2) as the turning
points in their lives.
This nuanced distinction not only allows us to analyse the leadership
process more carefully without getting blinded by the appearance of the
contestants, but also allows us to account for the facts at the ground level
where different party-leaders nominate candidates in different
constituencies. Example of this would be leaders of national political parties
who aspire that their party should form government in different states, and
hence play the role of spiritual-heads. To further their aim, they shortlist
suitable individuals to contest in different constituencies, those whom we
have labelled as contestants.
The individual in the role of the spiritual-head is the nucleus, the heart
providing the vision which motivates others to join him/her in his/her
odyssey. That does not necessarily imply that the same person would be
heading the campaign. The spiritual-head may be the person heading the
national political party headquartered away from different constituencies, at
best coming down to portray support for the local candidate. One would also
be open to the possibility of the spiritual-head not visible in the entire picture,
as was evidenced by the subtle absence of some of the top BJP leaders in
the Gujarat 2012 elections.
Such multi-layered power differences exists even during non-campaign
periods. This is evident from the episode related to Uttarakhand Chief
29It may be noted that ideal-types of Spiritual-head and candidate are theoretical constructs. In reality, there
will be substantial overlap as very few candidates may be found who would willingly subordinate their
personal agendas and ambitions to the vision of the Spiritual-heads. The utility of this distinction is in
allowing us to understand different strategic moves better.
16

Minister B C Khanduri in which, faced with rebellion from the state BJP unit,
the chief minister went to New Delhi to 'explain his position' to the BJP
leadership.
30
The question of accountability helps us to acutely distinguish
spiritual-head from the candidates, as a spiritual-head is accountable only to
himself/ herself.
The linkage between spiritual-head and contestant is hierarchical, with
possibilities of multiple levels. For example Rashtriya Sangh Sevak (RSS)
does not contest in elections, but it weilds significant influence over the
Bhartiaya Janta Party. Therefore, one might look at the possibility of the
locus of strategic-control being different from the locus of operational-control.
The leadership of the BJP can, at a national level, be termed as contestant
with RSS leadership as spiritual-head. Taken a level down, while RSS might
give a broad agenda, it is upto to regional leaders to win in the electoral
contests. Therefore one would allow a degree of ideological flexibility to even
the operational leaders.
31
Thus, in the Gujarat elections, Narendra Modi
defined the vision in form of declaring 2012 ‘youth power year’ in
Vivekananda year, along with his focus on “neo-middle class’. For
candidates chosen by Narendera Modi, Narendra Modi was the spiritual-
head. On the other hand, for the Congress, the dyadic combination of Sonia
Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi represented the spiritual-head, with Arjun
Modhwadia and the other members of the state Congress team as
contestants in the Gujarat elections 2012.
A successful spiritual-head is like the person whose call will be responded to
by the population. An example would be Anna Hazare, whose call led to
support pouring in from people belonging to different walks of life at Jantar
Mantar in 2012. While he has stayed away from taking part in the elections,
Anna Hazare’s case probably provides a significant example in today’s
times about a torch-bearer whose call is capable of rallying the public,
exemplifying a standard which potential leaders should aspire to. Despite
alleged praise for Narendra Modi and the controversy arising due to that,
Anna Hazare’ movement against corruption was supported by Mufti
Mukarram, Shahi Imam of Fatehpuri Masjid, Delhi, the Muslim Personal Law
Board, the India Ulema Council, the Pasmanda Muslim Mahaj, All India
Muslim Women Personal Law Board and the All India Muslim Majlish-a-
Mushawarat; this was despite the statement by Shahi Imam of Jama Masjid,
Syed Ahmed Bhukhari, that since the Anna movement had as its war cry
Vande Mataram and Bharat Mata Ki Jai, the movement was against Islam
and exhorted Muslims not to join the movement (Ashutosh, 2012: 123).
Another example can be taken to be Mamata Banerjee during her struggle
against the ruling Left Front in West Bengal. Her calls were heeded to not
30Uttarakhand CM meets Rajnath Singh. From Times of India, Aug. 10, 2008.
31How far the freedom is agreed upon in private can never be known, and one would have to allow for
certain ambiguity regarding this if one takes into account the discussions in media. E.g., RSS's belief
in swadeshi which contrasts with Narendra Modi's free economic philosophy and Narendra Modi's
efforts which have cut the strings with which the RSS tried to control him have been part of media-
debates. Source: Family Tales. The Telegraph. Dec. 22, 2012.
17

only by her party members, but was actively supported in rural West Bengal
(Basu, 2012).
In cases where both spiritual-head and contestant are one and the same
person, the postulates expounded would hold equally well.
Campaigner: The person brought in to boost the probability of a party's or
an individual contestant's winning the contest. Campaigners range from film
stars, sports persons, to politicians who are not directly related to the
elections and have participated to show their support to the party or the
individual contesting the elections. A significant example would be Narendra
Modi campaigning in Karnataka state elections of 2013. While in certain
cases the spiritual-head, the candidate and the campaigner can be different
individuals, one also witnesses situations where single individual takes
multiple responsibilities.
Sonia Gandhi campaigning in Gujarat, 2012
In Gujarat 2012 elections, an analysis of the role played by Sonia Gandhi wil bring home the
differences between Spiritual-head and campaigner. As head of Congress, Sonia Gandhi
would represent the Spiritual-head in the party, who directs the organisation based on her
vision. She also represents herself in her constituency of Rae Bareilly and therefore is also
a candidate, and when she campaigns on behalf of other Congress candidates, she takes
on the additional role of campaigner as well.
Image taken from commons depository.
The success record of campaigners in terms of being able to deliver victories
for candidates, other then themselves, is mixed one. Along with the history of
elections of Gujarat, Uttar Pradesh etc., we now have the results of
Karnataka assembly elections for analysis. The failure of Narendra Modi,
who campaigned in Karnataka on behalf of BJP, to deliver a win in
Karnataka assembly elections 2013, points out that campaigners may not be
sufficient to obtain voters' confidence and the vote.
18

With all these distinctions – spiritual-head, candidate, and campaigner, who
actually drives a campaign? Who is the person who can lay claim credit in
case of a win, or would have to accept responsibility in case of a defeat?
During the campaign, to whom should the lowest party worker look up to for
directions? This role is discussed in the following chapter.
19

5 Campaign-Leader
The man who ranges in No Man's Land
Is dogged by shadows on either hand
- James H. Knight-Adkin
The campaign-leader operates in the middle-ground, placed in between
ideology of the spiritual-head and the harsh realities of the political
landscape. A campaign – leader's job is the most strenuous of all the roles
identified. He/she is the person who would have to be aware of the
challengers, their strengths and weaknesses, the faults and shortcomings of
the spiritual-head he/she campaigns for, the failings of the members of own
party-members, the trade-off that goes on in different decisions at multiple
levels along with the challenges to his/her own position that may come from
both within and without.
Without someone at the helm of affairs, the elements of the campaign will
never be aligned together and is likely to operate in bits and pieces.
Therefore we define this role of the campaign-leader, the equivalent of
sarsenapati. The person in this role takes a panoramic view of the entire
campaign, plans and guides the different individuals and every other
possible resource in order to deliver a victory to his/her spiritual-head.
While the spiritual-head provides the ideological underpinning to the
campaign, the campaign-leader directs the campaign in terms of the
strategies and tactics to the extent that, if required by the campaign-leader,
the spiritual-head will be required to subordinate his/her words and deeds to
the requirement of the strategy as formulated by the campaign-leader.
Great thought has to be given to the person taking up the role of campaign-
leader. In elections where different parties ally together, resolving the issue
of campaign-leader will be of the utmost significance for the parties in the
coalition.
This role allow us to account for situations wherein political parties dominant
in certain states, try to expand in other states, which may be either due to
political entrepreneurship among certain individuals trying to leverage a
party's brand in another region offering a win-win situation to the
stakeholders concerned, or a conscious strategy of the political party
concerned. For example, Trinamool Congress's foray into Uttar Pradesh and
plans in Himachal Pradesh can be cited as examples.
32
In Trinamool's case,
the role of spiritual head remains with Mamata Banerjee, while that of the
candidate and campaign-leader in the different states are played by the
32TMC’s foray in UP was was led by Shyam Sundar Sharma who won the Mat constituency of Mathura in
Assembly bye-election in 2012. From http://news.outlookindia.com
20

candidates contesting as Trinamool's representative. For independent
candidates, in absence of an organisation, the roles of spiritual-head,
candidate, and campaign-leader may well be played out primarily by the sole
individual.
Does that necessarily imply that in a campaign there will always be distinct
persons taking on different roles – one for being the spiritual-head, another
for candidate and the third for being the campaign-leader? The answer
would be: not necessarily. These conceptual distinctions are made so as to
account for certain real life situations as illustrated. While, theoretically, all
three – the spiritual-head, the candidate, and the campaign-leader - may be
different individuals, one has to look consequences of such a situation. How
would the electorate perceive such a combination where the local candidate
is more like a quasi chess-piece for a distant power centre is a question that
has to be thought through before embarking on such a course of action.
Nitish's refusal to Modi's campaign in Bihar
Much had been written about Nitish’s refusal to allow Narendra Modi from campaigning in
Bihar in 2009 and 2012 general elections as evidence of 'frosty relationshsip' between
them.
The concept of campaign-leader allows us to re-analyse the issue in a different light, and
examine as to whether such a refusal was justified or not. Nitish’s refusal prevented any
possible situation where he would have been required to subordinate his campaign to the
aspirations of BJP leadership, raising questions about the real-driver, the Spiritual-head as
well as the campaign-leader of the campaign. The strategic significance of being the on-the-
ground leader and being the campaign-leader of the campaign, as compared to out-of-
context leader Narendra Modi was probably not lost on Nitish Yadav. Nitish's refusal
probably avoided a muatually detrimental situation. The argument about Nitish worrying
about the impact on the Muslim vote may be an additional, but is argued using the
emergent theoretical concept of spiritual-head to be a secondary, factor.
Mamata Banerjee’s highly publicised assertiveness in setting the trend in
selection of candidates and deciding the seat sharing in West Bengal state
assembly elections, 2011 can be an apt example to understand the issues
being discussed in this section. If she had not done that, instead of her, the
perception of the campaign-leader in the minds of the electorate could have
shifted to Congress leadership at the centre. This could have led to the idea
that the local issues have been subordinated to the strategic agenda of the
national party. Such a shift could have been damaging to her individual
candidature as well as to her party candidates.
One can look back to the loss suffered by B. C. Khanduri led BJP in
Uttarakhand in 2012 state elections and hypothesise about the reasons for
the same. Could the subsuming the role of campaign-leader as well as that
of spiritual-head in local state affairs to party leadership at the centre be one
of the reasons, among the other possible reasons of internal strife in the
21

state BJP etc., for BJP losing the favour of electorate?
33

While the RSS represents the spiritual-head, the organisation providing the
ideology that guides BJP, in Gujarat elections of 2012, Narendra Modi’s
strong communication about his vision, and his aggressive campaigning, led
to no doubts in the mind of the electorate in Gujarat about who the spiritual-
head in the state was. The total control on the campaign also made him the
campaign-leader of the entire campaign, keeping a tight leash on the entire
campaign.
Without spiritual-head and campaign-leader
Lok Paritan, formed in 2006 by graduates from IIT Bombay and IIT Kanpur, attracted much
attention among younger voters, especially on online forums. However the party had not
been able to achieve much success in the elections. Probably one can look at the lack of a
significant individual in the party, who can be identified as the spiritual-head. The lack of a
powerful campaign-leader probably is probably an added compounding factor.
Such may be the case with the numerous political parties which fail to make any impact on
the political landscape.
This concludes the section on the campaign-leader and the significance of
that role in campaign.
33Uttarakhand polls: Khanduri sweats amid rebellion, strong opponent. From The Times of India. Jan 27,
2012.
22

6 Candidate - Categories
Science is the systematic classification of experience.
- George Henry Lewes
The following gives a tentative list of different categories of candidates, who
enter the contest either on their own or are nominated by their respective
political parties, after which. some of them mature to being spiritual-heads or
campaign-leaders.
6.1 Inheritors
Nothing succeeds like ones own successor.
- Clarence Meredith Hincks
Family names have a history of success in leading the next generation to a
successful launch of political career, including guiding an individual to the
Parliament, with reportedly 21 out of 30 MPs below the age of 35 coming
from political families.
34
The next generation is saved the trouble of starting
their careers as a lowly cadre or foot-soldier, and is placed directly at the
helm of affairs in a political party.
The families are not also shy of modifying norms to suit their ends. As
reported on the amendment of a constitutional order which stipulated that
only those born on Lakshwadeep could be included in the Scheduled Tribe
list, “without this amendment Delhi-born Hamdulla, son of former Union
power minister P. M. Sayeed, could not contest from Lakshwadeep”.
35
Apart from the significant examples within Indian National Congress,
Samajwadi Party in Uttar Pradesh, and DMK in Tamil Nadu, other examples,
to quote but a few, as members of parliament in 2009, are: Mausam Noor,
27, the Congress MP and grand-niece of A B A Ghani Khan Chowdhury, the
MP from Malda for 26 years; Congress party's Mohammad Hamdulla
Sayeed AB, son of former Union power minister P M Sayeed and Jayant
Chaudhary, 30, the MP from Mathura from the Rashtriya Lok Dal, and
grandson of former Prime Minister Chaudhary Charan Singh and RLD chief
Ajit Singh's son.
36
There is no doubt, for a candidate, being in the family has lot of advantages
as compared to an outsider. The previous generation’s persona gets
extrapolated, other things remaining unchanged, to the next generation.
Such a tentative hypothesis might explain the win of the next generation
candidates like Priya Dutt, daughter of Sunil Dutt, from Mumbai North
34In the name of the father & grandfather...May 21, 2009. Accessed from http://election.rediff.com
35Ibid.
36Ibid.
23

Central, who, after her first win in 2005, won again by defeating lawyer
Mahesh Jethmalani by a margin of almost 200,000 votes, for Mumbai North
Central seat.
37

Dynasties in Indian democracy
The most famous dynasty in history of Indian democracy is the one that starts from
Jawaharlal Nehru. After Nehru, the mantle of leadership passed on to Indira Gandhi, with
the baton taken by Rajiv Gandhi after her assissination. After the unfortunate assassination
of Rajiv Gandhi, the leadership of Congress was handled by Sonai Gandhi, and now with
the entry of Rahul Gandhi, we have him as the Prime Ministerial candidate for the Congress
party.
Among other examples of dynasties is that of the Abdullah family in Kashmir. In Tamil Nadu,
we have similar examples. Apart from M. Karunanidhi who has been the mainstay of family
in politics, eldest son M K Azhagiri, youngest son Stalin, daughter Kanimozhi also a Rajya
Sabha MP, his grandnephew Dayanidhi Maran etc., who are all actively involved in political
careers.
38
The newest family that has emerged is that of Lalu Yadav who launched his sons
Tej Pratap and Tejaswi into politics, with the argument that it was time to advocate the case
of youth. During the launch, the presence of his daughter Misa Bharti also indicated the
possible role for her in the near future.
39
In certain cases, opposition obliges, knowingly or unknowingly, by putting a
weak challenge. If one were to question the issue of family legacy, the
constituency of Mandi (Himachal Pradesh) would probably be a good case. It
was in news due to former union minister Sukh Ram who was campaigning
for his son Anil Sharma [Kumar], a Congress candidate. Sukh Ram had
been pleading ill health to avoid conviction in a 1996 telecom irregularities
case, and was on interim bail granted by the Supreme Court as per media
reports. What was also in the news, and which is relevant here is BJP's
choice of candidate - D.D. Thakur, who had earlier lost two consecutive
assembly elections in 2003 and 2007.
40
The advantage for BJP in nominating
a candidate with a history of repeated loss in the very same constituency is
an interesting question for any student of politics.
Similarly, the win of Abhijit Mukherjee, son of President Pranab Mukherjee,
and Congress candidate in Jangipur Lok Sabha by-election and whether it
was facilitated by Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress abstaining, would
be an interesting point to explore for students of politics.
41

37'I won the first election because of my father' - April 30, 2009. From www.rediff.com
38Relative values: Meet India's political families, May 26, 2009. From http://ibnlive.in.com
39Lalu Prasad launches his sons at massive anti-Nitish rally. May 16, 2013. From
www.timesofindia.com
40Ex-telecom minister campaigning for son in Himachal . From http://www.sify.com , & ANIL KUMAR, MLA
MANDI, From http://www.hindustanpages.com
41Pranab Mukherjee's son wins Jangipur by-poll by just over 2500 votes. 2012. From http://www.ndtv.com
24

6.1.1 Successes and failures of different generations
You fail to recognize that it matters not what someone is born, but what they grow to
be!
-from the movie Harry Potter and the Goblet of Fire
However not all candidates have been able to successfully leverage their
family name. The 2012 elections of Uttar Pradesh year saw two powerful
families pitted against each other – Indian National Congress headed by
Rahul Gandhi and Samajwadi Party headed by Mulayam Singh and his son
Akhilesh Yadav. The results hint at factors more than just the name. The
same has been indicated twice in Gujarat, first in 2007 and then in 2012,
wherein Rahul Gandhi participated and directed Indian National Congress's
campaign without being able to dislodge BJP's hold on power.
Generation Disconnect: Poster Linking Varun Gandhi to Sanjay Gandhi
42

While Varun Gandhi has emerged as a leader in his own right, one can ask as to whether
he has been able to achieve the stature equivalent to that possessed by his father.
In cases where the win is predominantly driven by the weight of the party’s
brand name and resources, rather than by the influence of the individual
concerned, the advantage for a party is negligible; the party adds more value
to the individual’s career rather than the other way round. This becomes
even more when the glories of the previous older generation leader fade
away from the memories of the population.
A deciding factor leading to success of inheritors is the memory of earlier
generation in the minds of the voters. An interesting comment reflecting the
same, with regard to the poster reminding voters about Sanjay Gandhi, was
put up on a website: www.satyameva-jayate.org: “50% of Indians who were
perhaps not even born when Sanjay Gandhi died”.
42Doosra* Sanjay Gandhi? May 26, 2010. From http://satyameva-jayate.org. Image used with permission.
25

In the coming elections of 2014, one would find new candidates in this
category. For example, the chronicle of success of Tej Pratap and Tejaswi,
both sons of Lalu Prasad should be of interest to students of politics.
43

6.2 Spiritual-Head's Nominee
The true test of a leader is whether his followers will adhere to his cause from their
own volition, enduring the most arduous hardships without being forced to do so,
and remaining steadfast in the moments of greatest peril.
- Xenophon
Though all candidates as described in the following sections, as well as
those in the inheritor category, have to be nominated or selected by the
party's spiritual-heads, some candidates, in certain situations explicitly
exemplify spiritual – head's choice.
The same is also epitomized by extreme examples during panchayat
elections, where women candidates are put up to represent their husbands.
The phenomenon has been delightfully captured by journalist Seram Neken
and is given in the following box.
From husband to wife
Forced to retreat as the constituencies get reserved for women, the men explore the
feminine power from their families. "Man changes words from Love Me to Love my Wife".
Ignoring their capabilities, wives, daughters, grand-daughters, daughters-in-law etc., are
promoted to candidature.”
44
Women candidates represent this category most commonly. With due
respect to the gender, the ladies might be elected but it seems apparently
that the ‘real power’ remains with their spouses or political mentors, if the
reports about them, specially within the context of panchayat elections, are
true.
As per reports, “...in Faizabad, legislator and national general secretary of
the Samajwadi Party, Awadhesh Prasad, is reported to have managed a win
for his wife Sona Devi”. Regarding the issues in the neighbouring districts of
Maharjganj and Siddharhnagar, it was reported that former parliamentarian
Pankaj Chaudhary had got Ujjwala Chaudhary, his mother, and Sadhana
Chaudhary, his sister elected.
45

43Lalu launches his own Gen Next at rally. From The Times of India, May 16.2013.
44VOTE FOR MY WIFE: A different facet of Women Empowerment in Manipur Panchayat Elections. 2012.
From http://www.hueiyenlanpao.com
45Women win top panchayat posts, but husbands 'rule'. 2000. From http://www.rediff.co.in
26

6.3 Movie Stars
Holier-than-thou for the public and unholier-than-the-devil in reality.
- Grace Kelly
The glamour in Indian elections is primarily brought forth by the candidates
who shift careers from the dream world of movies to the real world of politics.
Movie stars in the south have behaved different from that of the north. In the
south they have created their own parties and been the torch-bearers as well
as campaign-leaders. In the north, most of the candidates – movie stars
have been content to be the candidates in the elections.
How have the stars fared? The answers vary, from experiences in the
southern states which have had leaders like Jayalalithaa Jayaram,
Karunanidhi, late M.G. Ramachandran and late N. T. Rama Rao who have
risen to head state governments to situations in northern states which have
seen Amitabh Bachchan, Shabana Azmi, Jaya Bachchan, Shatrughan
Sinha, Sanjay Dutt etc., playing relatively minor roles.
46

NT Rama Rao : the movie star who shone bright
The three biggest success stories of film stars-turned-politicians are from the south: the late
N.T. Rama Rao or NTR in Andhra Pradesh and the late M.G. Ramachandran or MGR and
AIADMK leader Jayaram Jayalalitha in Tamil Nadu.
Image taken from commons depository.
This could be due to the vision, espoused by the cine stars of south as
compared to those of the north, which has been strongly flavoured by
regional nationalism, or a genuine concern for social causes for some, or a
combination of both.
47

46In article - Southern movie stars fare better in politics.From http://www.sify.com
47Ibid.
27

Actors have come to represent the aspirations of their fans, and their deaths
have been treated as a personal loss by their supporters, which have been
followed by suicides by their followers, riots, and looting, prompting the
police to resort to shoot-at-sight orders.
48
The episodes following the death
of MG Ramachandran in 1987, and Karnataka film star Rajkumar in 2006
may be cited as examples of hysteria which the death of movie stars have
been able to generate in their supporters.
What is it that movie stars have to attract the population in the southern
states as compared to the northern states? Certain tentative hypotheses
can be made:
1.Ability to mould the collective mind, in the absence of credible
opposition, or
2.In absence of credible achievements in other spheres of public life,
the ‘achievements’ in the ‘dream world are extrapolated to the real
life by the population. In regions marked by governance failures
movie stars offer hope to the electorate that they will live up their
hero-image. As put forward by BBC respondent Damian, who had
followed the campaign of Chiranjeevi in 2009 “The difference is the
poor have a new hero to believe in now, the man they already
idol”.
49
6.4 Sports Stars
I don't know anything that builds the will to win better than competitive sports.
-Richard M Nixon
The kind of fan following which the movie stars have is hardly matched by
that of sportsperson, but they have provided valuable support to different
political parties. For example, Mohammad Azharuddin joined Indian National
Congress in the Indian general election, 2009 contested from Moradabad in
western Uttar Pradesh,
50
Kirtivardhan Bhagwat Jha Azad, who had come
from a political family (his father Bhagwat Jha Azad was former Chief
Minister of Bihar) went on to become a member of parliament on a Bharatiya
Janata Party ticket from Darbhanga, Bihar, and was previously an MLA from
Delhi's Gole Market constituency. Other significant name is Aslam Sher
Khan, Indian hockey player and a former member of the Indian team which
won the gold medal in 1975 World Cup. Aslam Sher Khan was Congress
Member of Parliament and a Union Minister as well. In December 1997,
Aslam Sher Khan joined the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) but resigned from
the party on 27 January 1999.
51
Navjot Singh Sidhu, a two time winner of
48Why Mumbai has shut down today. 2012. From http://www.firstpost.com
49India's film star election candidate. 23 April 2009. Video accessed on August 24, 2012 from
http://news.bbc.co.uk /2/hi/south_asia/8015188.stm
50Mohammed Azharuddin. Accessed on March 14, 2012 from http://en.wikipedia.org
51Aslam Sher Khan. Accessed on March 14, 2012 from http://en.wikipedia.org
28

Amritsar seat on BJP ticket would be a good example of contestant, but has
been following the trend of movie stars of north, where they become
members of an established party rather than starting a party from scratch.
52
6.5 Philosopher
Be a philosopher; but, amidst all your philosophy, be still a man.
- David Hume
Individuals driven primarily with a very public and passionately espoused
world-view, sometimes radically distinct as compared to the existing one,
tend to be in this category. They are driven by an extreme sense of
dissatisfaction with the status quo and are driven to challenge and change it.
Within this, we have two sub-categories:
6.5.1 Philosopher - Mentor
The person who would develop a second rung of leaders to carry forth the
philosophy during his/her time as well as in his/her absence. The protégés
would both be encouraged and guided to go ahead and develop the party
and take the necessary steps to realize the philosophy, or would in some
cases be developed to take over after the demise of the leader. Kanshi
Ram's name will always go together with that of his protégé Mayawati, and
he would be a shining example of this category.
53

6.5.2 Philosopher - Candidate
This category of philosopher is more in the nature of a lone rebel with his/her
band of followers. While he/she would also have his philosophy, the focus on
development of protégés and of the organization is relegated to the side-
lines, and the predominant focus is on the personalised philosophy driven
attempts to change the status-quo. Success of such candidates is often
restricted to his/her constituency as lack of leadership down the ranks and
maybe of a well developed organization constricting further growth. Bal
Thackeray, exemplifies the possibilities of such candidates, driven by a
strong philosophy that resonates with the population, to rise in the political
landscape.
54
Adityanath Yogi, the parliamentarian from Gorakhpur Lok
Sabha constituency may be cited here as another example.
55
The success of philosophy, among other things, is dependent on to what
extent the philosophy resonates with the electorate, with a narrowly defined
philosophy becoming a possible constraint while a broadly defined
52Navjot Singh Sidhu. Accessed on March 14, 2012 from http://en.wikipedia.org
53Mayawati. Accessed on August 24, 2012 from http://en.wikipedia.org Interested readers are requested to
refer to Behenji: A Political Biography of Mayawati by Ajoy Bose, New Delhi: Penguin Books India: 2008.
54Bal Thackrey. Accessed on August 24, 2012 from http://en.wikipedia.org
55Adityanath Yogi. Accessed on August 24, 2012 from http://en.wikipedia.org
29

philosophy would allow the party more space for expansion. The shelf life of
a philosophy is driven also by the breadth of the philosophy, which is
assessed with respect to electorate's other dominant, but possibly unstated,
expectations.
An example would be the domination of Bihar by Lalu Yadav. Riding the
wave of political empowerment for backward castes in Bihar, the state which
had seen the exploitation of backward castes for probably the longest period
after India's freedom, the shift from Lalu Yadav took place as the ideology
plank was rendered hollow by the failures in governance, and lack of
economic development in the state.
6.6 The Outsiders
In the fell clutch of circumstance, I have not winced nor cried aloud.
Under the bludgeonings of chance, My head is bloody, but unbowed.
- William Ernest Henley
Outsiders represent war-scarred veterans from the out-land, different
domains, unsullied by any compromises made in the course of their careers.
There are two categories: the first category represents individuals who have
cut their teeth in politics, either as a trade union leader, as exemplified by
George Fernandes, or as the case of Lalu Yadav illustrates, as a student
leader.
The second category represents individuals typically with government
service background, their initial careers marked with dramatic challenges
and successes in a world different from politics. They may enter politics
either due to their dissatisfaction with the current state of affairs and would
want to take responsibility to clean things up, or are co-opted by political
parties looking forward to shore up their chances of winning the elections. In
some cases, this move of co-option by political parties may represent the
only credible way to gain rapid success, for example, for a newly formed
political party. Maj. Gen. (Retd) Bhuwan Chandra Khanduri, AVSM, in
Uttarakhand,
56
and Dr. Ajoy Kumar, IPS in Jharkhand,
57
would be cases
where the political parties have leveraged on their legacy and achieved
successes. Dr. Jayaprakash Narayan, IAS, in Andhra Pradesh
58
would be an
example where he created his own political party.
In spite of having no experience in politics, the presence of Outsiders may
be game changers in certain contexts. Even in circumstances where political
parties may not have a distinct and credible vision to offer to electorate, the
presence of Outsiders creates a powerful signal to the electorate, signifying
an extrapolation of legacy of the Outsider to the party and the party leaders,
or founders in case of a newly formed party. It may be noted that this is in
56B. C. Khanduri. Accessed on August 24, 2012 from http://en.wikipedia.org
57Ajay Kumar. Accessed on August 24, 2012 from http://en.wikipedia.org
58Jayaprakash Narayan. Accessed on August 24, 2012 from http://en.wikipedia.org
30

stark contrast to the case of Inheritors where the legacy of the party, party
leaders or party founders is extrapolated to the Inheritors.
Outsiders place themselves at significant risks when they shift to a new
domain. If their statuses and accompanying apparatuses in the previous
domain had contributed to their achievements, then outside that world, bereft
of the power and authority, it is possible to end up like the powerful crocodile
out of its element, or when unable to understand the betrayals possible in
politics, to paraphrase Thomas Hardy's depiction, as biblical Samson, shorn
of his locks.
6.7 Past Election Winners
The past is behind, learn from it. The future is ahead, prepare for it.
- Thomas S. Monson
Representing individuals who have held the position of power and have had
opportunity to prove their skills and abilities to the electorate. This category
does not include the former players in general – those who have been in
politics for long time and can be termed as old warhorses, unless they were
in power positions. Based on their performance in power positions, there can
be two distinct sub-categories:
6.7.1 Governance Case Studies
These are those candidates who have been at a post of responsibility and
authority and have created a showcase of governance, or have been able to
turn around moribund situations and thus have ensured that their deeds and
results they have obtained have led to a legacy difficult for electorate to
ignore, and problematical for opponents to challenge or deny.
6.7.2 Governance Failures
The other side of the coin is a category where individuals have created a
legacy of non-performance or far-reaching failures in governance that is too
durable to deny. If one were to leaf through the newspapers published during
their rule the articles and comments that one would find about such
candidate's tenure can be collated together to create encyclopedia-sized
treatises.
These candidates have managed to create the proverbial ‘new level zero’ in
governance, details of which can be educative to those interested in public
administration with regard to what not to do. Often they are known by names
given to them by the population. For example, one feature of Gujarat's
Navnirman movement of the early 1970s was the label ‘Chimanchor.’given to
Chimanbhai Patel, the then chief minister,
59
the label proving enough to
59Corruption is not everyone's cause. 2012. From http://indiatoday.intoday.in
31

effect a Congress defeat in Gujarat in 1975.
60
The Story of Two Regimes
The states of Bihar and West Bengal provide good examples where two different political
parties have ruled. Coming to power in 1990, Lalu Prasad Yadav became an icon for the
‘oppressed,’ typically backward castes. In 1995, the Lalu’s Janata Dal split and Lalu named
his party the Rashtriya Janata Dal adopting the symbol of hurricane lantern. True to his
adopted symbol, RJD swept the polls with an unprecedented mandate. However the
governance issues started to emerge soon after. The most famous one was the fodder
scam. The enormity of the fodder scam was without precedence, with some reports
mentioning siphoning of billions of dollars from the Animal Husbandry and Fodder
department that was being aided by the World Bank. Apart from the corruption, Lalu's rule
came to be synonymous with nepotism. His three brothers-in-law, having serious criminal
charges ranging from murder to kidnapping and extortion, were made ministers. The worst
case which showcased the helplessness of government machinery was perhaps the charge
of the rape of an IAS officer’s wife Champa Biswas against Mritunjay Yadav, a close
associate of former chief minister Laloo Prasad Yadav.
61
Kidnapping became an industry,
affecting people from all walks of life. Victims of kidnapping included doctors, businessmen,
students, government officials etc., with episodes of kidnapping happening on almost on a
daily basis plunging Bihar into total chaos and anarchy."
62
Contrasted to 15 years in Bihar, in West Bengal it was a case of 34 years of Left Front's
rule. During the three decades of rule, industry moved out of the state and unemployment
soared. "Bengal's poor became worse off than poor folks in most other states. Healthcare
and education were ruined, graft mushroomed and political violence became
endemic."
63
What were the charactieristics of Left Front’s strategy that maintained the grip on
the voters? The article by Abheek Barman in Economic Times gives a glimpse. The
"strategy of territorial control, called elaka dokhol in Bangla, was one of the Left's most
potent political weapons" maintained by the armed wing of CPM; termed the harmad, it was
used in battles for territory as well as to silence opposition. Apart from that CPM provided
benefits for loyalists, leading to rural poor, who had to depend on government to look up to
CPM. These reportedly explain why districts like Burdwan, Bankura, Purulia and Medinipur,
which were poor and largely agricultural in nature, were dominated by Left Front.
64
The Y2K led wave in information technology in 1990s, and the subsequent boom in IT and
ITES services which happended in different parts of the country, bypassed both the states,
and was a conversation topic at the street level among the unemployed. Those who could
migrated out. Those who could not had to adapt and survive.
Between these two extreme examples, would be candidates who have
60BJP follows Congress path to ruin. May 10, 2013. From http://www.rediff.com
61The Patna High Court in its order set aside the trial court order convicting the monther – son duo and
acquited them, after 12 years. As per reports, the single – judge bench of Justice Mandhata Singh had
found that the relationship between Champa and Mrityunjay of consensual nature. Source: 12 years on, HC
relief for rape convict. May 22, 2010. Accessed on May 11, 2013 from
http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2010-05-22/patna/28310206_1_ias-officials-champa-biswas-
convict
62Accessed on November 12, 2012 from http://www.instablogs.com/lalu-prasad-yadav-end-of-days.html
63Left rules West Bengal for 34 years and ruins the state. 2011. From The Times of India.
64Ibid.
32

stayed somewhere in the middle, the perception of their work among the
population will position them somewhere near to being status quo-ist.
33

7 Candidates' Style-scripts
The beauty of a move lies not in its’ appearance, but in the thought behind it.
- Aaron Nimzovich
While the styles of performance vary from candidate to candidate and from
situation to situation, the dominant style-scripts of different candidates are
briefly dwelt upon in the following sections.
7.1 The Maverick
Weirdism is definitely the cornerstone of many an artists' career.
- E.A. Bucchianeri
The eccentric and the nonconformist individual is an interesting spectacle in
often the boring world of politics. Every day electorate faces dreary media-
reports about crimes, stories about corruption in high places, the abuse of
power and so on. In such a world a maverick endears himself or herself to a
section of population for being just that. On top of that, if he manages an
enormous fund of support from that segment, he has the ability to win
elections.
Being a maverick is being more than eccentric in one’s behaviour and
speech. The population's expectations rise due to the changing
demographics, differential prosperity and opportunities, and news about
developments in rest of the world. If these expectations are not heeded to by
the maverick, the candidate then creates a situation where his earlier deeds
and words no longer charm the audience, with the scripts appearing stale
and bereft of the magic which initially endeared him/ her to the population.
Among other things that will kill the initial goodwill or that adoration, are
actions/ outcomes due to which the maverick ends up recognised as no
different from the others, or the maverickism becoming perceived as a cloak
for failures by the population. The promised utopia fails to materialise, and
the harsh realities of real world erode the faith.
Historically Lalu Yadav was the maverick in Indian politics. Ruling over Bihar
for nearly 15 years (including those in which Rabri Devi was the Chief
Minister), the initial good will was lost in the wake of scams and scandals.
The lack of economic development and dearth of jobs were significant
contributing factors. The external environment too made the situation worse,
as people started to benchmark their own state to the other states where
their friends and relatives migrated to, or they themselves were migrating to,
in search of economic benefits. This failure of governance was often badly
rubbed in by the treatment meted out in states like Punjab and Maharastra
where people from Bihar used to migrate in search for work. The
controversies created by Shiv Sena during Chath puja in Maharashtra is a
34

case in point.
7.2 The Stoic Performer
The secret of all victory lies in the organization of the non-obvious.
- Marcus Aurelius
In contrast to a maverick, the stoic is an epitome of the dictum that emotions
lead to destructive errors of judgement. In word and deed, there is a steady
consistency which flows towards a larger goal, though not manifest in all its
totality, to the common man. Reflective and considerate, such a candidate
often ends up as the population's choice after the disappointment of a
maverick's rule. Historically there have been many leaders who have been
followers of stoicism, for example P. V. Narasimha Rao, about whom it was
said by Natwar Singh with reference to Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru, “Nehru had a
temper, PV a temperament”.
65
In recent times the example of Nitish Kumar
stands tall, his rule gaining “popularity due to his initiating a series of
developmental and constructive activities including “building of long-delayed
bridges, re-laying roads that had ceased to exist, appointing over 100,000
school teachers, ensuring that doctors worked in primary health centers, and
keeping crime in check”.
66

7.3 The Disciplined Party Soldier
Theirs not to reason why, Theirs but to do and die.
- Lord Alfred Tennyson
The candidate in this cateogry, as the title suggests, presents oneself as a
true follower of the party command and is best exemplified by BC Khanduri,
who resigned in accord with the party-leadership wishes.
However, a political leader behaving as a disciplined soldier, may not be,
what the population probably expects. Such a behavior might imply to the
supporters that the people who elected the candidate to power are a second
priority as compared to the people in party hierarchy and their wishes.
7.4 The Constant Warrior
Courage, above all things, is the first quality of a warrior.
- Karl von Clausewitz
Such a candidate maintains his/her touch with the electorate irrespective of
the fact that he/she is in power or out of power. The constant touch is
65P. V. Narasimha Rao. Accessed on April 2, 2013 from http://en.wikipedia.org
66Nitish Kumar. Accessed on April 2, 2013 from http://en.wikipedia.org
35

maintained by his/her focus on burning issues and getting involved with the
challenges being faced by relevant sections of the electorate.
For such a candidate every day brings forth new opportunities, which are
weighed and acted upon to communicate to the electorate at large, as well
as to showcase the vision and find flaws with the current state of affairs. Raj
Thackrey’s actions would be an example which would offer us much to learn
from. From organising protest against the toll charges on roads towards
organising a protest towards the violence by Muslims,
67
towards supporting
policemen inflicted by violence,
68
his personality is worthy of study by
students of politics. If one were to compare it with Mamata Banerjee’s style
during her struggle against the ruling Left Front, one would find certain
distinctive similarities.
7.5 Pre-Election Awakening
Tis the voice of the sluggard; I heard him complain, "You have wak'd me too soon, I
must slumber again.
- Isaac Watts
The person who remains silent and wakes out of his/ her slumber at the
approach of the elections is often a common phenomenon in electoral
contests. Even more common are candidates, who have good intentions, but
do not recognise the amount of investment required in order to be accepted
by the electorates. Many candidates, both from established political parties
and those fighting elections as independent candidates, would fall in this
category.
This concludes a tentative list of the style-scripts demonstrated by the
candidates.
67MNS rally: Raj Thackeray spread political net wider. 2012. From http://www.firstpost.com
68Disillusioned cop gifts Raj Thackeray a rose, lands in trouble. From Mid-Day. August 22, 2012.
36

8 The Electorate
You never know till you try to reach them how accessible men are; but you must
approach each man by the right door.
- Henry Ward Beecher
Before one goes about comprehending the electorate, one needs to
appreciate the possible approaches, and the ramifications of each of them.
Does one go about understanding the behaviour of the electorate by looking
into its constituents, i.e., starting from individuals, then to different categories
of individuals, for example the opinion makers and followers etc., the existing
groups and sub-groups, the different networks within and across the groups
etc., or, does one treat the electorate as a monolithic entity and proceed to
study it as such? These distinct approaches have had a parallel, and an
acrimonious co-existence in social sciences, with the first approach going by
the name of methodological individualism while the latter being termed as
methodological collectivism.
Principles of methodological individualism was expounded in elaborate detail
first by Max Weber, while the label, i.e., methodological individualism was
framed by Joseph Schumpeter, Max Weber's student, who used the term in
his 1908 work Das Wesen und der Hauptinhalt der theoretischen
Nationalökonomie, and later followed it up in his Quarterly Journal of
Economics paper in 1909, On the Concept of Social Value.
69
Extract given
below from Weber's Definition of Sociology illustrate the essence of the
approach.
Action in the sense of a subjectively understandable orientation of
behaviour exists only as the behaviour of one or more individual
human beings...
For still other cognitive purposes as, for instance, juristic, or for
practical ends, it may on the other hand be convenient or even
indispensable to treat social collectivities, such as states,
associations, business corporations, foundations, as if they were
individual persons. Thus they may be treated as the subjects of
rights and duties or as the performers of legally significant actions.
But for the subjective interpretation of action in sociological work
these collectivities must be treated as solely the resultants and
modes of organisation of the particular acts of individual persons,
since these alone can be treated as agents in a course of
subjectively understandable action.
70
[emphasis mine]
Methodological individualism achieved further fame due to the economists
belonging to the Austrian school of economics, led by Carl Menger, and
Ludwig Von Mises. As argued by Mises in his famous work Human Action,
69Joseph Heath, (2011) "Methodological Individualism"
70Max Weber (c.1897) Definition of Sociology. Accessed on April 19, 2012 from
http://www.marxists.org/reference/ subject/philosophy/works/ge/weber.htm
37

“a social collective has no existence and reality outside of the
individual members' actions. The life of a collective is lived in the
actions of the individuals constituting its body”.
71

Methodological collectivism is the logical anti-thesis of methodological
individualism, reportedly having its origins in the writings of Plato,
72
and
advocated by Auguste Comte, Emile Durkheim, and Karl Marx, among
others. The essential argument of this approach may be given as:
Whilst we can learn much from the study of aspects of individual
humans and their actions, the social whole has its own
sophisticated and complex laws that cannot be defined by appeal to
the features of its component individuals. Facts about society
cannot be reduced to the decisions, attitudes, and dispositions of
the individuals.
73
[emphasis mine]
The core ideas of these two methodological approaches have been
presented to make the reader aware of advantages and pitfalls of
personification of electorate-collective, often presented in media as
‘electorate voting the party into power’ and other variations of the same.
Such an approach, while presenting a quick answer, which may be
appropriate for media, however, ignores the complex heterogeneity present
in the real world. Guided by the stereotype of the ‘typical’ electorate and thus
chasing a non-existent entity, the strategy of a contestant may end up
disconnected from a majority of the population by adopting the
methodological collectivist approach. Probably, a combined approach along
with a nuanced understanding of social relations and institutions that create
opportunities and costs for different categories of citizens, along with an
appreciation of voters' social-embeddedness, that individual's sense-making,
commitments, and action choices are product of individual life experiences,
brought on by the social institutions of which he/she is part of, will serve a
contestant well.
Shiv Sena and its understanding of the collective mind
Shiv Sena's rise to political centre-stage in Maharashtra was due to its sensitive
understanding of the collective mind's aspirations and the emotions at play. Yet it ignored
the same when it supported the emergency of Indira Gandhi and threw its weight behind
Congress in the 1977 elections. Shiv Sena, despite being more aware of grass-root level
issues, failed to read the shift in the wind and adjust its sails, with the disastrous result
indicating the disconnect (Purandare, 2012:118-119).
Individuals, as decision makers, are unique in the sense they can be both
71The essence of Methodological individualism has been discussed in length by Ludwig Von Mises in the
chapter Epistemological Problems of Human Action, in his treatise Human Action(1949). For a detailed
reading , the reader is advised to refer to the same.
72Malcolm Williams (Methodological Holism). Encyclopedia entry in The SAGE Encyclopedia of Social
Science Research Methods. By Michael S. Lewis-Beck, Alan Bryman & Tim Futing Liao. (2004). Accessed
from http://srmo.sagepub.com/view/the-sage-encyclopedia-of-social-science-research-methods/n555.xml
73Methodological Collectivism. Accessed from http://www. blackwellreference.com
38

rational in some areas and be dominated by irrational emotions in certain
spheres. Irrespective of age, gender and educational backgrounds, these
emotions exist and make us what we are – as humans. This is well
recognised by certain politicians when their moves are backed by such
understanding.
8.1 Individuals and Collectives
You never really understand a person until you consider things from his point of
view - until you climb into his skin and walk around in it.
- Harper Lee
A true picture of prevailing different groups and sub-groups is painstaking to
obtain. Despite the challenge, a fine understanding of the electorate would
serve the purpose of a contestant better.
The population lends itself to divisions, based on religion, caste, aspirations,
and in terms of rural/urban category. One can also look at the divisions in
terms of sons-of-soil, or the locals versus the immigrants, the dominant class
and the underprivileged class, those employed or those without and so on
and so forth. Which one will be targeted by the campaign-leader would
depend on his/her sense-making. For example, the political parties with
communism as the guiding philosophy segregates the population into two
segments, the workers, the segment they claim to work for and represent,
and the capitalists, their common nemesis. Similarly, for the parties utilising
a religious or a casteist ideology, the religion or caste-based based
segments would represent the people who would be, either courted or
villainised, to obtain political power.
While each division divides the population into sub-sections, within each
sub-section, with reference to an individual candidate, the sub-section would
typically have five distinct conceptual categories, in varying proportions.
1.Evangelists - who willing to take pains for the candidate
2.Advocates - those who are favourably inclined
3.Undecided - who have not yet made up their mind
4.Antagonistic - who are anti-candidate
5.Indifferent - unappreciative to the point of dismissal.
The actual distribution of the numbers in the different categories would vary
from region to region and from time to time, with shifts happening as result of
different campaigns, exogenous events, either manifested to a vigilant
campaign – leader, or hidden, influencing the collective consciousness, or
what may also be termed as a reflection of the zeitgeist.
The extent of commonality of the shared beliefs and values, which act as an
unifying force within each sub-section, with those of the other sub-sections,
39

would lead to a broader collective consciousness. In case of differences in
beliefs across different subsections, the numerical superiority of certain
subsections would, it is hypothesised, influence the final result.
The mental arithmetic used by the voters would represent another possible
way to understand voters. Maharashtra's political history illustrate how voters
segregate the different levels, choosing one ideology-party-candidate
combination for municipal posts and opting for a different ideology-party-
candidate combination for the state assembly. The Shiv Sena- BJP combine
has been the dominant force in the municipal elections, whereas at the state
assembly level, the Indian National Congress has dominated since the
president’s rule in 1980, except for the period 1995-1999. In contrast, the
state of West Bengal has witnessed the same political power ruling at
different levels, the panchayat and at the state assembly level.
8.2 Shifts in Zeitgeist
The zeitgeist is clear. People in this state want change.
- Ted Strickland
In any region, the existing formal and informal apparatuses in spheres of
political, economic, social, technological and legal, interact with citizens. It is
not possible that interactions will be homogeneous either in process or in
outcomes, as viewed from the perspective of the citizens involved. Such
differential interactions, either by intent or by accident, creates potential for a
range of opportunities, hazards, rewards and abuses, affecting different
categories of citizens in different manners. These differential interactions
have potential to create disruptions which ripple across larger society.
How do individuals react to these disturbances, or the news of the
disturbances? It is hypothesised that the preliminary as well as the
predominant reaction that lingers on is in the form of 'It could have been me',
a scenario that plays out in sub-conscious mind of individuals.
This collective mind may appear to be seemingly indifferent on any single
issue, even if the incident is provocative enough, but the appearance of calm
hides the angst beneath. Catalytic events or individuals can bring those
undercurrents to the surface to coalesce into mass movement. One can
look at the example of public outrage against rape in Delhi, and its effect
across the border in China. The public protest against the entire episode can
be highlighted as an example where the anger in the collectivity rose to the
surface to metamorphose into public protests. On the other hand, the
Chinese government's fear of public outrage in China, faced with the news
emanating about citizens' protests from New Delhi, was so high that the
government had to resort to censorship to prevent Chinese citizens from
learning about public demonstrations taking place in India. While the initial
report was broadcast by Communist Party run media outlets, the discussion
on the online forums by Chinese about learning from India about allowing
public express its voice led to censorship of the discussions and the debates
40

“a search for the topic triggered a message on Sina Weibo – a popular
Twitter-equivalent used by more than 300 million people – saying the results
could not be displayed according to regulations”.
74
A challenger might look out for trigger points which set in motion such shifts
in behaviour of the citizens as they indicate a restlessness with the existing
state of affairs as managed by the incumbent regime. Such events can be
used to as a platform to launch an attack against the existing regime, or as a
means to rejuvenate one's political apparatus, or both.
For incumbents, however, it is necessary to be sensitive to the different
segments of the electorate, for precisely the opposite reason, so as to avoid
creating the flash-points either by accident or by design. In case of such a
triggering event occurring by accident, the worst thing a ruling regime can
engage in would be to ignore it. One needs to recognise that creating a
successful leverage on such events requires a vigilant and competent
challenger, the absence of which, if taken for granted, creates a significant
danger for the regime. The example of paranoia illustrated by the Chinese
example illustrates a heightened sensitivity by the regime to such
possibilities. One might appreciate Niccolò Machiavelli’s advice to rulers in
light of the above principle.
“… he should encourage his citizens to practise their callings
peaceably, both in commerce and agriculture, and in every other
following, so that the one should not be deterred from improving his
possessions for fear lest they be taken away from him or another
from opening up trade for fear of taxes”
75
If one were to identify the essence of the advice, it might be articulated as to
allow the citizens to prosper and allow them to retain the fruits of prosperity,
and take neither their earnings nor their accumulated capital. Increases in
tax burdens will be tolerated to a lesser degree by the population in face of
governance failures. An example would be the attempt to collect property tax
in Gurgaon by Haryana government and which was challenged in Supreme
Court. “Describing the lack of facilities to the residents of Gurgaon as
'shocking', the Supreme Court on Friday said the Haryana government or the
Municipal Corporation of Gurgaon (MCG) had no business to collect property
taxes from them when they had failed to provide basic amenities like sewer
and drain in the so-called most posh colonies in the National Capital Region
(NCR).”
76
The new middle class seemingly is not averse to political action regarding
benefits and is ready to align itself with different segments to protect its
access to public goods. In NOIDA, Uttar Pradesh, the demand for toll free
travel had escalated with the different segments allying towards common
cause; the example of Federation of Nodia Residents’ Welfare Association
allying with the Bhartiya Kisan Union towards a common agenda against the
74In China, Delhi gang rape spurs online debate, then censorship. 2013. From www.thehindu.com
75 Niccolò Machiavelli,(circa 1530). The Prince.
76How can you tax Gurgaon without basics in place, SC asks Haryana. From Indian Express. Aug 25 2012.
41

toll would be an perfect example of the emergent political behaviours.
77

While the above are isolated but significant incidents of political movements
from Indian citizens, massive shifts take place during elections in face of
relentless governance failures, as it took place in the state of Bihar.
Decline of a Messiah
Ruling as Chief Minster from 1990 till 1997, when he had to resign following corruption
charges, and then from 1997-2005, the de facto power holder of the state, Lalu Yadav ruled
Bihar for a period of 15 years.
Before Lalu Yadav, the state was plagued by communal riots. For example, the 1988-89
Bhagalpur riots continued for two months and claimed more than 1700 lives. During the
Lalu regime, peace was enforced and maintained. " Barring a stray riot in Sitamarhi, the
state has witnessed no major riot during the 13 years of the Laloo-Rabri regime".
78

The traditional victims of semi-feudal order and at the receiving end of violence perpetuated
by landlords and their armies or senas, the rural poor found in Lalu Yadav someone to take
up their cause (Robin, 2004), and were "galvanized into action by the speeches of Lalu
Prasad Yadav against the upper caste landlords, thereby providing the Dalits with a new
sense of Izzat.”
79

However, the 15 years of RJD rule saw the decline of the state. Kidnapping for ransom
became the most talked about industry of the state, targeting “lawyers, doctors,
contractors, businessmen and school students".
80
Recourse to law was not possible. As
reported about Superintendent Shoba Ohatker: "...in her three years on the job, she has
arrested suspected kidnappers hiding in the homes of local politicians four times. ...For her
pains, Ohatker has twice been summoned by the state assembly".
81
The article by Nalin Verma, The Statesman’s Patna-based Special Representative,
reinforces the then prevalent picture of Bihar: "The police found Samata Party MLA Sunil
Pandey and Rashtriya Janata Dal MLA Vijendra Yadav’s brother, Anil Singh, to be the
'masterminds' of the latest incident involving the abduction of noted neurosurgeon Dr
Ramesh Chandra ".
If one were to contrast the post-Lalu period with that of Nitish's rule, from being the target of
jokes, the practices of Bihar police have now emerged as "Bihar Model" which is being
studied by different states, among others by Abdul Ghani Mir (inspector general of police,
Kashmir zone) and reportedly been adopted by All India Police Science Congress,
organised by the Union home ministry's Bureau of Police Research and Development.
82
The 'It could have been me' has various forms. It could be the frustration of
77Farmers to renew stir for toll-free ride, page 5, Sunday Times of India, Delhi edition, Dec 2, 2012
78And while the blame game goes on... From http://bihartimes.in
79Cyril Robin (2004). “2005 Bihar elections: Laloo against Who?”
80State of Fear. 2003. TIME Magazine.
81Ibid.
82Debaashish Bhattacharya (2013). Crime and Punishment: The Bihar Story. The Telegraph. Calcutta. P11.
42

unemployed citizens of a state as they witness other states progressing
ahead in economic development. It could be the anger at the discrimination
faced after migration in search of jobs in other states, or it could be the
impotent anger at the state of affairs which prompts them to go out of the
safety of their states leaving their families behind and subject themselves to
such indignity. It could be the mental visualisation of being a victim of the
media reported crime, or the humiliation meted out to an individual, as is
reflected in the Rahul Raj encounter.
On 27 October 2008, Rahul Raj Kundan Prasad Singh , a youth from Patna,
Bihar, took hostage 12 passengers in a BEST bus in Mumbai, India. His
death in subsequent police shoot-out sparked fierce discussions in Bihar.
83
The debate and counter debates by the different politicians probably fuelled
the rise of sub-nationalism of the people of Bihar, forcing people to question
the prevailing regime, irrespective of the existing caste divisions. The
collective anger was stroked further by comments of MNS leader Raj
Thackeray "Biharis were attacked and driven away from other states like
Assam too in recent past... Let the three leaders now work together so that
Bihar could benefit".
84
Lalu Yadav later tried to encash this incident politically by getting Kundan
Singh, the father of Rahul Raj to campaign for him.
85
Did this tactic
boomerang as it refreshed in the mind of the electorate the factors, or the
failures in governance, that were driving people out of Bihar is an interesting
question for students of politics to ponder on.
If one looks at the initial actions of Nitish Kumar after coming to power in
Bihar, it would reinforce the reasons for pointing out to the shift in collective
consciousness. Under Nitish, Bihar government has had a record number of
criminal prosecutions through fast track courts, along with initiation of a
mandatory weekly meeting with all District Magistrates to monitor progress at
the grass-root level; with the change in law and order, industry revived.
Among the first to revive was the construction industry which surpassed the
national average,
86
providing employment and restoring economic growth.
Spill over of economic benefits to different classes of persons made the
economic growth even more broad based.
8.3 Dreams of a Better Life
The world is full of Kings and Queens, who blind your eyes and steal your dreams.
- Anonymous
If one were to look at the turning points in the Indian society, there are
certain road signs that can be identified in the path travelled by the country
from a socialistic stagnant economy to a market driven vibrant economy.
83Leaders of Bihar unite to counter Raj Thackeray,October 31, 2008. From http://indiatoday.intoday.in
84Ibid.
85Rahul Raj's father is Lalu's new poster boy. April 29, 2009. From http://ibnlive.in.com
86 Nitish Kumar. Accessed on Feb 12, 2013 from http://en.wikipedia.org
43

These land marks are critical to understand the mind-set of the prevailing
generation as the benefits that have accrued thenceforth are currently being
reaped by them. Knowledge about these would sensitise the candidates to
the impact played on the collective mind by these events and how these
have been incorporated in the collective mind.
1.Economic Liberalisation: The history of shift from socialist mind-set
of the rulers that shacked Indian economy to a market friendly
philosophy would have PV Narasimha Rao as one the central
actors. Before the 1991 liberalisation, the Indian economy grew at
what is termed as Hindu rate of growth – which stagnated around
3.5% from 1950s to 1980s, while per capita income growth
averaged 1.3%. Though one often wonders, as articulated by Arun
Shourie,
87
what had Hinduism got to do with the socialist policies
laid down by Indian National Congress guided by Pt. Jawaharlal
Nehru. The result of such restrictive mind-set led to labyrinthine
bureaucracy, with the energies spent on negotiating them to obtain
the licence to set up business, after which the firm would be
allowed to produce at a level, and allowed to be sold at a price,
both decided by the bureaucrats.
88

2.Spending power in hands of citizens: Long used to almost
confiscatory rates of tax imposed by previous governments
influenced Fabian socialist thoughts, PV Narasimha’s reduction in
different taxes, direct and indirect, led to higher disposable incomes
in the hands of the citizens, specially the middle class, handing
them a windfall and a feeling of entitlement to spend their earnings.
This internal demand created due to utilisation of the spending
power further spurred the growth of different industries, both
manufacturing and service, leading to further deepening of
economic development.
3.Y2K boom: In India manufacturing was constrained by the
restrictions imposed by the licence raj. The liberalisation of 1991
was accompanied by the whirlwind of Y2K. Created out of a single
short-coming in programming of financial software used by major
organisations in the developed world, the Y2K phenomenon was
once-in-a-century opportunity that changed the Indian technological
and economic scenario in such a way that India left most countries
behind in the development of IT and ITES services.
4.Outsourcing: Along with Y2K, the outsourcing of services from
87"It has almost become routine to slight Hindu sentiments — our smart-set do not even notice the slights
they administer. Recall the jibe of decades: ‘the Hindu rate of growth’. When, because of those very
socialist policies that their kind had swallowed and imposed on the country, our growth was held down to 3-
4 per cent, it was dubbed — with much glee — as ‘the Hindu rate of growth’. Today, we are growing at 9
per cent....How come no one calls this higher rate of growth ‘the Hindu rate of growth’? Simple: dubbing the
low rate as the Hindu one established you to be secular; not acknowledging the higher one as the Hindu
rate establishes you to be secular!" Source: Hindutva and radical Islam: Where the twain do meet. May 29,
2008. By Arun Shourie.
88 "India: the economy". BBC. 12 February 1998.
44

developed economies added to the boom which changed sleepy
cities like Bangalore, Hyderabad, Chennai, and Pune, among
others, into vibrant hubs of economic development. It was growth
of the information technology and information technology enabled
services (IT and ITES) as an industry in its own right which allowed
Indians, specially the newly graduating engineers, to get well
paying jobs as compared to the previous dismal search for the
elusive job in the manufacturing sector. Outsourcing of IT services,
financial services, medical research along with myriad of routine
tasks, taking advantage of the favourable exchange rate and the
low cost of labour in India, led to growth of software parks and IT
hubs etc., which gave impetus to different industries – ranging from
high end technology services, and allied supporting services like
construction and infrastructure development, radio-cab services,
retail, training and development etc., to basic services like
restaurants, take-away joints, security services etc., along with
entertainment avenues like bowling arcades, cinema complexes
etc., leading to employment opportunities to different segments of
population in the cities which rode the wave.
5.Air Deccan: In 2003 a retired Captain of the Indian Army, Gorur
Ramaswamy Iyengar Gopinath launched India's first low-cost
airline, Air Deccan. Air-travel, till then the privilege of the upper
middle class and the elite among the government, suddenly
became the order of the day for the middle class. Compared to the
staid Indian Airlines with its high priced tickets, along with other
players who targeted the high end, Air Deccan showed the
possibility of Indian enterprise creating a different market by
catering to the truly middle class. By 2007, when it was purchased
by Kingfisher Airlines, Air Deccan connected sixty nine cities
around India.
89

Looking back, it has been a journey that is fascinating and unparalleled in
Indian economic history. From the previous era of a controlled economy,
where shifarish, a letter of recommendation or a phone-call, was necessary
to get the scarce job, or the bribes which had to be given to obtain a phone
connection, major cities have emerged where being part of the education
system and therefore of the market based education-career-benefits based
network has paralleled or in some cities, like that of Bengaluru, Pune etc.,
exceeded that of political class-benefits network.
8.3.1 In Search of Succour
When one's way towards the dream is blocked, one is a victim. For some it
may be a better job, for others it is freedom to follow one's religion, for others
it maybe following a dream. All these are channelised into different forms –
the migration to urban squalor, no matter how trying the circumstances
89G. R. Gopinath. Accessed on December 20, 2012 from http://en.wikipedia.org
45

maybe, represents a search for that succor.
All events leading to citizens' alingment towards that dream represents
positive moves, each small success creating a positive feeling within the
collective mind towards the regime. When the dreams sour, the collective
mind starts to villainise the regime and starts searching for a saviour.
8.4 Urbanisation
How soon country people forget. When they fall in love with a city it is forever, and
it is like forever. As though there never was a time when they didn’t love it.
- Toni Morrison
Maybe the policy makers do not know of it, they being engaged in creating
policies that would keep villagers contained within their villages, but for many
villagers, urban life is a dream. The harsh reality of rural hinterland is far
removed from some of the romanticised depictions of Bollywood movie
makers.
Benefits too real to be denied
The lack of roads to rural areas is tolerated often with stoic resilience by Indians, all
knowing that complaints will not move the powers that be. However in certain cases, the
anger comes to the fore, showing how real is the need for the rural citizens to connect with
the cities. Residents of Morjim and Ashvem in Goa decided to stage a rasta roko on
January 1 to protest the government's failure to carry out asphalting of the main road from
Morjim junction to Temb via Vithaldaswada. It was reported that Sunanda Naik, a teacher,
pointed out that during an emergency it was difficult for an ambulance to travel on the
road.
90

The material benefits are not the only attractions, it is along with freedom
from the traditional village-level social-economic structure and the ability to
go beyond the possibilities offered by a rural existence. It is not only the
economic benefits that attract villagers to come to cities, it is also the
possibility of riding oneself of the social restrictions. If one were to search for
places where the traditional caste based hierarchy is most entrenched, one
would find it more prevalent in rural India as compared to urban centres,
lesser in newly colonised sub-urban areas in contrast to older inner cities.
An outlet of Dominos' Pizza or McDonald would hardly discriminate among
its customers on the basis of caste or religion. These are however, the harsh
realities in rural India, where one, even after 60 years after Independence,
one reads about citizens not allowed to enter temples due to caste
restrictions. McDonaldisation can be used to indicate the entire basket of
benefits in urban India, roads, facilities, service on call, etc., which reflects
the possibilities of benefits under urbanisation, which is in contrast to the
90Morjim, Ashvem villagers want road asphalted. 2008. From The Times of India.
46

original intent of sociologist George Ritzer, the creator of the term.
91
Apart
from facilities like that of near by-shops, eating places, residential areas,
which go together in a modern city and its sub-urban milieu, it represents
space that provides for an individual’s epicurean needs along with a primal
need, 'let me be'.
Cities have always offered anonymity, variety, and conjunction.
- Rebecca Solnit,
Cities, it may be stated, provide a sense of belongingness, despite the
isolationist existence of individuals, which is quite different from that of the
rural life. Chances of getting rejected are not predominantly due to one's
caste or family. Restrictions due to caste get replaced by either location
based, or to old-boys networks arising out of the education system, which is
less demeaning than something which is inherited at birth and can not be
changed, either for oneself or for one's children. All-encompassing is the
symbolism of material things which enliven the routine. Whatever be the
proclaimed charms of rural life, one should remember – it appeals, if it does,
most to the urban Indian who goes for a brief break from his hectic life in the
city, to re-charge and come back into the centre of his/ her existence.
Otherwise one will find it difficult to explain the steady exodus of citizens
from the villages to the cities, even if it means a hellish existence in the
slums. It can imply one and only one thing, that the so-called rural utopia is
simply non-existent, and is attempted in vain to be created by policy makers.
The rise of middle class, along with the city-based individualistic philosophy
of every one living one’s life, would require a re-orientation of philosophy of
those who would want to succeed in politics. Imposing restrictive thoughts in
an urban society, which exists in a state of perpetual flux, may not be the
right strategy towards winning over the electorate. Incidents such as the
attack on women pub-goers probably indicate that the parties engaging in
them are not sufficiently aligned with the spirits prevalent in the urban part of
the country “... senior BJP leaders like L K Advani have realised the adverse
fallout of saffron hooliganism on sections of middle India that the party wants
to woo but the latent, and sometimes active, sympathies of BJP-RSS leaders
have led groups like SRS [Sri Ram Sene] to proliferate”.
92

91McDonaldization is a term coined by sociologist George Ritzer in his book The 'McDonaldization of
Society'. As he explains, it occurs when a culture possesses the characteristics of a fast-food restaurant.
McDonaldization is a reconceptualization of rationalization, or moving from traditional to rational modes of
thought, and scientific management. According to Ritzer, the four main dimensions of McDonaldization are:
1) Efficiency - The optimum method of completing a task. The rational determination of the best mode of
production. Individuality is not allowed. 2) Calculability - Assessment of outcomes based on quantifiable
rather than subjective criteria. In other words, quantity over quality. They sell the Big Mac, not the Good
Mac. 3) Predictability - The production process is organized to guarantee uniformity of product and
standardized outcomes. All shopping malls begin to look the same and all highway exits have the same
assortment of businesses. 4) Control - The substitution of more predictable non-human labor for human
labor, either through automation or the deskilling of the work force.
92Saffron hooliganism leaves BJP redfaced. 2009. From The Times of India.
47

8.5 The Anchors
Amidst the confusion of the times, the conflicts of conscience, and the turmoil of
daily living, an abiding faith becomes an anchor to our lives.
- Thomas S. Monson
From childhood till the time they emerge as adults, most Indians undergo
education via a system that, in spite of multiple variations, provides a
substantially common corpus of beliefs, and values along with an ethos that
is distinctly Indian, probably due to its roots which lie in Indian history and
pan-Indian religions. Without aggregating different categories of individuals
in one over-arching category of people, this section posits, for the reasons
mentioned before, that certain beliefs or concerns will be common for all
individuals, irrespective of their individualities, or their group-based loyalties.
If one were to look at the formation of the collective mind, the juncture when
a critical number of people retain and live these beliefs, can safely be
identified as the time when collective mind takes birth. As the risk of
reification, it can be said that this collective mind is a dynamic entity,
continuously adapting to, and impacting the thoughts of other members of
the population. The common points which will be thrive in the minds of the
individuals, despite the differences in upbringing, or caste, or class are
hypothesised to be as given in the following sections.
8.5.1 Identification with Land
Examining the violence and dissatisfaction experienced in different Indian
states – Odhisa, Jharkhand, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Tamil Nadu,
Madhya Pradesh etc., one would appreciate the ethos of a population which
is wedded to material possession, not for the thing per se, but the identity
derived from it.
Understood along with the news relating to land takeover by the
governments, in alliance with politically connected interests, emanating from
countries ranging from communist China to supposedly market-friendly
United States, one would be able to appreciate the emotive nature of the
subject.
93
A look at the Chinese scenario would allow the readers to
understand the similarities exhibited by the political apparatus of different
countries.
An Internet search about land related protests in China leads to voluminous
results on the topic. It is reported that such mass incidents in the People's
93The use of eminent domain to take over private property and hand it over to developers has been
happening in USA, despite the constitutional right to property. The news about this is entensive to be
presented here in sufficient detail. Two news headings are presented here as examples and should be
sufficient to sensitise the reader about the problem in USA. 1) Texans protest against oil company’s use of
eminent domain. February 18, 2012. Accessed on December 15, 2012 from http://www.news-
journal.com/news/state/texans-protest-against-oil-company-s-use-of-eminent-domain/article_09fff11e-c6c2-
58aa-b8c1-a0de2a24be5b.html, 2) Baldwin Park Citizens Against Eminent Domain Protest at BP City Hall.
November 13, 2007. Accessed on January 19, 2013 from http://la.indymedia.org/news/2007/11/209953.php
48

Republic of China numbered approximately 180,000 in 2010 with certain
reports indicating that spending on internal police outpacing defence budget
(see Michael Forsythe, 6 March 2011, in Bloomberg China's Spending on
Internal Police Force in 2010 Outstrips Defense Budget). As reported for
Wukan Protests, the protests started on 21- 23 September after government
officials sold land to private property developers without adequately
compensating the villagers. Thousands of villagers protested and attacked
government buildings, including a police station. To prevent the news from
spreading, the Chinese government resorted to internet censorship.
94

Water, Jungle & Land: People demanding reforms on Land Acquisition Act at Agra
Land, and the identity derived from it is a powerful emotional issue for the citizens, whose
concerns have been repeatedly ignored by the ruling political power along with the politically
connected business entities. Taking refuge behind laws that owe their origin to colonial rule,
the ruling political society has been engaged in transfer of wealth from one class of citizens
to another.
Image taken from commons depository.
The article by Michael Bristow reporting on custody-death of a protesting
villager
95
indicates similar politically driven land acquisition despite citizens'
protests, and it is indicated that numerous such mass protests happen every
year.
96
The situation becomes even more charged when one looks at it not
from purely an economic perspective, but from that of the individuals
concerned. Tied to the land, is their legacy and history, and their existence,
in short their identity. Without it, they are transformed into rootless refugees
in their own country. The abject failure of relief and rehabilitation specially in
94 Wukan protests. Accessed on April 12, 2013 from http://en.wikipedia.org.
95China protest worsens in Guangdong after villager death. 2011. From http://www.bbc.co.uk
96Reportedly a copper smelter project worth $1.6 bn was cancelled due to large and violent protests
by the Chinese citizens in Shifang. It was also reported that a coal-fired power plant in Haimen, near
Hong Kong was stopped after 30,000 people rallied to stop the construction. Source: Keith
Bradsher (2012). China backpedals after protests. The Telegraph. July 5, 2012. P 3.
49

India, amplifies the anger of the citizens at losing their identity.
97

How much did this identification with land contribute to the failure of any
government? One would need to explore this question with its sub-issues in
detail to be able to develop a robust answer, but a preliminary answer can
be obtained by the reported statement by Kshiti Goswami, PWD minister in
the left front government in West Bengal, in which the failure of the
government to allay the farmers' fear of losing their land was isolated as a
critical factor in the left front's loss in West Bengal during the Lok Shaba
elections of 2009.
98
One would also look at simplistic solutions proposed by
politicians wherein reportedly education of the tribal citizens to make them
more employable would resolve the fundamental problem of land-takeover
by the government irrespective of the citizen's wishes.
99

8.5.2 A Modicum of Respect
One of the most important need for an individual, derived from the need for
identity, is the need for respect, the need to be acknowledged. Such a need
comes to the fore due to perceived apathy and insensitivity of the ruling
regime during certain events that threaten the fabric of the society. The
public outburst due to the insensitivity displayed by the government
machinery in face of the rape of female medical student in Delhi in 2012
highlights this issue.
Public Protest against Delhi government: Outrage against Insenstivity
The public explosion of collective anger, after the gang rape of a medical student in Delhi in
December 2012 points out the issues that the individual elector holds dear – concern for life
and self-respect as important, irrespective of changes in social norms.
Image taken from commons depository.
97NHRC News:Commission calls for assistance for people displaced by land acquisitions. PUCL Bulletin,
June 2001.
98Biswajit Roy (2009). Allies put CPM in dock. The Telegraph. May 21, 2009.
99Sashi sees education as Maoist antidote. The Telegraph. Nov. 4, 2012. P4.
50

The interactions with government officials with their high-handed behaviour
is a common knowledge in the collective mind. The daily reports in the media
feed to the perception about an insensitive government with no care about
how its citizens are treated is fuelled by incidents which become public
cause. The spread of information through internet and mobile phones have
played a catalytic role in mobilising public opinion on public cause incidents,
like the Lokpal Bill, or the rape incident.
8.5.3 Fair Play
Why does the electorate generally not get bothered about business families
who splash their wealth around? Or why, in general, wealth inequity per se
does not lead to social unrest or protests? For example, the purchase of
Hummer, probably the most expensive car on Indian roads, in Jharkhand by
Mahendra Singh Dhoni, the captain of Indian cricket team, did not lead to
any protests from citizens. That leads us to one of the essential attributes of
Indian citizen – appreciation for fair play.
Such inequity may be a problem in the minds of the socialists, but for most
Indians, the wealth inequity, in presence of a well functioning government, is
rationalised as the outcome of efforts of deserving individuals. They deserve
it because either they earned it or their forefathers earned it, in a fair
manner.
Gujarat seemingly is a classic example which has extremes of wealth
disparity, in a moderately peaceful co-existence, despite its history of violent
industrial relations. What is not seen by the socialists who criticise wealth
disparity, is that the extent of free market economics prevailing in the state
creates opportunities for all, including the train-loads of citizens coming from
the eastern part of the country, specially West Bengal in the state of Gujarat.
It is not that the free market prevailing in Gujarat is the best one can
theoretically hope for; market based institutions take time to mature. But the
situation therein is far better than what is prevailing in West Bengal or even
for that matter in neighbouring Maharashtra, which also is booming
economically, else Gujarat would have found it difficult to absorb such an
influx without creating significant social problems.
It is argued that the sense of absolute deprivation is more discomforting and
degrading than relative deprivation. When absolute deprivation is furthered
by ignoring concerns of citizens, for example, during land acquisition etc.,
the sense of anger is manifested in the form of armed resistance, as
witnessed in states with richest mineral deposits – like Orissa, Jharkhand,
and Madhya Pradesh.
100
100Does the concept of fair-play go beyond implementation of rules and extend into the framework of
rules? It would be interesting to keep this perspective in mind. The example of Chinese workers'
protest against increase in value-added tax on sewing machines in Zhili in Zhejiang province,
probably, might illustrate citizens' anger about what rules are formulated. As reported, the rioting in
the town which housed 5,000 factories making baby clothings was sparked by refusal by a factory
owner to pay increased tax on sewing machines, and involved more than 1000 migrant workers
51

8.5.4 Respect for Institutions
Norms like protection for life and property, respect for individual freedom
within the boundaries of decency, faith in religions, and values like respect
for law and order, family etc., are maintained by the institutions of family, and
public institutions like the judiciary and police. Despite the changes in social
mores brought on by economic liberalisation and technological changes,
these institutions are dear to the electorate and upholder of these institutions
endear themselves to the population.
8.5.4.1 Family
As the core of the society, the family has retained much of its original
characteristics despite the modernisation and industrialisation of the country.
Even when the younger generations experiment with bohemian lifestyles, the
percentage of those who would continue with that lifestyle dwindles as one
progresses in age. The role models in Indian society have remained ones
who have not negated or degenerated the family as an institution.
This may not be an Indian or an Asian feature. The role of the family as the
bedrock of the society continues, despite the predictions of its demise from
different soothsayers. One would not have expected the French, that too
those resident in Paris, to protest the planned change in law which would
have legalised gay marriage.
101
If this insistence to maintain the family as the
way as it used to be, by probably the most liberal society in the world reflects
anything, it would be the society's need to retain some of the institutions,
specially the family, in their original pristine form. Such a need, if prevalent
in the majority, would make it slippery for the politicians to tamper with family
by catering to fringe-groups who would want to be included in the traditional
definition of family.
8.5.4.2 Public Insitutions
Apart from the family, which forms the bed-rock of any society, the public
institutions like judiciary, the police, armed forces, and other arms of
government apparatus represent the pillars of the society which ensure its
stability and survival.
Politically motivated changes in these institutions will have repercussions,
and candidates aspiring for political success need to be sensitive to the
population’s respect for the institutions and its comfort with stability in these
institutions. Degeneration in performance of these institutions will be
interpreted as failures in governance and will create negative perceptions
about incumbents.
attacking public buildings. Source: Leo Lewis (2011). Tax increase sparks riots in China town. The
Telegraph. October 19, 2011. P2.
101Thousands take to streets of Paris to protest against legalisation of gay marriage set to pass this week.
2013. From http://www.dailymail.co.uk
52

Indications of making cherished institutions subservient to the ruling political
parties interests is seen in a negative light. The recent case of CBI in relation
to the coal field allocation issue highlights the same.
...the Supreme Court on Tuesday termed as "very disturbing" the
Central Bureau of Investigation affidavit on sharing its report with
the law minister and others and slammed the agency for having
kept the court in the dark on the issue.
102
Students would find it educative to go through the debates on different online
forums following this news-report.
8.5.5 Corruption
No matter how modern Indian citizens might be, they are still rooted to old
fashioned values of fair-play, and probity in public life. This is evident from
the attendance at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi in support of Anna Hazare as
corruption has become an issue for people across generations.
103
The anger against corruption probably emerges from violation of both the
prevalent sense of fair-play and citizens' respect towards institutions. As the
institutions are rendered servile to the ruling class's acts of enrichment at the
expense of the larger society, the defunct and dysfunctional institutions
becoming the spillover mechanisms for higher order corruption percolating
down to everyday life of the citizens. Such spillovers tend to amplify the
problem of corruption, initially limited to upper echelons of government and
with time becoming a pervasive phenomenon proliferating into all branches
of the government.
The general feeling against corruption is irrespective of location and
background of the citizens, and in most likelihood, touches the primordial
instincts of injustice and betrayal. Thus, the feeling against the regime
remain unchanged, specially with the visible and manifested accumulation of
wealth by the political class, which is considered undeserving as compared
to those engaged in actual commerce. The discussions among the media
lead to speculation as to how politicians ever increasing assets are not
questioned by legal and judicial institutions as to the source of the wealth.
Corruption and Law
Despite their loud rancorous exchanges, political parties join hands against greater
measures for accountability. In the hawala case, the Supreme Court struck down the Single
Directive which required prior permission from the state even before a preliminary inquiry
into charges of corruption is launched. It was reinstated by law enacted by Parliament as an
amendment to the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act, 1946; still the CBI’s charter. No
major party dissented.
104

102MASSIVE breach of trust: SC on CBI's coal report sharing. From http://www.rediff.com
103Ashutosh (2012). Anna: 13 Days That Awakened India.
104How the political class has looted India. July 30, 2010. From http://www.thehindu.com
53

8.6 The Changes
Despite the aforementioned features in the Indian society which can be
considered stable and durable, certain changes in the outlook may have
been taking place. Some of these are discussed herein.
8.6.1 Dependency versus Empowerment
Give a man a fish and you feed him for a day. Teach a man to fish and you feed him
for a lifetime.
- Chinese Proverb
India has come a long way from an environment which was plagued by
rationing system for essential commodities, and politically-connections was
one of the main ways to obtain them. The story of booking for a Bajaj scooter
and obtaining it after six years is still one of the landmark features of such an
era. Employment in government or public sector, due to restricted private
sector, licences and even basic amenities like a gas connections, or a
telephone connection required either a letter or a telephonic call from
someone politically connected or a bribe.
Swami Vivekanda's Power Message versus Free Money
Congress has the history of naming programs after dynastic leaders. As reported on
website rediff.com "According to information released by the Ministry of Planning in
response to an RTI query, 27 out of 58 institutions and schemes being run by the Centre are
named after former Prime Ministers Jawaharlal Nehru, Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi."
105

In constrast to a scheme based governance, Naredra Modi's decision to invoke Swami
Vivekanda offers insights into the working of the strategist who has been titled NaMo by his
supporters. "The Gujarat government on Thursday declared that the year 2012 would be
celebrated as the ‘Year of Youth Power,' to commemorate the 150th birth anniversary of
Swami Vivekananda." The announcement was done with an national icon, former President,
A.P.J. Abdul Kalam who was present on the occasion.
Further analysis of the discourse indicated the achievement orientation of the philosophy as
compared to dole-based oriented philosophy of the Congress, which probably was
misalinged as compared the collective mind of the Gujarati citizens.
Core to such an environment was the government's self adopted
responsibility of taking care of the Indian citizens along with restrictions on
the private sector to provide the same. The gap between the need and the
supply was supposed to be managed by the rationing/ booking system so
that everyone would have to wait in the queue. The government with its
vision of socialism wanted to be unchallenged, as evidenced by the
numerous restrictions on the private sector, in its role of the provider, the
105Most central schemes named after Nehru-Gandhi family. Dec. 17, 2012. From http://www.rediff.com
54

mai baap to the population. Empowerment of citizen, in the perspective of
such an arrangement, was when the citizens obtained their due dole.
The history of the failure of such a system is too enormous to be inked here.
From the government run hospitals to schools to government run welfare
institutions, failure cases abound. Stories of corruption, inefficiency and lack
of accountability run common in almost all spheres.
Even in case of rural development, failure of government driven
empowerment agenda is evident where the traditional caste system has
been replaced by the village panchayat or munshi in cahoots with official
hierarchy of the Indian administration system.
106
Hence one can look at
grandiose schemes like that of MGNREGA as to whether it would yield any
political mileage for the Congress party. Or given the widely reported failures
in its implementation, to which entity the blame would be attributed to?
In states ruled by opposition, a good implementation may end up leading to
the ruling party gaining the upper hand, as good implementation would be
accompanied by stories of failures in other states. Or worse, if the ruling
party siphons of the funds, the political party gets financial resources which
can be utilised for electoral contests, while the party at the centre gets the
blame for not enforcing corrective action. Such a situation would deliver a
double – blow to the party at the centre, planning and implementing such
schemes from New Delhi without understanding the ground realities and the
expectations of the people.
8.6.2 The Changing Norms
I want the works, I want the whole works, Presents and prizes,
And sweets and surprises, Of all shapes and sizes
And now
- Roald Dahl
Is the current generation more oriented to instant gratification? Maybe, the
older generations would like think of it that way. In the minds of the younger
generation, however the older generation may not be the moral compass
any more. This may be for multitude of reasons. Older institutions, like the
joint family, which bound people in larger bodies than nuclear families, have
become nearly extinct due lack of satisfying employment for all family
members in the same city or town.
Collective bodies like religious institutions no longer function as such as they
have not been able to prevent themselves from becoming corrupt. Examples
of Durga puja in West Bengal highlight the situation where these cultural
festivals have become businesses in themselves run by people connected to
power, and are able to extract money in the name of donations.
106Such nexus, despite the best efforts, can be difficult to dislodged. See Sinha (2011).
55

Trying to put a lid on the aspirations of the citizens, politicians have however
erred in adopting a lifestyle contrary to one peached, themselves signalling
the importance of material symbols of success. The late Rajiv Gandhi was
famous for driving his Jonga, flanked by security cars, all the traffic signals
synchronised to ensure a smooth journey. Those were the days when the
options for middle class to purchase a vehicle was hampered by high levels
of taxes, direct and indirect, along with restricted competition to existing car
manufacturers.
As ardent practitioners of language politics in different states, e.g., in West
Bengal and Karnataka, among the many examples, most politicians ensured
that the state language would become the medium of education in
government schools. Yet, their wards were educated in private English
medium schools. Similar examples of differential rules for the governors and
the governed can be found in many other spheres.
Apart from the signals from the regime, changes in society take place due to
new generations emerging each year from the schools and colleges.
Possessing different outlook, the emergent generations have new idols to
look up to, different and sometimes contradictory opinions, and often do not
consider previous generations’ views as sacrosanct.
As people become more individualistic, they no longer willingly subject
themselves to the dictates of the heads of older order. Or maybe, this strain
between generations has always been existing, the only difference is now it
is becoming increasingly manifested.
8.6.3 Cultural Convergence
What we are seeing - it seems to me - is a fundamental renegotiation of the
relationships among person, society, state, and nature - even self.
-Reilus Heliodromus
Prof. M N Srinivas's theory of Sanskritization, in which he had argued that
lower castes aspire to and adopt the life-style of the upper castes, pointed
out to the fluidity of caste system and identification.
107
Replacing the term
Sanskritization, as it has unnecessary religious connotations and will divert
us from the main idea of shifts within population, it is better replaced it by
cultural convergence, which captures the same ideas that were propounded
by Srinivas. One finds evidence of this cultural convergence in multiple
places. Nowhere it is more apparent than in cities where the immigrants
merge into the dominant city culture and modify their traditional culture. If
one travels in Bengaluru and visits McDonald, one would not be surprised to
see the youth of the different religions engaging in socializing (a better term
than the western one of ‘dating’), including those religions for which dating
will be a controversial topic to discuss. The advent of communication tools
like internet and mobile phones have accelerated the phenomenon.
107Sanskritization. Accessed on May 02, 2013 from http://www.sociologyguide.com/social-
stratification/Sanskritization.php
56

The caste in Srinivas’s theory seems to have been replaced by the different
levels within the middle class - higher middle, middle middle, and lower
middle – with its differential access to benefits of job, anonymity and safety
in numbers, and thenceforth the cause of middle class alarm at erosion of
institutions like police and judiciary as these institutions allow them to be
independents of the power hierarchies, either in terms of political power,
caste based power or religion based power structures.
One could conclude that the village -situated power hierarchy of caste or the
enlarged family or in some cases the community’s hold over the individual’s
life has been minimized by the capitalist system as evidenced from studies in
states like Punjab and Bihar (Jodhka 2010) which will be predictive of the
failure of the village based dole system espoused by aam admi ideology of
Indian National Congress in the recent times as it pushes the people back to
the same power ecology from which they are trying to extricate themselves.
Did this shift, and the recognition of such a shift reason by BJP strategists,
lead to Narendra Modi’s success in Gujarat elections, in face of the massive
welfare schemes ?
Neo Middle Class' refusal to go for dole
A critical difference between Narendra Modi’s campaign and that of the Congress, was the
discourse which had the rising middle class as the core theme. Compared to Congress’s
entitlement based campaigns, the incumbent Chief Minister steadfastly emphasised on
enterprise. As commented by various individuals about the new emerging class, their
aspirations are no less than that of the middle class, ranging from quality education for their
children to engage in consumerism akin to the middle class.
108
Sharing common concerns
like inflation, corruption, and job opportunities, the emerging neo-middle class dispalys a
distinctly different mind-set than what UPA's aam admi rhetoric would want them to have.
109
Does the rising class portend of a new future? "As the middle class continues to swell in
size, it will tempt politicians to frame broad-based public policies to draw their support."
110
If
one were to look at the losses suffered by Mayawati in UP assembly elections in 2012, or
that of rise of Nitish Kumar in Bihar, one can hypothesise that the rewards for good
governance and punishment for the lack of governance emerge from such a change.
8.7 The So-called Shortness of Public Memory
The public has a short memory. That's why all these big stars do these crazy, terrible
things and two years later they're back in the biz, you know.
- Steve Martin
The so-called 'short public memory' has been in use in popular media for
quite a long term. However the issue is piquant one, as the 'public' is vilified
without being given a chance to defend oneself. The length of the memory in
population or its sub-sections depends on whether the population has critical
108A Ladder of Opportunity, A ray of hope- Youngster, Women, Neo Middle Class and Narendra Modi. 2012.
From http://www.narendramodi.in
109UPA’s ‘aam admi’ rhetoric meaningless. 2012. From http://www.niticentral.com
110The rise of India's 'neo middle class'. 2012. From http://www.livemint.com
57

influential individuals or institutions which would maintain the history of
events and pass that knowledge and information opinion leaders in following
generations or institutionalise the knowledge. When institutions like media
follow the regime's dictates and starts to blank out contentious events, the
public often remained ignorant. This may not be a feature of the population,
but rather a manipulation of the media to prevent the news from remaining in
public memory. However with the emerging of alternate media, the
contentious episodes are being brought back to life, along with active
participation in debates on them.
If the newer generation has forgotten about the contribution by or the flaws
of the previous generation of leaders, the blame for the current state of
affairs has to be shouldered by the current and previous generations of
politicians. Fading memory would be beneficial to some parties and would be
harmful for some. It takes a more than a wise leader, in the form of
concerted effort, to keep memories fresh or to rekindle the memory in the
collective mind.
Memories of older leaders fade away, unless the ecology of discourse has
been maintained, or institutionalised. Why the syllabus books of schools and
colleges are therefore so politically important is easily understood using the
logic given; one can figure out reasons for uproar created by Communist
parties when Trinamool government moved to revise certain aspects of
syllabus in West Bengal. The same can be looked at different books of
different states and at the syllabus at the national level.
111

Regarding this aspect of how history can be written and re-written can best
be understood if one looks at different historians' writings regarding a single
episode relating to Punjab, which indicates a different version not described
in the school text books: “By some accounts, Bhindranwale was built up by
Sanjay Gandhi and the Union home minister Zail Singh (himself a former
chief minister of Punjab) as a counter to the Akalis” (Guha, 2007:559). Such
an account is supported by other historians as well “The initiator of terrorism
was Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, who emerged in the late 1970s as a
strong campaigner of Sikh orthodoxy. In this campaign he received the tacit
support of the Punjab Congress led by Gaini Zail Singh, who hoped to use
him to undercut the Akalis” (Chandra, Mukherjee and Mukherjee, 2008: 430).
Same is indicated by Brass (1994:195) “the Congress supported the
extremist Sant Bhindranwale to undermine the moderate leadership of the
Akali Dal”.
Only by maintaining the reverence towards previous leaders, i.e., by
controlling the schools text books or the official discourse, can the inheritors
attempt to leverage their family or party history. Therefore one can never
allow a open discussion of the blunders of the so called-icons, or even a
debate regarding their contributions versus their failings, as to do that would
be to erode their image and diminish the political mileage that flows from
such an image.
111M.Mohibul Haque (2012) Trinamoolisation Of History In West Bengal. Accessed on August 24, 2012 from
http://www.countercurrents.org/haque250512.htm
58

8.8 Promises Unmet
Well, now, if little by little you stop loving me,
I shall stop loving you little by little.
- Pablo Neruda
Promises are a dual edged sword for any aspirant or candidate. Promising
the proverbial moon may lead to dividends in the short run, in certain
situations, while in the long run, probably in the next election itself, the unmet
promises become golden opportunities for the opposition to exploit.
Promises by themselves are harmless. However subject matter of certain
promises may require the wisdom of the sages in order to make good on the
commitments. As the report regarding the monkey menace in Himachal
Pradesh indicates, the resolution of the problems due to primates had been
part of BJP's manifesto in 2007 (probably even accounting significantly for
BJP's win in 2007), and the failure to keep the promise in a state which
witnesses losses to crops from monkeys to the tune of Rs. 500 cr every year
could have ended up becoming a contributing factor, along with the damage
done by BJP rebel Maheshwar Singh who had floated HImachal Lokhit
Party, for BJP's poor showing in the elections of 2012.
112

Apart from the explicitly mentioned promises, leaders by their actions, or in
some cases by their persona, create implicit promises, known as
psychological contracts. Examples are of leaders coming from defence
services background. The population cannot be faulted for expecting a
similar degree of professionalism in word and deed, and in governance.
Promises that are implicit – of governance, protection of life and property,
and fairness in dealings, also provides a reason for arguing that population
may not align with the statement of rulers that they have the people’s
mandate for implementing certain policies, particularly if the policies go
against the implicitly made ones.
Breaking silence with a round of promises
When the opportunity to engage in discussion and demonstrate concrete action has
passed, drawing attention to those topics again has to be done with care. Rahul Gandhi's
promises to get the Lokpal Bill passed in the Parliament can be analysed from such a
perspective, coming after a prolonged silence when the demand for debate was being made
by protesters headed by Anna Hazare. “We will get the (Lokpal) bill passed in parliament
soon. Wait and watch,” Rahul Gandhi assured his party workers who had gathered in large
numbers at the Ramlila Ground in the capital for the Congress party’s massive rally in
support of the UPA government’s economic reforms and policies.
113
For different sections of population, a vote has different meanings. For
certain sections, it is a symbol of their empowerment, their identity which is
manifested in rural citizens, who work in cities, forgoing their earnings to
come back and cast their vote back in villages. For some it is an opportunity
112J. P. Yadav (2012). Himachal monkey on BJP back. The Telegraph. November 5, 2012. P5.
113Our political system is flawed, will get Lokpal: Rahul Gandhi. 2012. From http://www.firstpost.com
59

to collectively correct the wrongs in history, which makes legacy of broken
promises toxic.
8.9 People Benchmark
It's the benchmark we go by. It's the path forward.
-Jack Cashman
Different segments of electorate have different reference points. For some it
is what their relatives are doing, and, probably benefiting from their stay in
countries in the Middle East, or in Malaysia, or in Singapore etc., where they
have migrated. For some it might be the governance and quality of life
nearer home, as observed in better managed states of Gujarat and
Maharashtra, which become the benchmark of what and how one’s life can
be and is not there in the backward states. Due to prevalence of multiple
societal networks, facilitated by technology, today’s electorate has multiple
reference points.
114
That people migrate from different parts of the country to seek work in the
industrial cities is nothing new. However what is interesting from a politician’s
perspective is the concentration of movement towards certain regions. A
cursory glance at migration towards Gujarat and Maharashtra on different
west-bound trains from Howrah railway station in West Bengal illustrates this
concentration which occurs because of fewer employment opportunities in
West Bengal. Similarly the examples of migration from Bihar towards
Punjab, New Delhi, Maharashtra and Gujarat are well known. These people
are critical sources of information about governance in different parts of the
country against which benchmarking is carried out back home.
Disconnected from the people
As compared to Bihar, West Bengal did not see the rampant criminalisation during the Left
Front's rule, but witnessed the disillusionment born of stagnation in the economic and social
life, as the other states were pushing ahead. For those who could, migration for jobs was a
short term solution. For the rural citizen, it was a combination of unemployment, domination
by the Left Front on almost all aspects of the socio-political life, and the fear of communists
becoming agents for businesses and forcibly taking away their land, that led to the shift
away from the ruling Left Front in 2011. Such a disconnect may not be apparent from
people's participation in different government sponsored clebrations. Commening on the
Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee's felicitation and accompanying celebration that followed
the win of Kolkata Knight Riders in IPL tournament in 2012, Rudrangshu Mukherjee
commented on "simulated euphoria" to divert attention from critical issues.
115
114One can look at the reasons for Narendra Modi's popularity among the NRIs and research as to whether
the development of the state and presenting a robust face of Indian capability and agreesiveness as
compared to an 'always-in-need' face has been playing a crucial role or not. Source: India first for 'secular'
Modi. From The Telegraph. March 11, 2013.
115Rudrangshu Mukherjee (2012). Let the band play on. The Telegraph. June 3, 2012. P 12.
60

People also benchmark political parties with respect to their espoused
ideology. One example of the same would be the emotional issue of
minority, which sees different treatments even among political scientists.
Political scientists (e.g., see Khilnani, 2010) have mistaken the rise of BJP
as a rise of middle class Hindus towards the ideas espoused by BJP.
Instead, the alternate explanation that arises out of benchmarking engaged
in by population, is that the middle class’s ideas of fairness and a level
playing field was eroded away by the benefits and the largesse given to
different religions and castes by Congress which supposedly stood for
secularism. Thus, the alternate proposition that can be raised to explain the
rise of BJP, is that, it was not an acceptance of BJP’s Hindu agenda, but the
acceptance of the idea of fairness and justice, ingrained in the concept of
Ram Rajya. BJP’s interpretation, as singled out by the political scientists,
has been the religious domination of a single religion. The other
interpretation which has been missed out by the political scientists, is the
governance and the rule of law, which was also the characteristic of the
famed rule of Lord Ram in Ayodhya. This aspect needs careful introspection
as the Congress rule at the centre was characterized by corruption and wilful
subversion of institutions (interested readers may like to re-look at the Shah
Bano case and Bofors case).
Other political scientists like Jaffrelot (2010) deny certain aspects of the
Hindu culture altogether, terming the Vedic period as invention. “The
invention of this tradition of an ethnic Golden Age going back to the Vedic
era is the touchstone of Hindu nationalism” (2010:206).
As per Jaffrelot, the gains of BJP in elections were a consequence of
manipulation of Hindu symbols, while maintaining silence as to the reasons
why the same electorate refused to be enamoured by the very same
symbols in the earlier elections (2010: 211). Did the demolition of Babri
Masjid shake the secular foundations of India (Mohapatra, 2010) or did the
vote for BJP signal the majority's desire to end the appeasement of the
minorities which had been incorporated in the political agenda of certain
parties in the name of secularism? Results in the later elections in which BJP
lost, specially the general elections of 2009, signal that the Indian electorate
is probably more mature than certain political scientists would like to credit.
Similar has been the case of the so-called elite, educated in western culture
– who hob nob with the certain bohemian icons and take pride in deriding
their own language and culture. M F Hussain who painted Hindu gods in the
nude would have never dared to subject Islam, his own religion to such
degradation. Yet, in support of such acts, the educated intelligentsia
perceive their modernity.
Mohapatra (2010) replaces secularism with “substantive equality” (2010:220)
arguing that special provisions for minorities are justified as they addresses
the problem of inequality. Violation of principle of equality is however not
touched upon. Such stand-points, created by opportunistic parties as well as
supported by certain political scientists and media-created secularists, have
ended up making secularism a sensitive topic.
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The secularists want to discuss the issue of minority and their rights in a
manner which ignores the historical context – the period of Mughal rule, the
atrocities by the Muslim rulers and invaders are rationalized as “normal” for
any invading force and religion had nothing to do with the desecration of
temples and of destruction of temples or building mosques on the
foundations of the temples. Unacceptable parts of history are conveniently
whitewashed out of the history curriculum in the schools, and any political
party which tries to refer to it is branded communal. What the political
scientists refuse to, or fail to, acknowledge is that, the partition of India is, in
the eyes of many Hindus, a price already paid, and not to be charged
against them again in different forms.
Muslims: a political resource?
What if, what the Muslims needed, as per some in certain contexts, was not the same as
the politicians wanted them to have? Not only in benefits, but also in thought. An example
of that could probably be the incident of book targettted by Mamata Banerjee-led West
Bengal government written by IPS officer Nazrul Islam’s book, Musalmander Ki Karaniya
(What Muslims Should Do). The book highlighted the plight of Muslims in the state.
Reportedly, in his book, Islam had argued against reservation for Muslims or announcing
allowances for Imams, and favoured modern education for the minority community.
116

The following words seems to have been written as if to ruthlessly shake and awaken the
community to the reality: "Let Muslims get stuck on grants of 2,500 rupees per month. Let
them send their children to the madaras. ... sending their children to the madrasas so that
they produce more and more imams or madrasa employees, earn 2,000 to 3,000 rupees in
salary and live unfed or half-fed. While, the children of the Brahmin-Baidya-Kayasthas
become leaders and ministers, join services such as the I.A.S [Indian Administrative
Service], I.F.S [Indian Foreign Service], I.P.S. [Indian Police Service] and I.R.S. [Indian
Revenue Service] to become cabinet secretary, chief secretary, home secretary, D.G.
[director general], C.P. [chief commissioner], D.M. [district magistrate] and S.P.
[superintendent of police]".
It may be that what the muslim community wants is misinterpreted by the political leaders
who do not want to tackle the sensitivity involved. One can look at the phase out of Haj
subsidy. Even as the Haj subsidy was ordered to be phased out by Supreme court on May
8, 2012, the Muslim Members of Parliament welcomed the move and argued for investment
of the money into education.
117
Education and empowerment thus emerges as a common
theme throughout.
The Congress which probably thought their version of secularism would be
accepted by the majority however, made the mistake of bringing the history
back by the replacement of secularism with “substantive equality”. It is
possible that the average political scientist and Congress perceive that all
issues would be resolved with reference to the Constitution of India,
amendment of which has seen some interesting cases of political
116Shubham Ghosh (2012) Banning book: What communal harmony Mamata speaking about?
117Samanwaya Rautray (2012). SC orders Haj subsidy phase-out. The Telegraph. May 9, 2012.
62

opportunism, with the provisions for the protection of minorities as the base
(Chandhole, 2010; Mohapatra, 2010: 231;), which is however at significant
variance with the collective mind of the Hindus which would incorporation of
history of partition and the previous history of Muslim rule into consideration
of the minority question. The political scientists are silent on the relationship
between development deficits of the Muslim population and the persistence
of the antiquated education system persisted by the madrassa system, and
nurtured by support from ruling parties for political reasons.
8.9.1 Actions Speak A Thousand Words
Initiatives undertaken by the contestants are critical to maintain their
presence in the mind of the collective. There are different sub-themes within
the action – one that is genuine initiative undertaken within the framework of
guiding vision, the other is the action which is directed towards image
making and widely covered by media, often creating doubts about managed
by image consultants, and the last one is the unintended consequences of
one’s actions. One might look at unintended consequences of leaders,
especially those in power, as genuine errors in judgement or as insensitive
leadership, ranging from death of patients due to security corridors for
VIPs.
118
While media plays a critical role in spreading the news, the more critical role
is now played by citizen’s networks in its different forms, Twitter, Facebook
etc. one would look at the concern of the ruling Congress in trying to control
the Internet due to the damage done by such information dissemination. For
incumbents, apart from inertia on certain promises, the other aspect of
problem is prodigality towards certain pet schemes, some of which is
discussed below.
8.9.1.1 White Elephants
A quixotic creation in Indian public life, it often takes birth due to interesting,
often outrageous, ideas harboured by the individuals in power, and serve to
illustrate to the electorate the working of the minds of the rules for a long
time to come. Enjoying a long life span, they linger on in public view for quite
some time.
The persistence of white elephants is also due to incumbents not being open
to contrary suggestions from capable advisers, or due to the fact that the
incumbent has expedited the removal of advisers who have refused to go
along with his/ her ideas. While different leaders have created their own
versions of white elephants, the version created by Mayawati’s government
literally fits the label.
118PM's security causes death on the street for the third time. 21 December 2010. From http://southasia.
oneworld.net
63

White Elephants as Symbols of Self-aggrandisement
Mayawati's creation of elephant statues in Uttar Pradesh was unprecedented in the
utilisaiton of public funds. The statues not only create doubts in the minds of the population
about their utility, but create ceaseless discussions about how the money could have been
better utilised, a kind of negative campaign unwillingly brought on by her own strategic
blind-spot. If these are caught up in financial scam, it adds more fuel to the fire.
119

One can identify two broad types of white elephants. The apparent can be
witnessed by citizens and is often the butt of jokes and caricatures. Carried
away by victory, it is not uncommon to witness indulge in self-
aggrandisement, which takes the form of statues, parks, or implementation
of certain notions of what a city should have or how a city should look like.
Even more piquant situation would be when the new regime purposefully
maintains these white elephants for prosperity, probably as reminder of
previous regime's lack of judgement for generations to come.
120

Behenji waves from Didi's Lampost
The three-headed lamp posts installed all over Kolkata has become part of the street talk.
They not only represent Mamata Banerjee's efforts to change the city's look, as reported by
her idea of converting Kolkata to London,
121
but also double up as convinient hangers for
posters and banners of political parties of all hues and shades.
Photo taken by author on February 2013 in Kolkata.
The second category of white elephants does not explicitly start as such.
They are based on apparently honest intentions to help certain sections of
119Mayawati's elephant statues expose Rs 60 crore scam say UP police. 2012. The Dakshin Times.
120Maya’s statues, elephants will not be pulled down: Akhilesh. FirstPost. March 6, 2012.
121 Raktima Bose (2011) Mamata wants to turn Kolkata into London. 3 August 2011
64

the population, and would fall in populist welfare schemes. However analysis
using political-economy frameworks would identify the reasons why these
initiatives can be called as schemes designed to fail. hese schemes can not
be resuscitated back to life to deliver the intended outcomes despite the
amount of resources poured in. Such schemes, by becoming part of the daily
conversation, generates cynicism towards an incumbent, which cannot be
easily countered, delivering aid to the political fortunes of the opponents.
8.10 Media – the Old and the New
Democracy becomes a governance of bullies tempered by editors.
- Ralph Waldo Emerson
Media, a collective noun that encompasses a wide variety of channels, paid
and free, regional and national, the old venerable and the new players, plays
a critical role in moulding of the public opinion. The discussions on the role of
the media in a democracy has been a subject of many school debates and
essay writing competitions as well as a favourite topic in different
examinations. That the media has power goes without saying. If one
remembers, the news of India allowing refuelling of American military aircraft
during the Gulf War, led to uproar in Parliament and threatened to bring
Chandrashekhar’s minority government down with Congress threats to
withdraw support. So much the the power of the media in recent times has
irked the politicians. During the protests following the gang-rape of the
medical student, the reports by the media reportedly irked Congress general
secretary Digvijaya Singh who is quoted as remarking that the media was
playing the roles of police, the prosecution and that of the judge.
122

The moulding of the public mind by media is, in certain cases, extremely
intense, often leading most politicians, in certain situations, to play to the
media and the gallery in their decisions.
The picture presented by the media on different issues is far from an honest
one, or an intellectually correct one. The example of inflation reporting by
different newspapers is illustrated here as a case in point. Given below are
extracts from articles from the reputed business newspaper Economic
Times, which can be taken as representative of other news channels.
“... the wholesale price index, is at 5.96%, the lowest in three
years.”
123
“Retail inflation for farm workers eased marginally to 12.64 per cent
122Electronic media has become police, prosecution & judge: Digvijaya. From The Times of India.
123Growth looks up as inflation falls; but policy must tackle business roadblocks April 17, 2013. From The
Economic Times.
65

in March ”
124
In economics, inflation is defined as a rise in the general level of prices of
goods and services, with respect to prices prevailing in a benchmark year.
Reports on inflation therefore need to indicate the benchmark year. If one
benchmarks it to the year 1970-71, the year from which RBI data is available
on RBI's website, then one gets a very different picture, and certainly not a
rosy picture, as compared to that presented in the news articles.
The absolute values for indices of All Commodities for 2011-12 stand at
2037.60, for Primary Articles at 2499.59 and for Food Articles at 2400.88,
taking 1970-71 as 100, implying an increase in prices of more than 20 times
in past 40 years.
What the current media reports indicates is the rate, the first differential as
compared to the absolute values. Presenting the data in absolute manner
may be alarming as compared to reporting the first differential. Why should
media, along with official statements include the inflation rate, as compared
to the absolute value? Is it because a number in single digits would be less
worrying to the population or allows the reality of prevailing prices to be
moulded in a less painful manner? The subtle change from reporting
absolute values to reporting percentage change in the values of inflation is
among the many ways in which the mainstream media has behaved, leading
to rise in popularity of alternate media.
8.10.1 Rise of Alternate Media
Alternate media is becoming the most important way of people finding out the truth,
the most important way of finding out the things that people don’t want you to know,
the most important way for people to organize themselves, set their own agenda and
take a bit of control of their won lives, because the mainstream is shit.
Mark Thomas, Political Comedian
Multiple view points and analyses in a different forum governed by different
rules has led to popularity of the alternate media. With people getting online
in increasing numbers, such media will gain in prominence, challenging what
has been termed by some as mediacracy, defined as networks of power
relationships and benefits between political parties, top journalists, public
relations agencies, lobbyists and other public figures.
125

Alternate media is a relative term, as new newspapers emerge to challenge
the existing. Emergence of media without political masters is another aspect
in the electoral landscape. The faith in alternate media was also
124Inflation eases for farm workers,inches up for rural labourers. April 18, 2013.From The Economic Times.
125John Keane (2011) The hidden media powers that undermine democracy.
66

strengthened by the suspicions on mainstream media, which saw its
credibility taking a hit with the Nadia tapes controversy – which exposed the
unholy nexus between senior journalists, politicians, and corporate
houses.
126

“The news gained prominence following sustained pressure on
social networking sites Twitter and Facebook against an attempted
blackout orchestrated by many prominent Indian TV channels and
newspapers.”
127

“The complete blackout of the Nira Radia tapes by the entire
broadcast media and most of the major English newspapers paints
a truer picture of corruption in the country...”
128

As the government decided to destroy the tapes, it raised even more
questions, and thus led to even more damage to the credibility to institutions
and established media and their influence.
While expressing surprise over the destruction of tapes, Prashant
Bhushan, counsel for NGO 'Centre for Public Interest Litigation',
said it was good that the Supreme Court had directed the
government to deposit copies of each intercept with its Registry.
129

Alternate media can be ruthless, with supporters of multiple camps putting
out different versions of history. Different individuals put out their version,
which, because of silence by official media or lack of credibility of official
versions, have many readers and followers. There are no holy cows with the
rise of the alternate media, as exemplified below:
“Nehru was clueless about economic policy... Nehru was clueless
about military policy. Thousands of Indian soldiers died in the
disastrous war with China, thanks to Cha-cha. ...Nehru was
clueless about military strategy. He told the Indian army to halt their
campaign to throw out the Pakistanis from Kashmir and took the
matter to the UN”.
130

With the rise of online blogs, Youtube videos, and Twitter-equivalents,the
speed with which details about the events are circulated would challenge the
old media. With the emergence of technology and increasing affordability of
126The Radia tapes controversy relates to the telephonic conversations between Nira Radia, a political
lobbyist and an acquaintance of the (then) Indian telecom minister A. Raja, and with senior journalists,
politicians, and corporate houses, taped by the Indian Income Tax Department in 2008–09. The tapes led to
accusations of misconduct by many of these people. Nira Radia used to run a public relations firm named
Vaishnavi Communications, whose clients include the Tata Teleservices and Mukesh Ambani’s Reliance
Industries.
127Radia tapes controversy. Accessed on May 02, 2013 from http://en.wikipedia.org
128G Sampath (2010) When Radia killed the media star.
129Dhananjay Mahapatra (2012) Government shreds entire Radia tapes, tells Supreme Court it’s difficult to
find who leaked excerpts to media.
130Atanu Dey (2011) India’s Debt to Veer Savarkar.
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mobile devices, the success and failures of different candidates, political
parties and regimes will be circulated, or rather become-viral, in a matter of
minutes. Narendra Modi's use of Internet to reach out to Indians in different
parts of the world overcoming travel restrictions is a case in point. His
initiative of using Google hangout to answer questions live from people,
coordinated by Ajay Devgan attracted participants from various parts of the
world.
A search using key words “India corruption” on google groups reveals 200 +
groups, and on yahoo groups the number is 89,000+. Increased access to
Internet among population has spawned think-groups, who deliberate on
issues relevant to the group members, accelerated by celebrities like Amir
Khan (http://www.satyamevjayate.in/) and by activists like Shantanu
Bhagwat. one time Venture Capitalist and ex-IFS, '91 batch,
(http://satyameva-jayate.org).
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9 The Voter's Search
It is not titles that honour men, but men that honour titles.
- Niccolo Machiavelli
Do contestant win elections in a manner reminiscent of generals leading
their army against the enemy? Contrary to the view that a particular
candidate or party wins the election, this treatise treats the result as outcome
of majority voters casting their vote in favour of the particular candidate or
party. Though innocently similar in meaning, the first perspective implies a
militaristic outlook at elections. In contrast, the second perspective implies a
socio-psychological perspective.
For an individual, embedded in his/her socio-cultural milieu, subject to the
uncertainties and challenges of existence, and often at the receiving end of
the existing political and administrative apparatuses, more often than not
unfavourable than favourable, the vote represents an act of faith in the
concept of nation, the sanctity of electoral process and in particular, in the
capability of a candidate or a political party.
It would be difficult, using the militaristic perspective, to account for reasons
which make citizens abstain from the electoral process, or for the reasons
that make citizens forsake their daily business for a single day, queue up in
front of the polling booths, and exercise their franchise.
Explicitly evident to the population about some candidates, while in other
candidates the population perceives it to be absent, there is something about
them towards whom the population is favourably disposed, that
encompasses their legacy, their associations, the discourse engaged in and
the discourse abstained from, along with the summation of the activities
engaged in by them personally as well as by their followers, activities
engaged in, both episodic, in certain cases temporary in nature and done
with an eye towards the looming electoral contests as well activities in
routine, that endows a particular candidates with a certain aura, composed
of electorate's perceptions about their capabilities.
This perception of capability, created and retained by the electorate, is the
guiding heuristic of electorate, forming their judgement not only when faced
with the decision during the elections, but over elongated periods of time
using multiple information-sources. The winning candidate would have to
come as the rain maker, the person who can initiate progress or ensure
success, whose deeds end-up as folklore, and whose words are beyond
censure, or in extreme case in a situation so prevalent, have to be perceived
as the individual with the fabled Midas touch.
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9.1 Governability
The winds and waves are always on the side of the ablest navigators.
- Edward Gibbon
What is the nature of the capability that is searched for by the electorate? A
candidate with a high degree of integrity may, and often does as is
illustrated by the history of many independent candidates, end up as a loser
as compared to others with tainted histories. The capability searched for by
the electorate is a higher level concept encompassing more than just
integrity, or resource endowment of candidates.
Governability (governance + capability) of individuals or political parties is
conceptualised as electorate's perception of the sum total of an individual
candidate's capability and moral right to govern, at a particular point of time.
Governability is conceptualised to be built up by the following constituent
constructs.
i.Power Projectability
ii.Moral Authority
These three concepts, governability, power projectability, and moral authority
are posited to be psycho-social constructs, resident in the minds of citizens
for a particular candidate or political party, where it develops and mutates,
based on a complex mix of self-experiences, and prevalent shared
experiences of people of similar and dissimilar backgrounds.
9.2 Power Projectability
Power projectability is conceptualised to describe electorate’s perception of
an candidate’s ability to influence outcomes in different domains, at a point
of time.
One may look at the ability to project influence resident in different
individuals, who have not been post holders in the government governing
apparatus. Bal Thackrey, founder of Shiv Sena, can be identified as the
embodiment of power projectability in the context of Maharashtra. Or in the
context of states like Jharkhand, Bihar and Orissa, the capability of Naxalite
organisations to project power. As the example of Naxalite organisations
reveals, or for that matter that of any terrorist organisations, official sanction
is not necessary to be accorded a high degree of power projectability in the
mind of the population.
Power projectability is conceptualised to be built up of following constructs.
1.Leadership Equity
70

2.Organisation
9.2.1 Leadership Equity
The type of hero dear to a crowd will always have the semblance of a Caesar, His
insignia attract them, His authority overawes them, and his sword instils them with
fear.
- Gustave Le Bon
The ability of the candidate to creates confidence of being capable in
overcome opposition and get things done. How do individual candidates
make a difference by their leadership – this is best understood by certain
examples.
Each candidate has to decide the battles to be fought, the issues to be
raised, the stratagems and tactics based on reading of the ground realities,
the laying out of boundaries of domains, actions, and the limits to which the
followers can go to. Whether the battles will be lead by him/her personally,
the extent to which the individual shows maturity over the action-choices
and the use of different action-choices, etc., all go to create the leadership
equity of an individual.
For example, the power projectability of Shiv Sena in Mumbai, specifically,
and in Maharashtra, in general, can hardly be challenged. However its
annual battle against celebration of St. Valentine's Day is an interesting
question from a strategic perspective. Does this battle gives its leadership
any incremental benefit, or dilutes down the equity? Or, while such a battle
may reinforce the power projectability of the organization, but is it negated by
an accompanying erosion of leadership equity?
This conceptualisation of leadership equity also provides a tentative
explanation as to why, in certain cases as illustrated by history of Indian
elections, candidates with criminal records fare better than relatively cleaner
candidates in the elections.
131
The perceived ability to deliver the goods,
especially in cases where official machinery is perceived to be non-
responsive except when approached via the interventions of the candidate,
appeals to the voters, especially in India where government machinery can
be callous and non-functional in general, but more towards those in the
lower rungs of the society. In the minds of the population in those situations
the presence of the criminal record along with the ability that comes with the
attendant organizational structure of the candidate, provides both the moral
authority and the necessary leadership equity when contrasted to candidates
who have neither.
131This is a working hypothesis, explaining outcomes in certain situations where the opposing candidates may
have not been worthwhile. In case where other contestants have been worthy, and backed by larger party,
the voters have responded accordingly. An example would be the election of Abhishek Mishra, former
faculty of IIM, Ahmedabad, who contested in North Lucknow as a Samajwadi Party candidate. Sources: 1.
IIM prof turns candidate, stays manager. 2. Abhishek Mishra. From http://en.wikipedia.org
71

Each issue/ problem resolved for the members of the populace represents a
win for the candidate. Every win adds on to the candidate’s perceived ability
to get things done. The narratives about the problems and issues and the
solutions which got implemented, in the nature of the Robin Hood's tales, go
further than the persons involved adding to the charisma of the candidate.
In certain cases, the clout over the official machinery may be derived by the
ability to inflict punishment on deviant individuals or in rare cases, the non-
performing officials causing the official machinery to fear the candidate and
his party, and therefore provide relief to citizens in a quasi-judicial manner.
Anna Hazare’s achievements in transforming semi-arid Ralegan Siddhi into
one of the richest areas of the country through systematic water-shed
development (Tiwari, 2011) including enforcement of prohibition through
public flogging creating “a sense of accomplishment that goes beyond the
material and the physical and provides a basis for a regime… a feeling of
continuous accomplishment” (Reem, 2011) provides a good example.
Another example would be the rise of Badruddin Ajmal, the head of All India
United Democratic Front in Assam, who leveraged on the family's success in
business to establish himself in politics; presently standing as the force to
contend with, it has successfully projected itself as the protector of minority
interests and has been critical in eroding the Congress hold on the muslim
vote bank in Assam.
132
9.2.2 Organisation
A combination of the concepts covered so far, viz. Spiritual-head as an
individual, an appealing vision projected across by a combination of
appropriate discourse and actions etc., would obtain for the aspirant the
initial adherents. These individuals, those who would have faith either in the
soundness of the espoused ideals and/ or faith in the aspirant’s leadership,
which would be sufficient to lay to rest their reservations, would form the
nucleus of the aspirant’s campaign-organisation, or what is commonly known
as a political party.
The challenge for the party leadership till the embryonic stage has been
crossed is to have adequate members.
133
Once established, the progression
from the embryonic nucleus to a full-fledged party, is driven jointly by the
efforts of the members guided by the spiritual-head, and the spiritual-head's
own initiatives. A political party offers the following advantages:
i.communicate and reinforce the vision of the candidate at multiple
132Himchhaya De (2012). Minority report. The Telegraph. Sept. 9, 2012. P10.
133Why trade unions are affilliated to political parties. To cope this challenge, the new parties are hard-pressed
to ensure that the membership is restricted only to true believers, and are forced to accomodate resource-
rich individuals who may not be alinged towards the party ideology and may be more in the nature of
political entrepreneurs. While one might be tempted to categorise aspirant’s ownership of resources as a
necessary condition, I would be cautious and put it as a desired condition, due to possibilities of leverage
on non-owned public resources.
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points in the society, and expand the network of supporters
ii.mobilise resources for the party activities
iii.communicate the current state of mind of the collective, their belief-
systems, and issues which are becoming non-priority and those
who are becoming volatile, issues that are core to the population
and those which are peripheral etc. to the leadership
9.2.2.1 Complex Adaptive Systems
For a new political party, the regimens of party life are not designed in great
detail; the work evolves as different individuals interact, the interactions
creating patterns of behaviours, which influence the macro-structure, the so
called party-ecosystem. That in turn, influences individual members, and this
evolutionary process continuing with the macro factors like leadership,
manifestos etc., and the micro factors mutually reinforcing each other,
leading to behaviours like self learning, emergence of practices, co-evolution
and self-organization.
A political party with its fluid boundary between itself and the external
environment behaves as a complex adaptive system, both influencing and
adapting to local conditions. Whether intended or not, different off-shoots
(such as trade-union wing or student union wing) of a single party might,
given sufficient space and time, end up having significantly different sets of
practices, though espousing similar philosophy.
134

Forming different arms
The extension of an political party into different wings – students, workers, hawker-
associations etc., are attempts to build up multiple networks that allow then access to
resources and networks in different domains, which allow them to also to extend influence in
different domains.
Development of organization so that it follows the leader’s directives is an
established principle, in different spheres whether the spheres are of the
armed forces or business organizations. Things cannot be different for
political parties; therefore it requires the leader to maintain the party in a
well-managed manner.
Two distinct forms of organization are observed:
i.Cadre based party with a strong hierarchy
ii.Conglomerate of political entrepreneurs, along with multiple spiritual
heads
RSS, Shiv Sena, CPI(M) and CPI are examples of strong cadre based
134 "Ten Principles of Complexity & Enabling Infrastructures". by Professor Eve Mitleton-Kelly, Director
Complexity Research Programme, London School of Economics.
73

organization where the members are organized in a strict hierarchy. The
position in the hierarchy defines the roles and responsibilities, and as a
result of which the importance an individual member will accorded to by top
leadership.
The second form of organization – where there is no strict cadre based
system. or the existing organizational structure is weakened by lateral
recruitments at higher levels without new members being groomed from the
bottom of the hierarchy, can be called as an collection of political
entrepreneurs. Example would be Janata Party emerging out of the
emergency imposed by Indira Gandhi.
Political entrepreneurship is also witnessed in new parties where the party
has emerged out of opportunistic coalitions among different individuals, or
due to shifting of allegiance of members from other parties.
The third possibility emerges when an existing party, which was earlier cadre
based, due to weakened leadership, has grown to tolerate opportunistic
behaviours when individuals or groups join the party, or exist within, with the
predominant motive to leverage the party's name and resources for their
own ends rather than contribute towards party building. The alternate
possibility of a political party made up of political entrepreneurs ending up as
a strong cadre based party also theoretically exists. However, such a
cleansing would require strong action guided by a capable leadership.

Chaos on Dais
Scenes of chaos in any organization reflect break-down in its working, which may be due to
lack of systems, or dilution of hierarchy. However the damage to the party due to public
display of such a chaos may be significant.
As reported, Ingrid Mcleod, a nominated Chhattisgarh MP representing the Anglo-Indian
community, was jostled away as “Congress leaders scrambled for sharing the dais with
Rahul Gandhi just when he was preaching about maintaining party discipline”.
135
While preventing chaos is one of the results of a well maintained
organization, a well-functioning organizational structure requires clarification
of expectations of responsibility and authority paths, akin to career paths,
performance evaluation, and how decisions regarding them are taken, which
different members can look up to as guides for their conduct.
Enlistment of members is often carried out using two broad principles, used
either in isolation or in combination:
i.to enlist to maximise membership, irrespective of their backgrounds
ii.to enlist valued individuals as members, and therefore conscious
135Sheena K (2012) MP ire after dais insult.
74

choices are made about enlistment of individuals
The first principle would look to shore up the numbers to present a picture of
a larger support base to the population and use the larger numbers to obtain
maximum reach among the population.
The alternate principle is to enlist individuals endowed with the combination
of attributes which align with aspirant’s vision or relate to the collective mind
of the populace, and can benefit the organization in buoying up its moral
legitimacy and/or leadership equity.
A leader needs to keep in his mind a crystal clear clarity as to how different
individuals contribute to the organization. A situation where more individuals
gain value from the organization as contrasted to contributing value to it,
could be indicative of party ending up of lesser men. Of course the possibility
of a well- established party taking in recruits and moulding them into capable
leaders always exists.
While developing the party and on lookout for resources, an aspirant or a
contestant would need to deliberate sensitively and proceed delicately on the
issues of opportunistic followers or financiers. As reported for Trinamool
Congress in West Bengal, “opportunists in the CPI-M, having wormed their
way in, hoping for privileges, were queuing up before the office of the ‘part of
the future’” (Gupta, 2012:170), with Joshi (2011) reporting how the boy-club
culture, which was built up as a network of supporters by CPM, had moved
on to join Trinamool.
The numbers of opportunistic followers would depend on, as any astute
reader would note, the aspirant’s probability of winning. Therefore, for any
candidate, rising numbers would imply shift in external environment, and
how those who have perceived it are re-aligning their loyalties.
9.2.2.2 People in the party
The first method for estimating the intelligence of a ruler is to look at the men he
has around him.
- Niccolo Machiavelli
The quality of people in the party influences the prospects of winning in an
electoral contests. This is probably stating the obvious. However the winning
of certain candidates needs to be analysed carefully before generalisations
such as “only criminals win” etc., are made. A lot depends on the vigilance
and the response of the opposing parties. If the opposition party nominates
candidates, those without criminal records, but with the necessary power
equity, then the outcomes will be different as compared to situations when
the opponents are without power projectabilty but are relatively clean and
without criminal records.
One may look at the trend as reflected in 2012 assembly elections in Uttar
75

Pradesh. As reported, in 2007, 122 tainted candidates were elected; in
comparison in 2012, only 14 had won out of 901 tainted candidates.
136

Selection of tainted candidates can end up as a dilemma for the political
parties, successful only when all other political parties engage similar
candidates. The first one to break out of the script, will, in all likelihood, end
up overturning the normal rules of contest, despite resource and
organizational constraints.
The role of having superior individuals or lesser individuals have been
subject of discussion by different writers. As an example, Rudrangshu
Mukherjee's article, the “Cult of mediocrity”, published nearly two years
before the left front's debacle in 2011 in West Bengal, identified a “moral and
intellectual vacuum” in a party that once boasted of lofty intellectuals, and
the same can be, in retrospective, identified as a bellwether to a party's
acceptance or rejection, by the electorate.
137
Trying to leverage upon
individuals who have been rejected by another party would also be an
unsuccessful ploy, if the individuals on their own do not have the capability to
win an election.
138
Mapping different members’ strengths and responsibilities
presupposes leadership’s awareness of the complete strategy, i.e., the
grand picture. Even if one has the best individuals in the party, the party
leadership needs to clarify the paradigm that would govern everyone’s words
and deeds. This will be irrespective of the stature of the individual
concerned.
Urinating in the dam
Maharashtra's deputy Chief MinisterAjit Pawar's reply to a drought – affected farmer would
probably be enshrined in the hall of communication goof-ups. Ridiculing the hunger strike by
a drought-affected farmer for the release of water, he came to national limelight for his
comments: “from where will we give him water? Should we urinate in dams?”
139
Faced with stinging criticism, from both within the party and outside, for his comments, Ajit
Pawar was forced to apologise.
140

I know it's difficult for you, but please, stay here, and try not to do anything... stupid.
- from the movie Pirates of the Caribbean: The Curse of the Black Pearl
The careless word or deed provides chinks in the armour of the party and
can be sufficient to erode the strengths of a candidate. One can look at the
136M Tariq Khan (2012) Criminals get a thumbs down in UP, only 14 of 900 victorious.
137Rudrangshu Mukherjee (2009). Cult of mediocrity. From The Telegraph. June 21, 2009.
138It was reported that Congress' Gujarat campaign against Narendra Modi was based on accepting "many of
Modi's discards", without any positive outcomes. Source: Radhika Ramaseshan & Rasheed Kidwai (2012).
Operation Bounce Bank. The Telegraph. June 10, 2012.
139Yogesh Joshi (2013) Maharashtra: Ajit Pawar blames load shedding for rise in births.
140Under fire, Ajit Pawar apologises for comment. April 8, 2013. From Hindustan Times.
76

negative publicity created due to Kiran Bedi's comment on “small rapes”,
141
to appreciate the criticality of the issue.
Stealing a little is acceptable
In Uttar Pradesh, Shri Shivpal Yadav, Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav's uncle, and incharge of
the Public Works Department (PWD), reportedly advised to bureaucrats to work hard. If they
did so with their heart and soul, then stealing a little was ok, provided they did not behave
like dacoits.
142
Such gaffes may come back to haunt the leader or the party itself,
depending on how the opposition weaves such episodes into its strategic
narrative. Or the blunder might cause a backlash from the spiritual leaders of
a political party, thus triggering a chain of events with outcomes
disproportionate to the initial event.
While discussing Nitin Gadkari’s equation of Swami Vivekananda’s
intelligence with that of underworld don Dawoood Ibrahim, Sanjay Singh
discussed the repercussions of such blunders as evident from the history of
BJP party itself "Advani had to lose the BJP president position and authority
earned over the years over his Jinnah-secularism remark made in Pakistan
in 2005".
143

In all cases, it would be wise for any party leader to remember the words of
Cipolla about human stupidity and be paranoid about the party members and
their conduct.
“Day after day, with unceasing monotony, one is harassed in one’s
activities by stupid individuals who appear suddenly and
unexpectedly in the most inconvenient places and at the most
improbable moments”.
144

9.2.2.3 Local leaders versus mandated leaders
Choosing a candidate to contest from a particular constituency often
presents a dilemma to the party leadership, often less for cadre based
parties and more for parties made up of political entrepreneurs. Selecting
one implies making the others unhappy. How does one ensure the support
of the unhappy aspirants, convince them to continue to work for the party,
i.e., make investments without recompense is often a question that haunts a
non-cadre based political party.
141PTI (2012) Controversy breaks over Kiran Bedi's 'small rape' remark. From The Times of India.
142Anant Zanane (2012) Steal a little, but don't loot, says Akhilesh's uncle Shivpal Yadav to bureaucrats.
143Sanjay Singh (2012) Vivekananda-Dawood remark to be Gadkari’s Jinnah moment?
144The Basic Laws of Human Stupidity” – by Carlos M Cipolla, accessed from www.cantrip.org/stupidity.html
on 21 july 2012. The work “The Basic Laws of Stupidity” was written by Carlo M. Cipolla, who was a
professor of Economics at UC Berkley, the book was reportedly a best seller in Italy and converted into a
play in France.
77

Replacing a strong or well established local candidate with another
leadership nominated candidate, with the former asked to make a sacrifice
for the party, can end up as a strategic mistake. One might ponder as to
what extent this factor contributed to the loss of Khanduri in Uttarakhand
when sitting MLA Shailendra Singh Rawat was made to sit out in favour of
Khanduri in Uttarakhand state elections of 2012, as the supporters of the
local candidate were turned off by the decision to ignore their leader.
Knowledge of ground realities, or the lack of, demonstrated in the choice of
the candidates and in maintaining party discipline towards that decision, will
add to, or erode, the leader's power projectability. Decisions challenged will
be interpreted as challenges to authority from within the party , and as
evidence of vacillating decision making. Leadership failing to maintain
his/her own party will give doubts to his/her leadership equity as well as to
his/her moral authority to lead the party.
The exhibition of influence may be in response to crises/ disorderly situations
when the exhibited influence restores order in a chaotic situation, or provide
succor to the affected larger society, or may be used to challenge or
counteract the existing regime, or in certain cases may be to create or
amplify a crisis or a disorderly situation to be used in conjuction with ability to
control the self-created crisis.
To what extent such stage-managed crises are deciphered depends on the
maturity of the electorate. Depending on such introspection as to whether
the individual's power projections in different spheres are considered valid or
illegitimate, the perception of moral authority of the candidates gets formed.
This concept is explored further in the following section.
9.3 Moral Authority
Moral authority provides the raison d'etre for electorates’ allocation of
attention to the aspirant, and preventing a cynical dismissal or a comic
tolerance of his or her campaign.
145
Though ambiguous in its meaning, it has
been broadly defined as “the quality or characteristic of being respected for
having good character or knowledge, especially as a source of guidance or
an exemplar of proper conduct.”
146
Or, as another definition points out, “it is
the power to influence public opinion without the use of force”.
147

145Moral legitimacy would be related not only to the electorate’s choices, but more importantly to electorates’
interest in participating in the process due to being put-off by the candidates participating. Either the
electorate may be put-off and therefore refuse to take part in voting, or the sense of anger and betrayal
may lead to a collective vote against the existing leaders. This conceptualization of moral authority is
considerd more encompassing and holistic as compared to Le Bon’s principle of prestige (in Chapter IV.
Electoral Crowds, in The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind).
146Moral Authority. Accessed on March 15, 2012 from http://en.wiktionary.org
147Moral authority. Accessed on March 15, 2012 from http://simply-put.blogspot.in/2005/09/moral-
authority.html
78

Lifestyle Beyond Repoach
Indian democracy has had examples of leaders whose lives have been beyond question
and have been the personification of the ideology espoused. Mannath Padmanabhan in
Kerala, is an example of intense personal integrity, and never held or coveted a political
office, and was instrumental in sweeping communists out of power in late 1950s (Guha,
2010: 294). The life of Pramode Das Gupta in West Bengal is another example who “earned
the right to lead the sate unit because of his austere life-style and total commitment to the
cause of the poor he espounsed” (Basu, 2012).
How do such leaders are not able to sustain their initial successes? It is possible that the
personal charisma gets converted into authoritarianism which leads to gaining complete
power over the parties ..then appointing a kith and kin as successor rather than someone
democratically chosen (Guha, 2010: 297) thus converting a political party into a family affair.
Sun Tzu’s discussion on the primacy of the “Moral Law” and Von
Clausewitz’s stress on “Moral Authority” as an essential attribute of the ruler
or leader are points to be noted. The significance given by both scholars
suggests to its critical nature in military campaign. The same is significant in
a quote attributed to Napoleon Bonaparte “In war, three quarters turns on
personal character and relations; the balance of manpower and materials
counts only for the remaining quarter”.
How shall this concept be precise defined, when it is one of those concepts
who are more easily understood by their absence rather than by their
presence. Loss of moral authority, due to multiple reasons, is hypothesised
to be the reason for anti-incumbency vote as witnessed in West Bengal 2011
and in Uttar Pradesh 2012. In West Bengal, the shifting away from party
ideology could be linked to the loss of moral authority of the entire top
leadership as questions regarding ““Whose interests were the Marxists
safeguarding?” were raised. While their ideology stated their concern for the
poor and the downtrodden, their fight took place on behalf of the
industrialists (Basu, 2012:31).
Did the Congress loose Uttar Pradesh elections due to the dent to its moral
authority by Anna’s movement in 2011, with Mulayam-Akhilesh combine as
the beneficiaries of dented moral standing of their main opponents,
Congress dented by Anna Hazare's movement and Mayawati dented by her
own actions of self-aggrandisement?
Demands of moral authority are higher for leaders than for foot soldiers.
Even when the leader can not take action, they have an obligation to voice
concerns of those who don’t or can’t.
Probably, one might take the example as illustrated by Arundhati Roy (2004)
in which she pointed out despite the CEO-isation by Chandrababu Naidu,
and receipt of aid from World Bank and Britain’s Department for International
Development and focus on development of IT industry, the Naidu
79

government was defeated by Congress (2004:54) attributed to his ignoring
“the large rural population with his policies, failing to reach poorer voters”.
However the failure was also attributed to distress brought on by drought
and increasing debt among farmers, leading to increasing suicides by
farmers in the state, denting his image.
148
Erosion of moral authority in face of scams
In presence of media reports about different scams, efforts by incumbents to shore up their
image by different initiatives may well come to naught. In this regard, one can interpret the
message by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, at the conference of CBI and anti-corruption
bureau in 2012, in which he berated the "mindless atmosphere of negativity and pessimism
that is sought to be created over the issue of corruption".
149
This statement, made before the
coming elections in Himachal Pradesh and Gujarat, probably indicated the challenge of
convincing the electorate when the campaigns will be accompanied by media reports of
government failures.
In certain cases, the moral authority of the entire regime along with the
electoral process may be questioned, which will either be reflected in low
voter participation, one may tentatively indicate as an example that of
Jammu and Kashmir (Quraishi:2004) at a state level or as reported about
villagers deciding to boycott the state assembly elections due to lack of
drinking water, poor health, education and irrigation facilities in Ghatshila
Assembly seat in Jharkhand (Thaker, 2009) at a local level.
Did the shoe thrown by Jarnail Singh towards PC Chindambram in 2009 lead
to the dropping of Tytler and Sajjan Kumar, as it exposed a big chink in the
moral authority of the ruling Congress in relation to the anti-Sikh riots in the
aftermath of Indira Gandhi's assassination, that too in the run-up to 2014
general elections?
150
Such episodes provide a good opportunity for students
to introspection.
9.3.1 Sources of Moral Authority
I'm with you, Whenever you tell, my story, For I am all I've done
- Remember Me from the movie Troy
A constancy of conduct, in word and deed, in public as well as in private
dealings, aligned towards espoused ideology would probably be the sine
qua non of moral authority. Taking up issues on which the public is the
beneficiary, ensuring an selfless existence and decisiveness in taking direct
action has been characteristics of candidates high on moral authority.
Derived primarily from demonstrated moral conviction, more by deeds and
outcomes rather than by words, on issues of importance to the population or
148N. Chandrababu Naidu. Accessed on May 2, 2013 from http://en.wikipedia.org
149Gyan Verma (2012) Mindless atmosphere of negativity, pessimism not good for country, says PM.
150 Congress drops Jagdish Tytler, Sajjan Kumar. April 10, 2009. From The Times of India.
80

beliefs idealised, this moral authority of a candidate provides a sense of
assurance or direction regarding candidate’s possible action-choices and
also the directions the candidate is likely to refrain from. Different actions
lead to moral authority in different contexts. For example, in an hierarchy
conscious society, ability to maintain an organization and and the
candidate’s position in that hierarchy or any other power-centric
organization, might be a relevant factor for people to consider him as a
compelling candidate.
BJP's loss in 2004 Lok Shabha
Can the BJP’s loss in the general elections of 2004 be explained by an erosion of moral
authority, due to occurrence of intelligence failures that led to Kargil war in 1999, coming
after the much proclaimed launch of Delhi–Lahore bus by Atal Bihari Vajpayee? This was
compunded by situations when Jaswant Singh, External Affairs Minister, personally escorted
three terrorists to Kandahar in return for the hostages on board a hijacked aircraft, and
attacks on Akshardham, the Parliament, and the Red Fort.
The Tehelka sting operation which caught the BJP president Bandaru Laxman accepting
Rs. 1 lac in cash from journalists pretending to be arm-dealers was probably the turning
point for BJP-led NDA government. Coming in the wake of the Kargil war and the attacks,
the incident forced Bangaru Laxman and the Defence Minsiter George Fernandes to
resign.
151

All things being equal, the candidate or the political party with the highest
moral authority would be in the most favourable position to obtain the
popular mandate. The importance of moral authority can be evidences from
the election results of West Bengal where the Left Front eroded its moral
authority after 34 years of rule, and in Bihar where 15 years of rule by Lalu
Yadav. Moral authority, is historically determined, with least amount of
modification or alteration possible of current affairs by contemporaneous
initiatives. The following sections further explores in detail some of the
drivers to moral authority of a candidate.
9.3.1.1 Show me your battle scars
There is no moral authority like that of sacrifice.
- Nadine Gordimer
Faced with the ground swell against the ruling Left Front and Mamata
Banerjee's rising popularity, it was a foregone conclusion that the ruling Left
Front would bite the dust in 2006 elections. However the sudden resignation
of Jyoti Basu, and take over by Buddhadeb Gupta, saved the CPI(M) led Left
Front from an early demise in West Bengal state assembly elections of 2006.
The act of resignation, probably, also signalled the Left Front's willingness to
change its ideology to be more in tune with the expectations of population.
151History of the Bharatiya Janata Party. Accessed on Dec. 2, 2012 from http://en.wikipedia.org
81

This factor of sacrifice typically would be more crucial to challengers than to
incumbents. Outsiders are the ones who would bank on this the most. Not
only have they been tested in battles in worlds they originally belonged to,
but their stories travel faster and farther than any communication strategy
that may be designed. While their legacy of sacrifice gives them an edge
over other candidates, probably with the exception of the Turnaround Artists,
the other elements to build a successful campaign in terms of a vision and
necessary organization would still be relevant and cannot be done away
with.
The ruling regime's acts of omission or commission in face of strategic or
administrative challenges, in face of external and internal challenges, will
keep on throwing up opportunities for challengers. Retention of moral
authority requires that the candidates be careful about their words and their
actions, not only during the planned interactions, but also during the random
event which chance may thrown on them.
"When a defining moment comes along, you can do one of two things. Define the
moment, or let the moment define you."
- Tin Cup
The episode of Swami Ramdev attempting to escape from the police at
Ramlila Maidan in Delhi in 2011 illustrates a significant strategic error on
Swami Ramdev’s behalf. Ramdev’s initial challenge, it may be said, was a
gambit move. If ignored would have damaged the reputation of the ruling
party: if made a party to the discussions against corruption, it would have
indicated the truth of his position and, if confronted would have created a
wave of moral support for him. However that advantage fizzled out when
Swami Ramdev attempted to escape, and was caught dressed as a
woman.
152
The dynamics of Adityanath Yogi's conduct in Gorakhpur constituency can
be analysed and contrasted with that of Swami Ramdev’s.
Adityanath Yogi
Adityanath Yogi's aggresive stance in the aftermath of
Gorakhpur riots of 2007 where he announced a
Shraddhanjali Sabha, despite the district administration'
resolve not to allow it. Adityanath and his ‘followers’ were
taken to police line and Adityanath was jailed under
Section 151A of the CrPC as well as under Sections 146,
147, 279, 506 of the Indian Penal Code., and was
arrested and remanded for 14 days.
153

Image taken from commons depository.
152Dipak Kumar Dash(2011) Baba Ramdev almost got away in woman's garb.
153Adityanath Yogi. Accessed on April 12, 2012 from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yogi_Adityanath
82

The history of Mamata Banerjee during her campaign against the erstwhile
Left Front government of West Bengal would probably be an essential
reading for any individual aspiring to join politics. One needs to appreciate
the passion in the leadership demonstrated during multiple episodes like the
attack in 1991, in which Mamata Banerjee obtained injuries to her head, and
the physical attack and being thrown out of state secretariat Writers'
Buildings by the police for protesting in front of the then chief minister Jyoti
Basu's office. She exemplified the case of a torch-bearer who by every
episode of confrontation dented the image of the ruling Left Front.
From Dacoit to Member of Parliament
Bundelkhand is even today devoid of
agriculture and industry, and most men
migrate in search of employment to cities.
Such lack of employment opportunites
during the 1970s and 1980s was made
even more strenous by the restricitve
policies of licence-raj due to misplaced
faith in socialism practiced by the
government of India. During those times, it
was common for able bodied men to turn
to banditry. Phoolan's success in that
male-domianted world, where keeping
oneself alive itself was an achievement,
brought her admiration from the
population.
154

Phoolan Devi, in 1996, contested elections
as a candidate of the Samajwadi Party,
whose government had withdrawn the
cases against her, and was elected to
parliament. Phoolan Devi's aceptability as
a candidate by Samajwadi Party was a
significant factor – adding a formal
organisation to her own individual power
projectability, which had built up due to her
legacy. It may be hypothesised that her
fight against the upper caste and her
personal struggle conferred upon her the
necessary moral authority, providing a
potent combination over her opponents.
Image taken from commons depository
154Phoolan Devi. Accessed on August 19, 2012 from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Phoolan_Devi
83

9.3.1.2 Reflected Glory
On his/her own, not every candidate may have the necessary moral authority
to be considered by voter. In such cases, one witnesses how candidates
gain the moral authority of their leaders, ie, by being backed by political
heavy weights.
The case of Manish Gupta, former West Bengal Chief Secretary, who
contested as Trinamool Congress against Buddhadeb Gupta in Jadavpur
and won by 16,684 illustrates such a phenomenon. Manish Gupta, as
reported, admitted that his win was due to Mamata Bannerjee”.
155

Even in the case of Mamata Banerjee, it can be said that her rise in stature
was catalysed by Atal Bihari Vajpayee's visit to her residence at Kalighat and
touching her mother's feet as a sign of respect (Basu, 2012:12).
In other cases, the legacy of moral authority is passed down from one
generation to another, along with the pull of the name. This applies
specifically to the inheritors where the goodwill of a leader is inherited by the
next generation. Successful inheritance requires that the recipient of goodwill
be untainted with any traits which would make him/her unacceptable by the
population.
The win of second generations is often driven by beneficence of their
predecessors and can be identified akin to that of reflected glory, along with
the organizational resources of the party.
Reflected glory would also explain the sympathy factor wherein the death of
an incumbent leads to a shift among the electorate towards the next
generation. One can look at the work done by Y.S. Rajashekhara Reddy in
terms of taking steps to alleviate distress among the farmers, an
implementation of NREGS that made an impact in reducing the distress
migration, and following up on cheap rice policy, all of which earned him
support, the feeling which has evolved into sympathy for his son Jagan
Reddy.
156
155Alok Pandey (2011) The man who beat Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee for the first time in 24 years.
156P. Sainath (2012). A short history of messing up. The Hindu. June 8, 2012.
84

10 Strategising the campaign
Amat Victoria Curam
Victory loves preparation
- from the movie The Mechanic
A campaign starts the day the aspirant envisions a different world-view and
is driven to actualise it. From that moment onwards, every day is a day of
campaign, as the Arabic proberb says “Every day of your life is a page of
your history.”
The theoretical concepts and propositions, combined together in myriad
ways, would create different strategic scripts, each offering different
possibilities to different aspirants in different contexts. Each of the possible
holistic strategic scripts would be accompanied by its own prerequisites and
be subject to its own set of rules, which in some cases may have to be
discovered by the candidate adopting such a script. These prerequisites and
rules would have to be explored and developed, to the extent possible,
before the script can be actualised, so that one understands what action-
choices may be adopted, the boundaries of the different possible action-
choices, the discourses that may be engaged in and abstanied from, the
associations that may be encouraged and the entities with whom the existing
bridges have to be demolished or replaced, and so on. This entire exercise
would have to be constantly engaged in by the candidate before one may
expect the desired outcomes.
10.1 Vision
A leader's role is to raise people's aspirations for what they can become and to
release their energies so they will try to get there.
- David Gergen
Vision represents the dream world that is woven by the spiritual-head's
discourse and actions, with distinct possibilities of betterment for the
population. The more all encompassing those ideas are, the more powerfull
would the vision be. The hallmark of a great campaign can truely be
identified by, not the posters or poster-boys or movie stars, but the gleam
brought on in the eyes of the voters about a world where they see
themselves better off, and where his or her vote becoming a ticket to that
world. In a contest where none of the candidates offer a credible vision to the
population, the contest narrows down to a lack-lustre contest of posters,
slogans, and rallies.
In contrast, a powerful vision generates a wave that can sweep the
opponents to the side-lines, often incapable of responding to the frenzy and
enthusiasm created in the minds of the population arising due to the wave.
Such powerful visions do not emerge in a vacuum, and often requires a
85

sensitive understanding of the ground level socio-political realities, buffetted
by demonstrated extensive knowlege of means that can convince the
population of the candidate's capability to lead them to realise the dream.
Mamata Banerjee's focus on daring to dream, and on the need to be
become “Number one” was matched by finger-pointing at the three decades
of governance by the left front; by a consistent focus on daring to move
beyond the existing and the current, she symbolised the possibility of a
resurgent Bengal in her campaign against the ruling left front.
157
Vision may be positively articulated, directed towards the better world, or
may be directed towards the current regime creating an 'enemy', or towards
imposition of a perceived unfair policy or a combination of all.
Hindi, Tamil Pride and the demise of Indian National Congress in Tamil Nadu
The domination of DMK and AIDMK in Tamil Nadu, along with the demise of Congress in
the state, can be traced back to the language policy of Indian National Congress. The first
anti- Hindi agitation in 1937, launched to oppose the cumpulsory teaching of Hindi in the
schools of Madras Presidency imposed by first Indian National Congress led by C.
Rajagopalachari., lasted three years and was marked by fasts, conferences, and protest
marches. The government response resulted in death of two agitators and arrest of 1,198
persons, which reportedly includied women and children. Justice Party (later Dravidar
Kazhagam) spear headed the agitation. The first anti-Hindi agitation subsided due to
withdrawal of the cumpulsory education of Hindi by Lord Erskine in February 1940, the
British Governor of Madras, after the Congress Government's resignation in 1939.
Later on Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), a descendant of Dravidar Kazhagam, led the
opposition to Hindi during the framing of the Indian constitution. The second conflict arose
on 25 Janaury, a day before 26 Janaury 1965 which was the date for swtiching over to Hindi
as sole official language. Sparked by altercation between Congress workers and agitating
students, a full scale riot started in Madurai spreading to all over Madras state.
"The riots spread all over Madras State, continued unabated for the next two months...The
Congress Government of the Madras State, called in paramilitary forces to quell the
agitation; their involvement resulted in the deaths of about seventy persons (by official
estimates) including two policemen. To calm the situation, Indian Prime Minister Lal
Bahadur Shastri gave assurances that English would continue to be used as the official
language as long the non-Hindi speaking states wanted. The riots subsided after Shastri's
assurance, as did the student agitation."
158
The history of electoral results in Tamil Nadu
demonstrates how Indian National Congress has been rendered virtually a non-entity in the
state since 1967.
Leadership’s commitment to stand behind the vision implies that all
individuals associated with the campaign, and their activities, words and
associations are subordinated to the vision. Not doing so, would create
157Amit Roy (2009). Mamata shows her hand: Vision for Bengal on leader's lips. The Telegraph. Nov. 8, 2009.
158Anti Hindi Agitations of Tamil Nadu. Accessed on May 2, 2013 from http://en.wikipedia.org
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impressions of superficiality and enacted drama for the sole purpose of
gaining power in the minds of the voters.
159
The Indian political scenario is
probably littered with examples of this axiomatic principle being violated by
leadership of different parties at different points of time. Examples of lapses
of leaders or senior members of the party, deviating from the espoused
vision, are published in the media with the leadership adopting the posture of
a silent accommodating spectator.
Creating a Wave
For all the criticisms, Advani’s rath yatra of 1990 can be termed as a significant case of a
successful campaign, helping Bharatiya Janata Party to attract Hindu voters, leading to
increased share of the votes cast in 1991 and finally ending up as the single largest party in
1996.
One should consider the question - do waves result solely from the individual’s initiatives or
is also helped by external factors, some of which though uncontrollable, help the vigilant
leader to gain advantage. The rise of Bal Thackarey was fueled by the relative deprivation
perceived by the citizens of Maharashtra and accentuated by Shiv Sena, along wih the
appeal to Maratha pride. However that appeal would have not obtained the success unless
the sense of deprivation existed and resonanated with reality.
Similalry in the case of the BJP's campaign based on the vision of Ram Rajya, the success
of the same would not have been possible had not the ground work for its success been laid
by the failures of the previous Congress regime.
The readiness with which parties accuse each other of not having vision, or
caricaturing their vision, for example as done in the debate between BJP
and the Congress on the occassion of the fourth anniversary of the
Congress led UPA-II government,
160
is probably a reflection of the
understanding of importance of vision among the politicial leaders.
10.1.1 Vision: Monochromatic vs. Polychromatic
Your playing small does not serve the world.
- Marianne Williamson
The picture that one candidate showcases for the electorate may either be
monochromatic, i.e., driven by a single theme or may span multiple themes
159 It is difficult to give examples of complete dedication to the case. Probably the few examples that can be
laid out, the one standing head and shoulders above others would be that of Mahatma Gandhi. It is worthy
for a student of political campaigns, as well as for as for practitioners to analyse the history of India's
independence movement.
160The attack on BJP's vision was reportedly made by Congress spokesperson, Ms. Renuka Chowdhary as
"they have a problem in their vision. They should go to cataract camps organised by the government and
correct their vision" in response to BJP's attack on government's performance in its 4four years of rule.
Source: Congress asks BJP leaders to visit cataract camps, correct vision. May 22, 2013. From www.
Zeenews.india.com
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tied togather by an overarching broader agenda. An example of single theme
would probably be Mamata Banerjee’s campaing to get the Left Front out of
power, or Rahul Gandhi’s Gujarat 2012 campaign of displacing Narendra
Modi out of power. Other examples of narrowly defined visions can be the
reservation-policy based agenda of V P Singh during the 1990s. A candidate
adopting such a specific theme based vision may end up either getting
disconnected with the electorate or may end up suffering from
monochromatism, in which every issues gets coloured and modified as per
the convenience of the candidate without looking at the ground relatities.
Indira Gandhi's "Garibi hatao" as a Polychromatic Vision
"Garibi hatao" Indiira Gandhi's war cry in the elections of 1971, in all likelihood, ended up as
a broad theme, signalling multiple benefits to the rural and urban poor, the targetted
audience, driven by the agenda of removal of social, political and economic disparities from
the society.
161
Vision can also be a broad convas, that spans and envelopes many issues.
The winning by Narendra Modi in 2012 elections in Gujarat brought to fore
the broad convas of governance as compared to the narrow monochromatic
challenge brought on by the Indian National Congress, understood by the
electorate as guided by the sole purpose of replacing BJP's rule by
Congress's rule.
Certain situations offer an example of looking at the mirror-image of a
polychromoatic vision, the lack of vision in all spheres in nearly all domains
of public life by the ruling regime. Characterised by ad-hocism in all domains,
the electorates' expectation from the challengers, even if not voiced, would
be that of ensuring replacement of chaotic conditions by an orderly conduct
in all the domains.
Often the party may consider the vision as a monochromatic, where as the
expectaitons from the electorate might be polychromatic. An example would
be BJP's Ram Rajya. While the opposition tried to paint it as a move towards
communal politics focusing on domination by the majority religion, the
concept of Ram Rajya was, as perceived by the electorate, probably broader
than what even the BJP expected. The electorate probably expected the
entire gamut of govenance to be carried out with responsibility and probity,
under the umbrella of Ram Rajya.
One can look at the ability of reading the electorates' mind and providing the
required goverance as per the expectations in a phased manner by Nitish's
government starting with the burning issues of law and order and then
moving on to ensure revival of economic activities in the state. As reported
over 50,000 criminals have been convicted during his rule.
162
With the
improvement in law and order and revival of economic growth came the
revival of Bihari identity. As the following extract illustrates:
161Garibi Hatao. Accessed on May 2, 2013 from http://en.wikipedia.org
162It's Nitish all the way in urban Patna. Accessed on May 3, 2013 from http://zeenews.india.com
88

"(Earlier) Many elites, many IAS officers who were Bihari, would not
reveal their identity. ...When Nitish came to power, he co-opted this
agenda in a beautiful manner, so suddenly the Bihari agenda got a
national and international boost and the entire Bihari Diaspora
practically rallied behind Nitish".
163
10.2 Selection of Individuals
It's not just children who need heroes.
- Tamora Pierce
The selection of candidates would be reflective of Spiritual-head's vision.
The candidates should either contribute by their individual power
projectability, or moral authority, or, in best case, both.
Failure of the candidates to attract the voter is reflected in the election
participation rates – when the debates/ campaigns converge to polemics
with hardly any difference between different candidates, and the electorate
finds the outcome inconsequential.
The results in the following elections then should not be surprising, if other
things remaining equal, the opposition has a set of cleaner candidates and is
able to attract the faith, and therefore, the vote of the population.
Pre-election rebellions and infightings create doubts about the party
leadership power to rein his/her own members, also indicating that the
political party is not in a position to present an united presence during the
contest.
One would look at the reported comments from supporters of Narendra Modi
and L K Advani from within the BJP camp in the run-up to the 2014
elections, and based on this question the merit in a public power struggle.
164

10.3 Before Public Eye
When one gives few occasions for blame in his words, and few occasions for
repentance in his conduct, he is in the way to get emolument.
- The Analects of Confucius
Conduct of candidates can be understood in terms of image that is
attempted to be portrayed. Clarity with respect to the desired image would,
however, emerge from clarity of the vision, and extent to which the vision is
imbibed in the belief system of the candidates.
The image presented by the candidates to the population at large would be
an outcome of a combined impact of the physical presence, the discourse
163Interview of Dr Shaibal Gupta, head of the Asian Development Research Institute in Patna. As reported by
Archana Masih in 'Nitish Kumar is a darling of the national middle class'. April 25, 2013.
164Uma backs LK over Modi for PM's job. From The Times of India, May 16, 2013
89

one is part of, the actions one engages in, and the results one achieves. All
these would go to build an image in the collective mind, which would be
resident there, irrespective of the physical presence of the candidate.
10.3.1 Image
Why are you trying so hard to fit in when you were born to stand out?
from the movie What a girl wants

The unshaven cheeks worn along with khadi seems to be the standard
prescription of strategy consultants of many a male candidate. The pre-
election spurt in demand of khadi is due to certain messages which
candidates want to communicate with the population: being a Gandhian, or
down to earth, or being a person of the masses and so on.
The Khadi and The Suit
Gandhi and Jinnah in Bombay, September 1944.
Muhammad Ali Jinnah who led the movement for a separate country for the muslims, while
appearing in public immaculately dressed in western suits along with his personal life, being
at the edge of being anti-thesis of the population segment he represented.
Image taken from commons depository.
Does the example of Jinnah indicate the power of the vision over the dress,
and the population’s faith in the person despite the personal lifestyle, or due
to, is an interesting question for a student of social psychology. The more
radical the vision, the more radical the personality to lead – could be a
tentative hypothesis to be tested out along with the style-script of maverick
as discussed earlier.
What is forgotten with the infatuation with the physical image by the
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contestants is that the mental image of contestants in the collective mind
takes birth much earlier than the physical sight of the contestants. The
mental imagery that is built up is more powerful than the dress and the
conduct in public during the pre-election period, where the collective mind is
increasingly sensitive to the stage-managed acts.
10.3.2 Power of words
Words are, in my not so humble opinion, the most inexhaustible source of magic;
capable of both inflicting injury and remedying it.
- from the movie Harry Potter and the Deathly Hallows: Part 2
Words are the means through which the vision is conveyed to the world at
large. The discourse one engages in is not only the initial germ for the vision,
but also the factor that maintains the vision. Ability to communicate to the
electorate on critical junctures about one’s position and how the status-quo
maintained by the existing regime is at fault would provide sustenance to the
vision. That such discourse has to be reinforced by supporting initiatives
goes without saying.
Vision is not just the slogans, but also the support from the routine talk and
ideas which reflect the leadership's commitment towards the espoused
vision. The choice of words reflects one's philosophy, the one that one lives
one's life with, as compared to the one espoused.
The injury caused by words may be towards the opponent or in certain cases
may boomerang on oneself. Reflecting on the words used against Mamata
Banerjee by the ruling Left Front, “...the sheer unrelenting nature of the
abuse granted legitimacy to a political rhetoric of crudeness, sexism and
violence” (Gupta:2012, 68), led to a disconnect between the Left Front
leadership and the claims of being the flag-bearers of Bengali culture. One
would look at the significance of Jyoti Basu’s comments “Such things keep
happening!!!” in response to the murder of Anita Dewan which has come to
be known as Bantala episode, which at one stroke removed the “veneer of a
cultured ‘bhadralok’ Marxist” (Basu, 2012:8)
10.3.3 Pitfall of Golden Silence
He makes no friends who never made a foe.
- Alfred Lord Tennyson
Speech is silver but silence is golden - this is how the famous saying goes.
An analysis of the same would indicate the inanity of observing this dictum in
all situations consistently. Silence would lead an aspirant nowhere. Voicing
one's thoughts would imply, in certain cases, engaging in plain talk and
calling a spade a spade, and making enemies. Such a situation would be
preferable as publicly making one's stand clear has the chance of winning
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friends, rather than trying to please everyone with the end result of getting
dismissed by all.
Every opportunity lost when issues are being discussed, or which can
showcase his knowledge or opinion on certain subjects indicates a lack of
intellect, or apathy or both in the candidate. Or it might be interpreted that
the aspirant has a vision that comes to light only when the elections are due,
and in normal curcumstances the aspirant would be far less bothered.
Title of the Tragic Figure
The impact of silence in the elections in different states is an interesting area of study. As
reported about Prime Minister Manmohan Singh by historian Ramachandra Guha in the
Caravan, an Indian magazine, silence can imply lack of assertiveness, a situation which all
torch-bearers need to guard against.
165
With cover page titles like "Dr Dolittle" as given by the magazine India Today, or with that of
"Descent of Man" as given on coverpage of magazine Outlook, the negative perception of
Dr. Manmohan Singh could be an worrysome issue.
166

10.3.3.1 Tackling Burning Issues
It makes him contemptible to be considered fickle, frivolous, effeminate, mean-
spirited, irresolute, from all of which a prince should guard himself as from a rock.
- Niccolò Machiavelli
Among the many burning issues which are ignored in the prevailing debates
are the insurgency in the North Eastern India, the illegal migration and the
settling of Bangladeshi migrants, the problem of naxalism etc. So far the
ruling Congress's discourse has been narrowly focused on misdeeds of
opposition and similarly the opposition has been focused on the numerous
misgovernance episodes of the Congress government at the centre in the
run up to 2014 general elections.
The behaviour of different political leaders in the aftermath of beheading of
Indian soldiers by Pakistani soldiers illustrate how burning issues are tackled
by different leaders and position holders.
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh' reply was restrained and diplomatic in his
reply pointing out that action was "against the norms of civilized international
behavior" and 'unacceptable'”, probably reflecting the constraints that weigh
a head of a state.
167
On the other hand, among first to speak out in an
aggressive manner was Indian Army Chief General Bikram Singh who
promised of a suitable reply “at the time and place of its choosing” and
165Simon Denyer, (2009) India’s ‘silent’ Prime Minister becomes a tragic figure. From The Washington Post.
166Sources: India Today, May 13, 2013 and Outlook, May 13, 2013
167Beheading soldiers 'unacceptable': PM. Feb 12, 2013. From Indian Express.
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voiced his strong opposition to the visiting Pakistani Prime Minister.
168
Diwan Zainul Abedin Ali Khan of Ajmer, the spiritual head of the 13th century
shrine, refusing to attend to Pakistani' prime minsters was another
event.
169
That boycott of the visiting Prime Minister of Pakistan led to praise
by Shiv Sena chief Uddhav Thackerey, who lauded the Diwan for showing
courage in opposing the visit by Pakistan Prime Minister Pervez Ashraf to
the shrine, and went on to recommend the Bharat Ratna, for the Diwan in an
editorial published in Saamana”.
170
In contrast, Raj Thackerey was extremely aggressive and painted the
soldiers as victims of Indian politicians, probably implying their lack of
aggression is due to lack of political will of the central government.
Supporting his charge, he argued and pointed out the mistakes made by
BJP leadership in trying to forge better relationship and ignoring the ground
realities of Indo-Pakistan relationship.
“On senior BJP leaders, including party president Nitin Gadkari and
Sushma Swaraj, visiting the family of martyr Hemraj Singh in
Shernagar, Raj said, "who started the Samjhauta Express? Did
anyone ask for it? You (BJP) start buses and when such a thing
(beheading of the Indian soldier) happens, you go and condole the
family."
171
It was also reported that Salman Khurshid, Indian External Affairs Minister,
hosted a lunch in his honour in Jaipur: “Khurshid on Friday said that he
would be receiving the visiting dignitary on his private visit to Ajmer Sharif as
a courtesy.
172
Shying away from discussing burning issues would have the effect of pulling
down one's campaign if the topics are brought up by the opposing
candidates, and one is later forced to enter in the debate.
10.3.3.2 Reinforcing the vision
It's got to be a vision you articulate clearly and forcefully on every occasion. You
can't blow an uncertain trumpet.
- Theodore Hesburgh
It is better to allow others to blow the trumpet for oneself rather than blowing
168Beheading of Indian soldiers 'unpardonable' act, says Army chief General Bikram Singh. Jan 14, 2013.
From Indian Express.
169Mohammed Iqbal (2013) Ajmer dargah head to boycott Pakistan PM. March 8, 2013.
170Ajmer Shrine Diwan Should Get Bharat Ratna: Uddhav Thackeray. March 11, 2013. From India Today.
171Raj Thackeray backs ACP Dhoble, warns hawkers over holding morcha . Jan 15, 2013. From
http://daily.bhaskar.com
172Beheading of Indian soldiers: Army Chief maintains silence on Pakistan PM's visit. March 19, 2013. From
DNA.
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one’s own trumpet, specially when institutions like Time magazine does it.
173
While the spoken word has its power, the power needs to be used
judiciously. Words spoken in haste and without thought often has the habit of
turning back on the speaker.
It is the power of an all-encompassing vision along with moral legitimacy and
leadership equity that have the potential of turning upside down the
commonplace rules of the game, typically based on funds, manpower
resources and stage-managed rallies.
In how many ways can a challenger confront the established regime? It
might be, but not limited to, as given below:
a)Envisioning a new world – e.g., regarding BJP’s Ram Rajya one
can say that the stage was readied by less-than-perfect governance
of the previous regime
b)Debunking old policies, beliefs and power structure – the case of
Mayawati in which she campaigned for voice and respectability to
the downtrodden
c)Maintaining a constant presence with consistency of purpose, along
with taking contentious issues of abuse of power – the example of
Mamata Banerjee during the Left Front government in West Bengal.
Each of the possible strategic options has to be thought through in its
entirety, regarding the implementation of an option and the likely counter-
moves by opponents and other contestants in the fray. Any strategic option
would have different components of which the essential ones are discussed
in the following sections.
Narendra Modi's Gujarat Campaign 2012
As the Congress camp continued to harp on the so-called corruption of Modi's rule, with all
discourse focusing on the individual, Narendra Modi moved on and shifted the discourse
towads development, self reliance and Gujarat pride. Such a shift caught the strategic
thinkers in Congress' camps unprepared and unable to come up with an alternate vision in
the campaign during Gujarat 2012 elections.
10.3.4 Interactions
To be far from the madding crowd is to be mad indeed.
-A.E. Coppard
Interactions allow a direct contact-and-communicate approach that allows
the candidate to form relationship with the members of the electorate. The
changing electoral landscape might necessitate a aspirant to go beyond the
leader-follower polarity in formulating and implementing a strategy. Reasons
for planning interaction with the people ought to be part of the strategy:
173Rasheeda Bhagat ( 2012) Modi on Time cover sends Twitterdom into raptures.
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a)Platform for relationship building
b)Identifying problems and issues first hand
c)An opportunity to understand the collection mind, or,
d)An opportunity to mould the collective mind.
Blending with the electorate with its diverse sections, some of which may
eulogise, some irritate and some probe, will require leaders to cultivate a
combination of patience, tact and poise. Failures to manage interactions
would be broadcast by an increasingly keen media looking for the story-of-
the-day. Narendra Modi's interaction with students at Sri Ram college of
Commerce in New Delhi is an example of such interactions allow a leader to
articulate his/ her vision and showcase the success using mundance
examples like the milk in everyone’s cup of tea originates from Gujarat.
174

Mamata Banerjee's storming out of the public meeting – failure or a strategic script?
Mamata Banerjee's walk-out from an talk-show, organised by CNN-IBN TV channel on
Friday 18 May 2012 at the Kolkata Town Hall, Kolkata is an interesting case. Taniya
Bhardwaj, a student of political science at the premier Presidency College, dared to
question about the conduct of senior state ministers and officials over crimes against
women to Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee. A furious chief minister labelled Taniya as a
Maoist and a CPM cadre and asked the police to do a background check on those asking
awkward questions.
175

Candidates' sensitivity in answering questions about one's shortcomings or
past failures seems to be common among public figures. One may look at
the example of Swami Ramdev, when confronted with the question about his
escape attempt by Ashutosh Parihar, a student. It was reported that the
student was beaten up by supporters of Baba Ramdev for raising a question
about the 2011 incident in Delhi's Ramlila ground, in which Ramdev had
attempted to escaped arrest by dressing up as a woman.
176
Candidates
who plan for public interactions need to understand their ideology and vision
which will allow them to answer tough questions as exemplified by question
asked by Umme Kulsum, a student of Aligarh Muslim University "Mr. Gandhi,
can a Muslim ever become Prime Minister of India?" Rahul Gandhi's answer
of capability and citing the example of Manmohan Singh can be looked at as
an example of presence of mind and poise in tackling a difficult question.
177
Such episodes either expose the ill-preparedness of the candidate in taking
difficult questions. Or one may argue, exposes the organisation's lack of
foresight in appreciating the possibility of difficult questions and making
preparations when such situations are actualised. When such episodes are
engaged by the leader, then it would be difficult to distinguish such episodes
174"Modi passes Google Guru's test". From The Telegraph. Feb.7, 2013.
175Soudhriti Bhabani (2012). Mamata calls student a Maoist for grilling her on law and order. May 20, 2012.
176Baba Ramdev's supporters beat up student for asking a question. May 7, 2012.
177Tapas Chakraborty (2009). Girl asks: Mr. Gandhi, can a Muslim become PM? The Telegraph. Dec. 8, 2009.
95

as failures, or intentional, ie., as part of their strategy.
Similar instances of failures occur during the rule of a politicial party when
the leaders visit the people who get affected by calamities. Faced with anger
of the cyclone-affected people who, after witnessing the failures of the
administration, look forward to speedy resolution of their troubles, leaders
have buckled under the intense pressure. As an example, one can study the
visit of Buddhadeb Bhattarharjee to Sunderbans after the cyclone Aila in
2009. As reported the cyclone affected victims, deprived of relief, subjected
him to accusations prompting the Chief Minister to threaten a protestor that
he would be thrown out of the room; after the Chief Minister left, the enraged
people chased the Block Development Officer and subjected him to a volley
of slaps.
178
It was also reported that the distribution of relief depended on
whether the citizens had voted for left front or Trinamul during the general
elections of 2009.
179

Candidates would be better off, unless the outbursts are strategically
planned, to learn from the advice proferred by the definition given for
Homiletics:
The science of adapting sermons to the spiritual needs, capacities and conditions of
the congregation.
- Ambrose Bierce (1842 – 1914) in The Devil's Dictionary
Dr Jayprakash Narayan’s approach of touring Andhra Pradesh in trains may
quoted as a contributing factor to his win without “distributing money or
liquor”; he is also reputed to have regular interaction with people every
Saturday via a tour through the constituency.
180
On a similar note, Akhilesh's
interactions with population in the build up to UP elections is credited with
contributing to the success of Samajwadi Party in 2012.
181

On a humourous note, reports from Punjab gives a glimpse of the efforts
undertaken to have an interaction, ranging from attempting to meet voters
during their morning yoga sessions in public parks and appeal for votes, to
standing in front of temples, to attending, on the death of a local resident, the
bhog ceremony, to the extreme initiative of going to cremation grounds to
catch up with voters as well as to express solidarity with the families for their
loss.
182
178Zeeshan Jawed (2009). Cyclone anger erupts on CM. The Telegraph. June 1, 2009.
179Zeeshan Jawed (2009). The divide and the connect. The Telegraph. June 5, 2009.
180Jayprakash Narayan. Accessed on August 24, 2012 from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Jayaprakash_
Narayan _(Lok_Satta)
181Seema Mustafa (2012) UP election special: Why Akhilesh Yadav is gaining over Rahul Gandhi.
182Raakhi Jagga (2012) Candidates losing no chance to woo voters.
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10.3.5 Mastery of Subjects
A good leader can engage in a debate frankly and thoroughly, knowing that at the
end he and the other side must be closer, and thus emerge stronger. You don't have
that idea when you are arrogant, superficial, and uninformed.
- Nelson Mandela
Knowledge is an outcome of mastery over subjects, wisdom one would call it
ability to see through multiple layers and come to the heart of the matter, and
the ability to think, I would term it, is to know when does one have
knowledge, when does one have wisdom, and when it is better to ally with
someone better than oneself, as one has neither knowledge nor wisdom.
Contestants have to demonstrate an ability to get into the depths of subjects
that are related to governance and public life, specially during interactions
with the electorate. Demonstrating such mastery, or demonstrating that one
has advisors who are experts, would be influential in adding to his/her moral
authority. Therefore, at no time, can a candidate be caught in a situation
where there are doubts expressed about his knowledge, wisdom or ability to
think.
The mastery of different subjects, either by the candidates or their strategic
advisors allows them to respond quicky and powerfully to different
challenges either opponents, or the media. The ability to put a spin to the
tale where one would use the accusations and hurl them back to the
opponent would be essential part of communication strategy.
As the example of Rahul Gandhi versus Narendra Modi points out, a partial
understanding of how history can be used can render one’s challenge open
to a counter-attack.
Attack and Counter-attack
During the Gujarat campaign, Rahul Gandhi brought up a reference to Mahatma Gandhi.
"Gandhiji had one simple rule that voice of not only every Indian, but for that matter voice of
everyone in the world should be heard, whether that person is poor or rich, short or long.
That person may be of any region, religion or caste, his voice should be respected."
Modi wasted little time in taking on Rahul. "If Rahul Baba is walking on Gandhiji's path, why
is Bapu's 1 wish incomplete - to disband Congress after Independence?," the BJP leader
said on microblogging site Twitter.
The ability to respond in such a sharp and rapid manner showcases the ability to turn the
verbal attacks into counter-attacks.
The verbal war between Narendra Modi and Rahul Gandhi in the runup to Karnataka state
elections 2013, reveals similar understanding of history by Narendra Modi's camp as
compared to Rahul Gandhi's camp. "In a scathing attack on Rahul Gandhi for his recent
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remarks that one person riding a horse cannot solve the country’s problems, which was
construed as a dig at Narendra Modi for his projection for the country’s top job, the Gujarat
Chief Minister on Sunday questioned the Congress vice-president’s knowledge and sense
of history asserting that one person can “also do a lot of things”, citing examples of Sardar
Vallabhbhai Patel and Lal Bahadur Shastri to buttress his claims."
183

10.3.6 Conduct
Better not be at all than not be noble.
- Alfred Lord Tennyson
While expounding one’s vision, and exposing flaws in opponent’s vision
and/or achievements, as the case may be, an aspirant should build the
themes that show him as a gallant in conduct. No matter the temptations, an
aspirant should think very carefully of getting involved in discourse that can
potentially paint him or her as base or undignified. Apart from that the
rebuttals on more nobler grounds, like that of patriotism, can not be easily
counter-challenged, giving freedom to opponents to take the high moral
ground.
Nobility at all times: a difficult achievement for some?
Leaders' failures regarding nobility abound in different states and different parties and once
cumulated could be a book. Ranging from Ajit Pawar's urinating in the dam statement, to
Mamata Banerjee's mimicking of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in a televised
interview,
184
to Rahul Gandhi’s bringing the record of the support given by Congress during
the Kargil war in his speech at Congress rally, which had led to a severe backlash by BJP,
which strongly criticised the bringing of party politics in face of national threats,
185
the
examples of occasional lapses, possibly brought on by their strategists or advisors, abound.
Evidently the conduct of rulers matter more than that of challengers as those
in power and endowed with authority by people's verdict are held to striciter
standands than those without.
10.4 Maintaining the Party Ecology
An Empty Mind is a Devil's Workshop.
- Old proverb
The party ecology has both a tangible existence as well as an existence in
the minds of the electorate. The issues of power projectability within the
ecology would again be relevant as well as the moral authority of the party,
183 D K Singh (2013) Narendra Modi targets Rahul Gandhi, counters his dig citing Patel, Shastri.
184Mamata mimics PM, humours Cong. The Telegraph. Sept. 27, 2012.
185Rahul Gandhi draws flak from BJP over Kargil remark, 4 Nov, 2012. From The Economic Times.
98

co-existent with the power projectability as well as the moral authority of the
spiritual head or the campaign – leader.
By showcasing different activities, ranging from rallies, interactions, public
debates etc., a political party ensures its constant presence in the mind of
the electorate. Different kinds of actitivies exists, ranging from
communication related activities, ensuring higher membership, resource
mobilisation activities and so on. Political parties have even tried to leverage
on the birthday celebrations of their party leaders to stay in limielight and
maintain their organisation, as reported about birthday celebrations of Sonia
Gandhi and Atal Bihari Vajpayee,
186
even when certain birthday celebrations
of political leaders are characterised by extortions to mobilise the funds.
187

Among the activities that can be focused on, those related to building
networks with different groups and sub-groups might have the highest return.
The party leadership should also exercise vigil about the kind of activities
which may be adopted, specially when faced with challenges like physical
threat to the party members.
Murder and Politics as part of Party's Ecology?
The past catches up with the players, all old cases of murders in Kerela being reopened
after the claim by the Idukki district secretary of the Communist Party of India (Marxist),
M.M. Mani that "his party systematically eliminated political rivals in the 1980s... he
indicated the murders were part of a strategy, and involved those at the leadership level, not
just rank-and-file party workers.
188
The role of violence in party's ecology can be understood
best by analysing the history of West Bengal, where shifts in voting patterns in different
constituencies have led to violence by the ruling party.
189

10.4.1 Preventing Predatory Leadership
The wealth of the country, its capital, its credit, must be saved from the predatory
poor as well as the predatory rich, but above all from the predatory politician.
- James J. Hill
Once entrenched in power, the party’s hierarchy gets privileged access to
the administration, the judicial and the legal system. This is also facilitated by
the current norms which stipulate that the performance of the administration
186Reporting on the "Birthday bandwagon", Suman Shrivastava reported about the birthday
celebrations of Sonia Gandhi in Ranchi, and that of Atal Bihari Vajpayee have been used within the
context of state elections in Jharkhand in 2009. This was apart from the famous birthday
celebrations of Mayawati and Lalu Prasad which had set the trend in Indian political scenario.
Source: Parties beat birthday drum for support. From The Telegraph. Ranchi. Dec. 11, 2009.
187Reportedly the PWD engineer MK Gupta, who was supervising Ambedkar Gram Projects, was
assaulted by BSP MLA Shekar Tiwari and his two associates. The death of the engineer provoked
an indefinite strike by PWD engineers in the state. BSPSource: Engineer lynched in Maya bash
'extortion'. The Telegraph. Dec. 25, 2008. P5.
188Taking pride in murder. May 30, 2012 from http://www.thehindu.com
189Among the many sources one canfind by delving into the history, only a few have been highlighted.
E.g., CPM raids restive villages in Bengal. From The Telegraph. November 3, 2009.
99

will be judged by the elected representatives of the people. Thus
empowered, the incumbent’s satisfaction becomes, in most situations, the de
facto objective of the administration, thus rendering it pliable to the wishes of
the ruling party.
Indian government offices and procedures often are akin to black-boxes as
the rules and procedures are often not known to public. Such a black-box
requires someone to guide the citizens to negotiate the black-box. In this the
apathy and the haughtiness of the government officials play a crucial role.
The party officials down the hierarchy become the medium of
communication, interacting with different segments of population and helping
them in their work related to administrative apparatus, and in time, and
morphs into a front for rent-seeking, in some cases sanctified by
acquiescence, or feigned ignorance, of the party leadership. Such leaders
make the citizens believe that the leadership exists for the citizens; in reality
looking at them as resources to be harvested (Kramer, 2009).
Subject to the whims and fancies of the party hierarchy, the administration
either crumbles or modifies its objectives moving away from the welfare of
the citizens to the welfare of the party in power. The phenomenon of
predatory leadership, when pervasive in different parts of the government is
bound to create a backlash, and thus also becomes a working hypothesis
explaining anti-incumbency – a combination of non-responsive
administration with the presence of seemingly different opponent, who
promises a better tomorrow.
190

In light of the above, should the grass-root leader be changed? This is a
question that can be decided based on the situational facts. Removal of the
existing grass root network is often a difficult choice as that would imply
taking apart the existing networks and starting from scratch.
Does it not attract criticism that loyalty is not rewarded by the leader? This
kind of loyalty that certain people would talk about is different from altruistic
loyalty. Once acquiesced to by the leadership, such loyalty would mark the
gradual downfall of the party as the circle of people expecting such benefits
would keep on enlarging and the competent and capable people would be
pushed back from decision making roles or would exit. Such a circle of
benefit seekers would thus be a mill stone around the neck of the party
leadership. Loyalists are known to go the extra mile to ensure that their
leaders are in the limelight, as compared to honest advisors. The example
cited by Darbara Singh in his book (1978:12) illustrate how, after the stay on
Allhabad High court order dated 12 June 1975 declaring Indira Gandhi's
election to the Lok Sabha void on grounds of electoral malpractice, by
Justice V R Krishna Iyer, men, money and vehicles were mobilised by Indira
Gandhi's loyalists via pressure on officials to ensure rallies in Indira Gandhi's
favour and to crticise the judiciary and officers who objected were put in jal
under MISA (Maintenance of Internal Security Act).
190There may be other possible explanations – this one gives a micro explanation of the phenomenon.
Other may be based on either macro variables or a combination of both.
100

The penultimate state of affairs before the final collapse might be of a
morally bankrupt organization with a figurative leadership trying to regain lost
glory by harping on the past achievements. One might look at the defeat of
BJP in Karnataka from this perspective – did the failures in governance
cause the BJP to loose out? Or was it combined with the damage caused by
expulsion of BS Yeddyurappa and the ensuing infighting? These are
questions for a deligent student to ponder upon.
As stated succintly by Arun Shourie "the first to erode is reverence for the
leader", which is followed by lack of fear of any action by the leader against
deviant behaviour, which then sets the stage for party to be turned into a
collection of political entrepreneurs with interests in profits from rent-
seeking .
191
As an example, one may cite the case of L.N. Misra, railway and
foreign trade minister during the rule of Indira Gandhi, who had been
accused of selling quotas and licences (Singh, 1978:2) and was protected by
Indira Gandhi when the issue was raised in Parliament.
One looks at the prompt action by Sonia Gandhi to remove Railway Minister
Pawan Kumar Bansal due to actions of his nephew Vijay Singla, who was
arrested for allegedly accepting Rs 90 lakh from a senior Railways official in
return for a lucrative post, and recognises the significance of the action in
preventing any perception of Congress being infested by predatory leaders
from being formed in the minds of electorate.
192

10.4.2 Activities to increase and maintain Awareness
The entire exercise of campaign could be summarised to be a continual and
uncompromising exercise in showcasing the leader’s vision and the
capability of the leader to translate that into reality.
Yatras – an overdone tactit?
From L.K. Advani’s rath yatra, Adhikar Yatra of Nitish Kumar, Arjun Munda’s Johar yatra in
Jharkhand, or Nirmal Bharat Yatra of Congress launched by Jairam Ramesh, or the Odarpu
Yatra by Y. S. Jaganmohan Reddy, holding a yatra has almost become a custom for
political party attempting a political revolution, or atleast a rejuvenation.
Advani's Somnath to Ayodhya Yatra in 1990, indisputably altered India’s political history,
along with that of BJP. Overdoing of the same tactic however implies a loss of its potency.
As humorously commented on by Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay: "Janadesh, Su-Raj, Swarna
Jayanti and Bharat Uday. If these names were dropped at the KBC show, people would
probably have said Swarna Jayanti and Bharat Uday were trains and Janadesh was an
election programme on TV".
193
Communication with voters is typically by way of slogans, posters, street-
rallies, public congregations with vocalizations of ideas etc., all of which
191Arun Shourie (2009). The end of ideology. The Indian Express.July 15, 2009. P7.
192Cong wields the axe, finally. May 11, 2013. Business Standard, May 12, 2013.
193Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay (2011) India: Yatras become yawns, novel protest forms not in sight.
101

reflect an aspirant’s travails towards gaining acceptance by the electorate.
With the advent of newer technologies, candidates have to be aware of the
advantages and disadvantages of incorporating the technologies in their
campaigns. Reportedly the gain of power by Mayawati in 2007 was
catalysed by the emergence and the mass-adoption of the mobile phone,
which could reach out to more citizens than a physical campaign could.
194

Maintaining the Campaign: Abu Asim Azmi
Abu Asim Azmi has been known to
campaign on horse back in Mumbai.
Someone who knows that every day is an
opportunity, Azmi is known for standing for
his beliefs. Away from the Muslim issues,
he started taking on the Shiv Sena and
MNS for harassing North Indians. Both Shiv
Sena and MNS in particular have been
baying for his blood for his stand on North
Indians with the MNS taking its enmity
further when its legislators assaulted him in
the Vidhan Sabha for taking oath in Hindi.
The four MNS MLA's — Ram Kadam, late
Ramesh Wanjale, Shishir Shinde and
Vasant Gite, had to face a four-year
suspension from the Assembly for attacking
Azmi. However, the suspensions were revoked by the state government due to political
compulsions.
195

Image taken from commons depository.

10.4.2.1 Spreading the vision
If one recalls, the start of an aspirants’ journey starts with the dissatisfaction
with the status-quo and with the imagination of alternate possibility. Vision is
a powerful tool in the hands of the strategist. Propogation of the vision
requires the spread of message through multiple means, out of which the
rallies by the parties have ended up as a significant activity.
One would look at multiple and spectacular ways of reaching out the
electorate, be it through the use of animals, now banned in certain states,
or though online media as rigorously done by Narendra Modi in 2012
elections. Narendra Modi's shift towards internet started with government
websites which gave out information about government programmes and
194Source: Extract from the book "Cell Phone Nation: How Mobile Phones Have Revolutionized
Business, Politics and Ordinary Life in India" by Robin Jeffrey and Assa Doron as published in The
Telegraph, March 31, 2013.
195Abu Asim Azmi. Accessed on May 2, 2013 from http://en.wikipedia.org
102

initiatives. His use of social media – YouTube was followed by his admirers
expressing their admiration for works carried out in Gujarat, which was
absent in the mainstream media. The rapidity of response by the team
managing the entire social media led to scoring several points over the
opposition. Narendra Modi's communication team exposed how Gujarat
Congress had been using “photos of a Sri Lankan child, a Rajasthani farmer
and other non-Gujarati faces from the internet to highlight Gujarat’s
problems”.
196

10.4.3 Pushing Vision by Labelled Schemes
The combination of words and actions towards projecting a certain vision
towards the electorate provides a robust framework. One can use this
framework to explore and understand certain examples:
i. MNS’s efforts towards the use of Marathi. Similar such efforts at more
micro level can be observed in different constituencies – such as making
provisions for ambulances etc., which are identified with the contributing
leader or political party.
ii. At a macro level one can look at the naming of different national schemes
and initiatives using party icon’s names. The prefacing National Rural
Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA) with that of Mahatma Gandhi
(MGNREGA in new name) can be cited as an example.
Should not the leader focus on strategy and leave the different ground level
or grass root level issues to his/ her party workers? Once the strategy gets
rolling, should then the leader be involved in issues selectively which will
best further his chances of being in the limelight?
A constant engagement with the issues, and aligning the speeches, and
activities would enable a consistent image of the torch-bearer to emerge and
persist in the mind of the people as compared to either the episodic
approach or opportunistic approach in front of the elections.
196Kartikeya Tanna ( 2012) How the social media played a role in NaMo’s victory .
103

11 For incumbents
He who becomes a Prince through the favour of the people should always keep on
good terms with them; which it is easy for him to do, since all they ask is not to be
oppressed
- Niccolò Machiavelli
For incumbents, those candidates holding power posts and re-entering the
political arena at the end of their tenure, their campaigns' likelihood of
conveying them back into power is driven predominantly by quality of
governance demonstrated during their tenure.
11.1 Categories of Incumbents
To understand differences in power positions of incumbents, we create three
broad categories, to helps us to appreciate the advantages and constraints
of the different incumbents.
i.The first type is the individual who is part of the ruling regime, a
member of the party-in-power.
ii.The second type is the isolated individual, either as an lone winning
candidate of a party, or as an independent candidate.
iii.Members of ruling coalitions represent the third category.
11.2 Part of the Regime
Be content to act, and leave the talking to others.
- Baltasar Gracian
Incumbents, who are part of ruling party, have tremendous advantages over
challengers. Access to resources, arising due to the party being the
government and controlling policy making and government machinery are
among the advantages, which end up creating an opportunity to showcase
one’s governance in front of the electorate, displaying results, that would be
in certain cases, more powerful than any challenger’s promises. It is
surprising that these advantages are grounded by the actions and inactions
of the incumbent with such regularity, that it tentatively seems, that
incumbents forget the questions about accountability that would come to
haunt them in the next elections.
Lack of concrete resolution of problems provides evidence of incompetence,
a message contrary to what the campaign might be willing to convey. An
incumbent would be hard-pressed to explain the existence of problems, or
unresolved crises with inadequate response, when he/ she had resources,
and the authority to take action.
197
This damage brought on by this
197Examples of these abound. For example, the repeated concerns regarding the logjam of cases in
104

combination can be extremely severe. An example of this same can be seen
in the onion crisis when BJP was in power in Delhi as well as in the centre,
and the consequent BJP’s loss in 1998 in Delhi elections.
198

Questions on similar issues bring up the issues of development and
governance to the fore. For example as commented on the website
rediff.com in the run up to UP elections of 2012 : “Bulandhshar, for instance,
is as it was when this columnist visited the town 15 years ago, remaining
untouched by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's economic reforms. In fact it
has become more of a dump than it ever was”.
199

To avoid the problem of all around development and replace it by schemes
directed at certain segments of population, usually on basis of religion or
caste, is a common stratagem adopted. To engage the collective mind by
catering to smaller sub-sets or even a dominant segment would be to split
the collective mind into categories – the beneficiaries and those who get left
out.
It seems to be a common phenomenon, that the history of any targeted
benefit is soon ‘normalised’ by the recipients as a quid-pro-quo, rendering
chances of consistent returns uncertain. However, for those who get left out,
the memory would remain, and come on the surface during elections.
Therefore trying to 'buy' one’s way by selective benefits to certain sections of
population and thus influence the collective mind may end up as an exercise
in futility, and needs to be carefully thought through.
200

11.2.1 Governance
Advance the upright and set aside the crooked, then the people will submit. Advance
the crooked and set aside the upright, then the people will not submit.
- The Analects of Confucius
Governance is a challenge which has taken many a winner years to fathom.
Gupta (2012:191) comparing the two regimes in West Bengal, the previous
Left Front government and the present government headed by Trinamool
Congress, indicated that the challenges of governance what Jyoti Basu had
faced in 1977 and what West Bengal presented to Trinamool Congress
headed by Mamata Banerjee in 2011 were similar in complexity, with
possibility of both being amateurs in the art of governance.
the Indian judicial system could be used to showcase government failures. Source: Singh sounds a
'war' on waiting cases. The Telegraph. August 17, 2009.
198Amit Kumar(2010) UPA’s salad days over? From Mid Day. Janaury 22, 2010.
199UP elections 2012: Which way will the tide turn? Slide Show: Slide titled: Voters look for candidates
who will make a difference. Accessed on August 23, 2012 from http://www.rediff.com.
200One can go through article “Misreading the election results as a mandate” (dated: March 8, 2012) by Dr.
Subhash C. Sharma in which he discusses the results as negative vote against incumbent or a positive
vote for new policies.
105

Quality of governance would be manifested in terms of the incumbents'
initiatives, processes followed, the results obtained and the outcomes
generated. One would look at the different successes and failures from the
view of meeting the population’s expectations, both stated and unstated.
That, different governments have been failing on this account can be
witnessed in many spheres of government. As indicated by Sainath
(1996:429), the government seems to be abdicating its role to the NGOs and
wondered as to how non-governmental organisations could take care of
huge problems affecting millions of people when elected governments
backed by the administrative machinery apparently found it difficult to
handle.
The conceptualisation of new India versus rural India, or the oft quoted India
versus Bharat are easy constructs used loosely by media channels, ignoring
that the urban citizens probably have the same fears of arbitrary government
action, and have the same concern of dysfunctional governments. The
difference is exploited by using the media – to blame the urban citizens for
the ills of rural India. As regards the revenues collected through taxation,
either in the name of poor or in the name of higher education, the results are
often not what the stated intent of the government is. India's rank in different
quality of life indicators as compared to other countries would be sufficient to
substantiate the argument.
201
The failures of welfare schemes either in terms
of their management or in terms of their outcomes continues irrespective of
the party in power.
202

The fear of land being taken away is probably more severe among the rural
citizens due to lack of adequate rehabilitation and compensation. The history
of promises is another pointer towards incumbents' governance, as the
example of land distribution in Andhra Pradesh (along with other parts of the
country) and the failure of the government to fulfil the promise indicates
(Pandita, 2012:54).
One can look at misdeeds identified by media or the opposition, as
opportunities for improvement and avenues to refine the governance
mechanism, or as issues to deny or pursue vendetta. The witch-hunts by
different political parties like that become part of history. As BJP's retaliation
after the Tehelka scam illustrates, such government failures and the
accompanying witch-hunts become part of party's history, which may be
exploited by a vigilant opposition.
201Kobad Ghandy, in Afterword to "Hello, Bastar: The Untold Story of India’s Maoist Movement” by Rahul
Pandita 2011.
202Among the many failures of government, the rotting of foodgrains in the godowns had been subject matter
that had captured the headlines once, even prompting the Supreme Court to react. The same phenomenon
persists at many levels, including at the state level. For example, the reported rotting of 6000 quintals of
foodgrains which were stored in 2006 and were rotting till 2011 is a case in point. Source: Mahto ire over
grain rot. From The Telegraph. January 18, 2011.
106

In the aftermatch of Tehelka
First Global, which had a 14.50% stake in the webzine Tehelka, bore the brunt of regulators
after a Tehelka expose, titled "Operation Westend" showed the then BJP president Bangaru
Laxman receiving bribes on camera.
203
The expose led to an extraordinary act of political
vendetta, with the promoters being served over “200 personal summons, raided 25 times,
banned from trading, forbidden from travelling abroad, and their accounts frozen”.
204

As penned by Valson Thampu of the newspaper 'The Hindu': "... a fictitious arms company
could buy outright 34 individuals in high places, including the president of the pre- eminent
national party, for a paltry sum of 11 lakhs"
205
probably dented the party's moral authority.
11.2.1.1.1 Citizens' Revolts
Men naturally rebel against the injustice of which they are victims. Thus, when
plunder is organized by law for the profit of those who make the law, all the
plundered classes try somehow to enter — by peaceful or revolutionary means —
into the making of laws.
- Frédéric Bastiat
The resulting citizens' uprising or revolt as a consequence of such
governance failures has been felt by the entire nation. Even the handling of
such events probably leaves much to be desired. Mahesh Bhatt, in foreword
to The Absent State, writes:“…when it comes to insurgencies, New Delhi has
been quick to brand rebels as ‘the other’,” and proceeding to unleash the full
might of the state on the enemy created out of its own citizens. This has
been in the form of fake encounters which seemingly, if one were to go by
different media reports, persists despite the constitutional guarantees.
The promises of free education, hospitals, resettled villages along with jobs
for the displaced villagers and their descendants by Jawaharlal Nehru during
his interaction with the tribals of Chotanagpur in 1953 have not materialised
for many citizens who had given land for Damodar Valley corporation –
India's first multipurpose river valley project; the reported benefits under
NREGS and Indira Awas Yojana projects get siphoned away by corrupt
contractors and middlemen.
206
In the words of a retired IAS officer, B D Sharma, who had been part of
mediations to obtain release of Chhattisgarh collector Alex Paul Menon after
his kidnapping by Maoists, “a good tribal is a displaced tribal who moves
obediently at the wish of the state”.
207

Good governance may lead to support from unexpected quarters. If one
203How the BJP govt. hounded Tehelka promoters. From http://churumuri.wordpress.com/2009/02/10/how-the-
bjp-govt-hounded-tehelka-promoters/
204Ibid.
205Operation West End, March 20, 2001. From http://hindu.com
206Pheroze Vincent (2011). DVC outsees revive battle in Delhi. The Telegraph. October 19, 2011. P6.
207Nishit Dholabhai (2012). Kidnap blamed over 'resource war'. The Telegraph. April 27, 2012. P4.
107

were to look at the public support given by Syed Shahabuddin by his letter to
Narendra Modi, ahead of Gujarat state elections, one would find the re-
focusing of attention on issues of governance, in middle of negative
campaign as designed and implemented by the strategic advisers of the
Congress against Narendra Modi. Writing on the event, Akbar wrote:
“He [Narendra Modi] has three assets that cut across traditional
political parameters. He is synonymous with decisive
governance…, is not tainted by accusations of personal
corruption…, and the young believe that he will give them jobs.
…Muslims helped elect Dr. Singh, not Modi. But they have waited
eight years for Congress to deliver on jobs and have got nothing
apart from that meaningless promise of reservations ...The
percentage of Muslims employed by the Gujarat government, in
contrast, is close to the population percentage.”
208
A critical component of governance is the balance between political
posturing by rivals and the associated issues on which this posturing is built
upon. Inability to separate the two and confounding the two to be one and
the same can lead to errors with long term repercussions. One might look at
the assault on Mamata Banerjee, on 7 Janaury, 1993, when she had taken
up the cause of a victim of rape. As Basu (2012:5) writes: “Four hours a
hide and seek went on as Mamata Banerjee began a sit-in…eventually
women police, flanked by their male colleagues, dragged her along the long
corridor out of the Writers’ Buildings. …… the obduracy of the Chief Minister
refusing to give her an audience was the least the people expected of him.”
Similarly, one can examine the media reports on Congress led United
Progressive Alliance (UPA), which was re-elected to power in 2009 with a
bigger mandate than in 2004, as indicative of doubts on its quality of
governance. The general indifference on behalf of senior Congress leaders
in face of scams was accompanied by silence on critical issues like black
money with “whatever little is happening in this regard is because of the
activism of the Supreme Court, which is pursuing the case on a petition filed
by the senior lawyer Ram Jethmalani, former Lok Sabha Secretary-General
Subhash Kashyap and former Punjab Police chief K.P.S. Gill, among
others”.
209

11.2.1.2 Reaping the Windfall
Let us not lose our zeal in doing good, for in due season we will reap a reward, if we
do not give up.
- Galatians 6:9
Probably the most spectacular example in terms of governance would be
208MJ Akbar(2012) Why is Syed Shahabuddin writing to Modi? Dec 2, 2012. Sunday Times of India. p10.
209Purnima S Tripathi (2011). Coming adrift.
108

turnaround of Bihar under Nitish Kumar. From a state which has earned the
title of failed state, and was becoming famous for the leader in kidnapping
industry and as source for workers to take up physical work in other states,
the dramatic change turning the moribund situation to a state which
witnessed the highest GDP growth rate of 11.44 %.
210
The theme of
development, and the improvement of law and order saw Janta Dal- United
and BJP alliance win a four-fifth majority in Bihar assembly elections 2010.
The win probably indicated that development and law and order had
transcended caste-based, and maybe also religion based politics, as evident
from the vote from the Muslim voters who voted for JD(U), irrespective of its
alliance with the BJP.
Manufacturing Goodwill?
The incumbent political power has distinct advantage in creating opportunites that
showcase the leadership of the torch-bearers. An example at the national level has been
the reported transformation of the Congress party leadership. Reportedly, Congress leaders
were trying project Rahul Gandhi as a leader whose heart was with aam admi and therefore
were toying with a proposal "to form a separate ministry of 'social development' which would
draw in part from various ministries like social welfare, tribal and dalit welfare, rural
development ".
211

11.2.2 Governance Ideology
stupidity + arrogance = disaster
- Misra and Pandita (2010)
Governance dwells on different aspects of a state, namely, social, legal,
political and economic, each of which are interlinked. The ideology of
Political economy adopted sets the stage for economic growth – the right
ideology can turn a state prosperous by being able to initiate and retain
commerce, as evidenced by turnaround case of Bihar or that of business
friendly Gujarat, or restrict and stifle growth as one can understand by
studying the case of West Bengal where Left Front’s open support to worker
militancy during its rule, specifically in the initial years where gherao were
supported by ruling Left Front and institutionalised in the industrial sector.
Examinations under governance ideology would need to cover all aspects of
government functioning, which is not possible in this small volume. However
the advantages accruing from an ideology are too significant to be ignored,
as exemplified the discussion by Swapan Dasgupta: creation of investment
friendly environment in Gujarat, which operates under the same set of laws
as the rest of the country, converting loss-making PSUs into profit making
organisations, charging prices for electricity (as compared to the free-all
practice of certain state governments) and thus being able to provide
210At 11.44%, Bihar is India's fastest growing state. Jan 04, 2010. Accessed on May 02, 2013 from
http://business.rediff.com/report/2010/jan/04/at-11-point-44-per-cent-bihar-is-fastest-growing-state-in-
india.htm
211 Rahul Gandhi may get a makeover soon. October 20, 2012. From http://www.rediff.com
109

uninterrupted electricity supply (a utopian situation if one were to compare
the situation in certain parts of the country), and a strong effort to reduce the
“inspector-raj” that impacts the entrepreneurs, specially in the small and the
middle scale sectors, and enforce accountability among public servants.
212

An industrial growth rate of 9% before 1971?
Indian citizens are now used to the 6% plus growth rate which almost became the norm
after the lliberalisation of 1991. It would seem that India had never witnessed such a growth
rate before. However a look at the history of Indian economy before the 1971 elections, and
nationalisation and restrictions that came after that, along with the impact of increased
defence spending, would open the minds of the Indians to the damange wrought on to
Indian economy by socialism. It has been reported that industrial production had grown at
an annual rate of nearly 7 per cent during 1956-1961 and about 9 per cent during 1961-
1965 (Chandra, 2003:16).
A similar story has been scripted in Odisha by Naveen Patnaik, the story
which incorporates the efforts of the information technology enterprises, the
private educational institutions and the mining boom. The turnaround of the
state from one that witnessed budget-deficits to a situation where Odisha
government generates surpluses has been accompanied by an emergence
of Odisha pride and being in a favourable situation of not having to depend
on the central government, for the political party being able to implement its
welfare schemes out of its own revenues.
213
Governance failures take place in myriad of ways, not only how the
environment is maintained to enable commerce and enterprise to establish
and prosper, but also how the government conducts its own activities. As an
example, the situation in Manipur as presented by Misra and Pandita (2010,
257) illustrates: “Until 2007, the state government had no idea how many
people worked for it. It was assumed that eighty thousand people worked for
the government because that was the number on the rolls, but a tedious
headcount revealed that the government had only sixty-one thousand
employees”.
Analysis of large shifts in electorate's preference as exemplified by the rise
of Trinamul Congress in West Bengal can only be done holistically by
looking the ideologies that played. Such detailed analysis can uncover
issues which introspection by party-leaders may hint at. As reported, the
CPM leadership indicated that several factors had been responsible for the
defeat, and not a single factor. Among the factors identified were failure to
get electorate's acceptance of the third-front, failure to counter the
propaganda of the opposition, and deepening gap in party-people contact.
214

212Swapan Dasgupta (2013). A model approach. The Telegraph. P11.
213Swapan Dasgupta (2012). Citizens who matter. The Telegraph. August 17, 2012.
214The voting along with BJP against the trust motion of the Manmohan Singh government and the focus on
the third front was highlighted as a significant factor in the article. Source: CPM pins blame on multiple
factors. From The Telegraph. June 13, 2009.
110

To appreciate the issues related to governance ideology, the issues are
categorised into two sub-categories – the socio-political and the economic.
This does not imply that the issues are disconnected from each other. On
the contrary, the issues are highly interconnected and policies and changes
in one domain influence the other.
11.2.2.1 Socio-political Ideology
The law has been perverted by the influence of two entirely different causes: stupid
greed and false philanthropy
- Frédéric Bastiat
The policies created by the rulers set the basis for population's actions.
Along with the policies, the behaviour of the incumbents signals the
acceptable and the extent to which boundaries can be breached. For
example the respect for law, and fear of the legal administration, is guided
more by the acts of the members of the ruling party and by their own respect
for the legal apparatus than by the law on the books. Failures on governance
often come back to haunt the leaders concerned. One can take a look at the
issues of death penalty concerning Maya Kodnani, former minister in BJP's
government in Gujarat in connection with the Naroda Patia massacre, during
the riots in Gujarat which took place after the Godhra incident.
215
One would look at the extra-constitutional authority created by incumbents
and how they subvert the formal governance. For example, one might cite
the rule of Congress and the role played by Sanjay Gandhi, where despite
not holding any official post, Sanjay Gandhi dictated his will on the working
of the different arms of the government (Chandra, 2003:194).
The socio-political ideology of a ruling party is also manifested in its
upholding of institutions or attempts to erode the autonomous functioning of
the same. As commented by Jethmalani (2000:18)
“...when Shrimati Indira Gandhi propounded the doctrine of
‘committed judiciary’. This doctrine held sway in the pre-emergency
period and found its ugliest manifestations in the ignominious
surrender of the Supreme Court to the evil whims and caprices of
the Indian Prime Minister…”
The idea of committed judiciary, that “judiciary should be subservient to
executive” had been highlighted by Darbara Singh as a contributing factor t
Indira Gandhi's unpopularity (Singh, 1978:2).
The strategic significance of the same can be understood by exploring the
comments by Chandra (2003:190) in which he pointed out that her total
domination over the party and the government eliminated any buffer from the
failures in governance.
Socio-political ideology covers the entire spectrum of issues that comes
215Modi rethink on death for ex-minister. From The Times of India, May 15, 2013.
111

under the umbrella of public policy – ranging from organisation of sports to
the curriculum that will be taught in schools. One would also look at how
different rules are made, either for the welfare of the masses or to spite
certain sections of the population. As the example of imposition of Telugu as
a third language in Haryana illustrates, the act was done by Bansi Lal
reportedly to annoy the Punjabis in the state (Singh,1978:65), rather than
allow them to study Punjabi. One can also look at the rule brought out in
2012 in Andhra Pradesh, within the context of global economy driven by
information technology, that makes Telugu compulsory in all schools, and
colleges where the students did not learn the same in lower levels.
216
The corruption allegations raised during the Commonwealth games held in
2010 is a case in point, with the CVC warning about the poor quality of
infrastructure being built and reporting about the misappropriation in “ the
most expensive Commonwealth Games ever held” to be between $1.1 billion
and $1.8 billion, nine times more than its December 2003 initial budget of
$500 million.
217
The day after the conclusion of the games the Indian
government announced the formation of a special committee to investigate
the allegations of corruption. This was in addition to the investigations being
carried out by the Central Bureau of Investigation, Enforcement Directorate,
and Central Vigilance Commission.
The Prime Minister of India, Dr Manmohan Singh had promised in
mid-August, when reports of the bungling first surfaced, that corrupt
officials will be given "severe and exemplary" punishment after the
Games.
218
Such scams provide ready ammunition to the opposition. As utilised by BJP
in its campaign in Karnataka elections 2013, Ms Sushma Swaraj said “UPA
government’s first record in corruption was worth Rs. 70,000 crore in the
Commonwealth Games scandal. It was broken by the 2G Spectrum scam
worth Rs. 1.76 lakh crore. This record was further broken by them in the
coalgate scandal worth Rs. 1.86 lakh crore”.
219

In West Bengal, the Left Front's crusade against English tilted the population
against the government (Basu, 2012:11), as the population saw the wards of
the politicians taking the advantage of English medium education. Language
based policies have been detrimental to the career progression of
populations en masse, be in Karnataka or in West Bengal. It is ironic that the
Indian IT sector developed in the country due to its advantage of having a
population that was English literate. As the example of Telengana illustrates,
the benefits of IT industry by-passed certain segments of population
“...education was imparted in Urdu in Telengana and the language of
instruction even in Osmania University was Urdu. Thus, even the educated
216Students, parents oppose imposition of Telugu in educational institutions. Nov. 28, 2012. From
www.timesofindia.com
217Sumon K. Chakrabarti. Oct. 26, 2010. Watchdog Questions Commonwealth Games Deals.
218http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2010_Commonwealth_Games#Concerns_and_controversies
219Congress has broken its own record in corruption. April 28, 2013. Accessed on May 3, 2013 from
http://www.thehindu.com
112

lot in Hyderabad had little exposure to English, which was the working
language of the Government of India and that of the modem world” (Nag,
2011:11).
Reverting back to the example of Sanjay Gandhi, with Sanjay Gandhi's
coterie representing a parallel government within government, far reaching
policies were drafted and implemented. Among the many examples, the
case of forceful family planning can be analysed (Chandra, 2003, 205):
“Nasbandi became a dreaded word and its terror spread like wild
fire all over North India….apart from physical injury, forced
sterilization hurt people’s self-esteem; it created in them a sense of
helplessness and humiliation, of being treated as animals”.
As Darbara Singh's book documents “hundreds of people fled from their
villages, but they would plough their fields at night” (1978:59). Nasbandi, a
film made by I.S. Johan and released in 1978 was banned due to its
portrayal of the Indira Gandhi government.
220
The evidence of Japan, and European countries shows how the problem of
excess population and poverty are related. This extract points out the
needless investment on the infamous sterilisation pogroms carried out by
Sanjay Gandhi and on the importance of having a mastery of subjects,
significant among them would be the subject of political economy. This
brings us to the second part of governance ideology, that of economics.
11.2.2.2 Economic Ideology
The limits of a country’s economic growth are seldom set by its physical resources,
but usually by the capability of its leaders. India will go as far, and no farther than,
the vision of its leaders can take it.
- N. A. Palkhivala
B.R. Shenoy probably would count among the rarest of Indian economists
who have resigned from the Planning Commission, a position to which most
economists in India aspire to, often as a feather in their cap to be seen as an
advisor to the government of India. He was among the first of his kind to
point out the errors of the statist neo-Soviet style planning for the
development of India. As indicated (Shenoy, 1963:41)
“Dr. A. Hunold, the Swiss economist, has classified Western
European Countries into three broad categories: Communist
economies, free economies and muddled economics, the last
description applying to countries which are subject to varying
measures of state control and regulation. India belongs to the last
category”.
220Nasbandi. Accessed Feb. 2, 2013 from: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nasbandi
113

However as Shenoy (1963:vii) pointed out, changing in thinking is not easy.
“...it demands a dismantling of the store-house of limitless power,
patronage and easy income which the predatory instruments of
statist controls – licences, permits, quotas, contracts and
concessions – over the economy have brought into the hands of the
Administration”.
Challenging the government policy of increasing investment in heavy
industries ahead of investments in agriculture and consumer industries, and
even more strongly criticising the plan to finance the same though creation of
money, Shenoy warned (1963:120)
“Money creation on so colossal a scale will cause runaway inflation,
which will turn back the hand of progress, economic and social”
(p120)
History would point out the prophetic nature of Shenoy's comments.
Educated in the Libertarian economics in American terminology, also known
as Austrian school of economics in European terminology, Shenoy
represented the lone voice during the heady infatuation with state level
planning on a colossal scale.
221
As state level planning was later followed by
socialisation and nationalisation, financed by expansion of money supply,
the problems in the Indian economy expanded. Among other critics of Indian
government's policy, Nanabhoy "Nani" Ardeshir Palkhivala stood tall. As
commented by him (1984:69):
“We must pause and identify the reasons why this country with
5,000 years of civilisation, with abundant natural resources and
fantastic human skills, is floundering in the morass of poverty while
countries less richly endowed are able to forge ahead. …It is a fact
not generally known that nationalization is not one of the Directive
Principles of State Policy. On the contrary, art. 39(b) of the
Constitution provides that the State shall direct its policy towards
securing 'that the ownership and control of the material resources
of the community is so distributed as best to subserve the common
good.' Distribution of the ownership and control of material
resources is the exact opposite of nationalization which involves
centralisation of the ownership and control in the hands of the
State.”
However the infatuation with the Keynesian ideology with its stress on
221The price-inflation caused by increase in money supply however is not registered in the collective mind,
curriculum of most students does not incorporate economics. Even when it does, the details of monetary
expansion and how it impacts the prices of commodities is ignored. Therefore the masses are inclined to
look away from the real cause of price-inflation and look towards the corporates and businesses for price
rise. This commonplace thinking is reflected in the episode surrounding the song "Mehengai" from the
movie Chakravyuh , whose lyrics referred to Birla, Bata and Tata for rise in prices. The companies had
approached the court alleging defamation, but the Supreme Court ruled in favour of Prakash Jha, the movie
-director. It is interesting to note none of the companies brought out any notice or article explaining the true
causes of rise in prices. Source: Amit Chaturvedi (2012) Supreme Court says OK to Birla, Tata, Bata song
for Prakash Jha. From www.ndtv.com Oct. 19, 2012.
114

government intervention financed by inflation seems to be continuing, not
only in India but in other parts of the world. Guided by the same ideology,
one is blinded to the build-up of government debt and increase in money
supply, the impact of which is evidenced in European and other western
economies.
The inflation in money supply caused by deficit financing led government
spending in India can only be understood by looking at the numbers: money
supply was Rs.21.96 Billion in 1951-52 (as measured by M3 indicator) which
stood at Rs. 69673.00 Billion in 2011-12, an inflation of 3,172 times in 60
years.
The rules for economic development form a crucial part of economic
ideology. The reservations of over 800 products for small scale sector by
George Ferandes as industries minister in Janata government is highlighted
as a case in point, with the benefits hardly reaching the small scale
producer; couple of decades later, China arose to dominate the labour-
intensive products like garments, leather, toys etc., despite India having
similar advantages in labour and natural resources. The need to be small
and remain small had made Indian companies unable to face global
competition.
222

11.2.2.2.1 Consequences of Congress's infatuation with Socialism
The failures of socialistic ideology of Indira Gandhi was manifested in many
outcomes, some of them far removed from the field of economics and
commerce. The episode of Punjab terrorism was one of them where the
economic policies had an impact. As penned in Operation Blue Star: the
True Story, by Lt. Gen. K. S. Brar , “...the early eighties were witness to
rampant unemployment in Punjab as a result of land holdings being reduced
to economically unviable lots…”(1993:16).
The same is supported by Khushwant Singh: “...Employment opportunities
abroad were seriously curtailed by stringent visa regulations imposed by
foreign governments. This, combined with the absence of industries in the
state, resulted in a rapid and alarming increase in the number of educated
unemployed” (Singh (1984: 10) [emphasis mine]
Other researchers writing about the problem in Punjab support the
view:“...the number of professionals and technically qualified youth on the
live register of the employment exchanges increased unbelievably, from a
mere 9,321 in 1966 to 64,771 in 1981. The number of those seeking clerical,
white -collar jobs increased from 2,713 in 1966 to 45,708 in 1981 and the
total number of those unemployed increased from 50,578 to 486,081 during
the same period” (Kamath, 1984:164).
Due to socialist policies, unemployment had become a common
characteristic of Indian economy, with relatively minor in traditionally pro-
business states like Gujarat, Maharashta and intensely in states like West
222S. L. Rao. (2010). Seeds of corruption. The Telegraph. April 19, 2010. P 10.
115

Bengal ruled by the Left Front. Kerala was spared the pain to a large extent
due to the inflow of repatriations from the Gulf. What led to such a state of
unemployment can be traced back to the socialist policies of Indira Gandhi
“The government's obsession with the theory of concentration of
economic power has been carried to such absurd lengths that it is
sought to deny facilities for expansion to an honest and socially
responsible business house merely because of its size. In other
words, on ideological grounds, scarcity, poverty and unemployment
are preferred to what is called 'concentration of economic power.' In
reality, a single bureaucrat wields more economic power than the
largest industrial group in the country” (Palkhivala, 1984:56)
The nationalisation of banks made Mrs Indira Gandhi a national hero. She
followed it with nationalisation of major sectors of the Indian economy.
“Having been re-elected in 1971 on a nationalisation platform, Gandhi
proceeded to nationalise the coal, steel, copper, refining, cotton textiles, and
insurance industries. The remaining private sector industries were placed
under strict regulatory control”.
223

As commented by Panagariya, “The results were devastating: per-capita
income rose from Rs. 775 per month in 1969-70 to just 815 per month in
1976-77 at 1999-2000 prices. The average per-capita income growth during
the period was just 0.8% with no reduction in poverty achieved. India had
lost almost an entire decade”.
224

11.2.3 Political Economy of Political Parties
The more corrupt the state, the more laws.
- Publius Cornelius Tacitus
In order to sustain the campaign, the need of material and human resources
is a crucial one, which leads to financiers coming into the picture. The birth
of a political party, the organization, sets into motion the a market for
influence and benefits among different entities associated with it.
The power over policy making, and the availability to orient policies to favour
certain business entities creates another reason for business-politicians
nexus. For the ruling power, this along with the information about what is
intended by the government allows them to be in a supplier position, selling
the information and benefits of customised policy to those who are willing to
pay the right price.
This history of corruption is too big to be captured in this small work. What
should be noted is the impact on the collective mind, be it of big issues like
the 2G and 3G scam, or the allocation of coal mines, particularly in front of
the elections. Most of the parties in India today have a history of being
223Indira Gandhi. Accessed on April 12, 2013 from http://en.wikipedia.org
224 Arvind Panagariya (2011) in "March to socialism under Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, offers an interesting
parallel."
116

brought down due to corruption. As the example of Ponty Chada illustrates in
the state of Uttar Pradesh “During the Mayawati regime in 2009, his group
was awarded the sole distributorship of liquor in the State”.
225

No change of guard at the top made a difference to Ponty's clout. If
he could get the Rajnath Singh-headed BJP government in 2000-02
to do away with the traditional excise policy for liquor trade in UP,
which he once again got re-drafted by Mulayam Singh Yadav in
2005, he could ensure continuity of the same policy even under a
poles-apart Mayawati regime.
226

Once that starts to happen, the candidate should look out for impacts on
moral authority. One might look at the comment about Narendra Modi and
compare it with other politico-business families.
“In a country where nepotism and dynastic politics are the norm,
Modi's family (he is the middle child of nine siblings) is invisible”.
227

It has been observed in many elections how the asset base of the re-
contesting candidates increase, without any questions from any government
agency regarding their source of funds. As the example of Karnataka
elections of 2013, illustrate:
The average asset increase of 347 re-contesting candidates from
the 2008 to 2013 assembly elections is more than Rs 6.25 crores or
79 per cent.
Congress leader D K Shivkumar from Kanakapura constituency has
shown the maximum growth in assets. His assets increased from
Rs 75 crore in 2008 to Rs 251 crore in 2013
228
The existence of politically oriented capitalism or crony capitalism manifests
itself in the management of public resources, be it in the form of natural
resources, or in the form of public water bodies. Irrespective of the locale,
from the jungles of Jharkhand and Karnataka, or the issues of illegal
quarrying in Gujarat,
229
to the encroachment on water bodies in cities like
Bangalore, the encroachment on public resources has been a common
phenomenon.
230

225The rise and rise of Ponty Chadha, November 18, 2012. From The Hindu.
226 Ponty Chadha, how he mixed power, politics and alcohol commerce. Feb. 5, 2012. From The Economic
Times.
227Thottam, (2012). Boy from the Backyard.
228Karnataka polls: 681 crorepatis, 220 criminals. 2013. From http://www.rediff.com
229The report had alleged victimisation against H. N. Chibber, IAS, who had blown the whistle on illegal
quarrying that had led to the arrest of former BJP minister, by embroling him in a 10 year old case on
the eve of his retirement. Basant Rawat (2011). Case against whistleblower officer. The Telegraph.
Dec. 7, 2011. P 4.
230As reported out of more than 1000 tanks, only 81 tanks survive and none of the encroachers have
been prosecuted. Reportedly a 1995 high court order exists which prevents allocation of tank beds
and which has been violated by allocation of entire tank beds to builders, with the finger being
pointed towards the political party-real estate lobby nexus. Source: Jayashree Nandi & Aasthi R.
(2009). Encroachers killed water bodies: study. The Times of India. Bangalore. July 16, 2009.
117

11.2.3.1 Negotiated Existence – Precurser to a Politically Oriented Economy
Weber's conceptualisation of capitalism into two distinct categories –
politically oriented capitalism and market oriented capitalism, with the
“politically oriented capitalism defined as the one in which political
connections, networks, and patronage are of paramount importance to one’s
business success.
231
The politically oriented capitalism is a consequence where business entities,
in presence of anti-business mentality and/or accompanied by intensive
regulatory framework, have to negotiate their existence with the ruling
regime. Such negotiation can be seen at micro level as small entrepreneurs
have to pay off the traffic police men for transporting their goods, or engage
those transporters or builders sanctified by the party-in-power, and at the
macro level where business decisions are required to obtain first the ruling
politicians' approval before the formal institutional approval. Such an
environment also ensures for the business entities protection from
competition in form of barriers created by the regime in exchange for
sufficient benefits, or as the example of Sarada Group's failure and West
Bengal government's imposition of tax to bail out investors in West Bengal
illustrates, to convert private failures to public burdens to be paid by the tax
payers.
232
Conseuqence of anti-business ideology
The CPI-M’s pathetic predicament in West Bengal was because it has over the years led
itself into the trap of its own making. It professed to be working for the economic uplift of the
rural population – its core constituency, while professing removal of poverty, and proper
redistribution of wealth. However the same could not be achieved without rapid
industrialisation, which is bound to lead to income inequality as industrialists would come
only when there was a possibility of profit to be made, and workers, CPI-M's core
constituency, agreed to work in those industries without creating labour strife (Basu, 2012:
110).
India's half-hearted shift from politically oriented capitalism during the tenure
of PV Narasimha Rao was the event which showed to the population for the
first time the extent to which a market oriented ideology can benefit the
country. Even when the shift was half-hearted, and made under the duress
of impending foreign exchange crisis, the budget of 1991-92 was a historical
one, in a country dominated by politically oriented capitalist mentality under
the garb of socialism.
231Readers interested in Weber's analysis of capitalism may seek recourse to Theory of Social and Economic
Organization. Edited by Talcott Parsons. New York: Free Press:1964., and Economy and Society. Edited by
Guenther Roth and Claus Wittich. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press,1978.
232Out of Rs. 500 cr, Rs. 150 cr are reportedly to come from increased taxes on tobacco products, while the
sources of remaining Rs. 350 cr had not been identified. Mamata Banerjee reportedly requested the
smokers to smoke more to be able to mobilise the funds faster. Source: "Didi's Sin Tax: Rs. 500 cr fund to
bail out Sen's victims". From The Telegraph. April 25, 2013.
118

With the changed times, and a more educated population, challengers need
to be careful about the economic ideology they espouse. As reported about
the leader of party Aam Admi, Prashant Bhushan criticised privatisation to be
the cause of corruption.
233
Earlier, Arundhati Roy expressed a similar
opinion, slamming the economic policies of the government and blaming it
for corruption.
234
Such views may not be easily accepted by a population
which had seen the benefits arising out of private enterprise.
11.2.3.1.1 Spreading Business Ownership
Despite prevasiveness of politically oriented capitalism for the benefit of the
politically connected interests, certain contrary examples stand out as real
examples of private ownership and private enterprise in the true spirit of free
market economics.
The experiment in Pudukkottai (Tamil Nadu) where stone quarry lease
ownership of 170 quarries out of 350 existing quarries had been given to
women from scheduled castes and the most backward castes by the then
District Collector, Sheela Rani Chunkath, has led to unshackling of the hold
of contractors, and conversion of bonded or ill paid labourers to quarry
owners would be an essential reading (see Sainath, 1996).
The failures of the government to protect one section of citizen from the
business actions of the other signal a systemic injustice. One can look at
how the activities of iron processing units have impacted the agricultural
livelihood in Jharkhand and how the pollution norms have been violated to
appreciate the bias in ruling polity's actions,
235
or the damage to the
residential areas due to mining activities of the companies.
236
11.3 Isolated Winners
For the second category of incumbents, the limit to his/her authority to
influence the governance is a real constraint, yet the expectations from the
electorate which voted for him/her to overcome the constraint would be
present. The extent, to which he/she can do so, along with the ability to keep
the vision alive and current, would ensure whether the individual is able to
maintain his position in the next elections. For smaller parties which have
lone individuals in power positions, the opportunity lies in creating
233Amitabh Sinha (2011) Post-1991 economic policies, privatisation root cause of corruption: Prashant
Bhushan. Apr 30 2011. From http://www.indianexpress.com
234Ibid.
235Kumud Jenamani (2010). Fertile acres to barren swathes. The Telegraph. May 4, 2010.
236As per reports, the underground blasts by Electrosteel Castings Limited in Parbatpur in Jharkhand
had led to seepage of coal-bed methane gas through the floors of their houses. Due to the
imflamable nature of the gas, the villagers were asked by the administration not to light any fire and
refrain from cooking. Source: Shashank Shekar (2010). Villagers demand displaced status. The
Telegraph. April 7, 2010. P17.
119

showcases of governance within those constraints.
Star candidates are often engaged, either by nascent party or by a party
desirous of gaining a quick upper-hand or to fortify their campaigns. If the
strategy of fielding a star has been successful in one constituency, can the
party leverage that success story in other constituencies? One would look at
the critical question of who is the spiritual head in the constituency where the
star was successful. If the star was the spiritual head then the party brand
was not the driver to the success, but more as a vehicle for the star.
Therefore, it may be hypothesized, that for the party leadership to take
control of the torch, especially in the same constituency would be inimical to
the interests of both the star as well as the party.
Building on the success of isolated star, therefore, is difficult to do. The party
leadership would then have to, perforce, search for similar stars to be able to
successfully replicate the success story, or to develop themselves in parallel
in an arena separate from that of their stars.
The other situation is when the star is handed over the mantle of party
leadership. The results may vary, depending on the organizing ability of the
star.
Outsider’s power equity – does it get exhausted after one stint in power?
Outsiders are the contestants who bring with them the history of success
and capability from a world different from politics. How is the Outsider
perceived in the second round? The example of Mr. Khanduri is good case
to be studied, along with data about electorate. One would wait and watch
for other candidates like Jamshedpur’s Dr. Ajoy Kumar and Dr. Jayprakash
Narayan in Andhra Pradesh.
One might also like to explore as to whether a Domino effect exists or not: if
the supporting party falls, then the star incumbent may also falter, and vice
versa. The repercussions for governance are therefore as significant,
probably more for an isolated individual, as compared to a party in power.
11.4 Alliances and Coalitions
Success in politics entails alliances and coalitions, and this will mean compromises
with the very parties you castigate as corrupt.
- Swaminathan S Anklesaria Aiyar
237
The above quote is indicative of the issues in typical alliances and coalitions.
While not adopting the extreme views about alliances with corrupt parties, an
alliance can imply dilution of one’s vision in order to accommodate other
party’s vision. Success of alliances depends, as for any challengers, the
237 This has been taken from Swaminathan’s article in Economic Times where he discussed the futility of Anna
Hazare’s effort to abandon his movement and form a political party. This quote has been taken because it
seemingly represents an opinion about a critical strategic move, and requires analysis.
120

failure of the incumbent in governance or a distinct disconnect with the
electorates' collective aspirations.
Alliances, after the elections, hardly proved beneficial to the parties
concerned. Opportunistic behaviours, specially when the election was fought
alone and the leaders choose to ally with their former foes, can wreak havoc
with one partner’s chances while boosting the other. It may be indicated that
BJP’s troubles in UP had the power sharing arrangement with Mayawati as a
possible milestone.
238

The Shame of Hasdrubale's Wife
Then turning to Hasdrubal, "Wretch," she exclaimed, "traitor, most effeminate of men, this
fire will entomb me and my children. Will you, the leader of great Carthage, decorate a
Roman triumph? Ah, what punishment will you not receive from him at whose feet you are
now sitting."Having reproached him thus, she slew her children, flung them into the fire, and
plunged in after them. Such, they say, was the death of the wife of Hasdrubal, which would
have been more becoming to himself."
239

The incident of Hasdrubale and his wife probably shows what possibly happens to party-
supporters when their party joins previous opponents – the shame of supporting a party
which knowtows to the opponent and agrees to, in the minds of grass-root supporters,
demeaning terms and conditions.
Indira Gandhi avoided such a situation and bested her opponents after her loss in 1977
elections, and the subsequent rule by Janata party. So did Mayavati to her opponent BJP
when she headed a BSP-BJP coalition in Uttar Pradesh in 2002-2003. In the aftermath of
such episodes the respect and the good will for the party would probably turn to the scorn,
as did the the feelings of wife of Hasdrubal for her husband.
11.4.1 Relationship between the partners
Alliance does not mean love, any more than war means hate.
- Francis Parker Yockey
In West Bengal, in 1969 after another by-election, Ajoy Mukherjee’s Bangla
Congress joined hands with the CPI(M) to form United Front ministries. The
best remembered fact about this coalition was that Chief Minister Ajoy
Mukherjee was once moved to sit in a dharna outside Writers' Building in
Kolkata to protest against his own government.
240

Examining the alliance between Congress (I) and Trinamool in West Bengal,
one would observe how friction arises and ultimately one party has to
acquiesce to the stronger one’s wishes. Such an acquiesce would tend to
favour the party stronger at the grass-root level, leaving unfavourable seat-
238Purnima S. Tripathi (2002) Uttar Pradesh: The great game.
239 Appian's History of Rome: The Punic Wars.
240TVR Shenoy (2012). Footsteps of Pranab.
121

arrangement to the weaker one, tending to make benefits more unlikely for
the weaker partner.
Forged out of political necessity, it continues, notwithstanding
bickering, distrust and resentment.
241
The example of Trinamool Congress, from being poll-partners to trying to
bring down the Congress government at centre via a no trust motion in 2012,
one year after taking over power in West Bangal, puts the case for alliances
on thin ice.
If allying with one power is not enough, aiming for alliances with multiple
power centres is a challenge that would tax even the astute of the politicians.
Apart from this historical example of the Janta Dal’s win after Indiira
Gandhi’s emergency, there are other examples to guide the reader.
242

This concludes the discussion on factors relevant for incumbents – both
individual candidates and political parties.
241Suhrid Sankar Chattopadhyay (2011) Unequal Alliance.
242 Among the reasons for the fall of Janata Party, the significant ones that are quoted are: ideological
divisions within the coalition with lack of an unifying ideology or leader, delayed investigation of emergency-
era abuses, worsening economics conditions and allegations of nepotism and corruption against Morarji
Desai’s family members. Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Janata_Party#Fall_of_the_government
122

12 Concluding Notes
The end is where we start from.
T.S. Eliot
In this book I have proposed a theory of campaign, which by providing a
comprehensive theoretical foundation to analyse election campaigns, allows
one to track down the reasons for the rise and the fall of different leaders
and political parties. This book, thus presents an important contribution to
the subject of election strategy, as well as to the subject of political
leadership.
The ground rules that impact the arithmetic are critical in the use of this
theory. Elections in India, specially in the past, have been characterised by
booth capturing, rigging etc., which are contraventions of established norms
of democracy. This treatise does not look at the kind of strategies and tactics
required to win in such kind of an electoral context. Probably in that situation,
the resource based theory would suffice. The theory laid out for the readers
in this book is limited to the players adhering to the formal rules of the same.
The march of time is relentless. Each year brings forth new young voters out
of the educational system, thrown into the harsh world of with its own
struggles, creating new cynics who drop out of voting, along with new batch
of senior citizens, citizens who retire from active service and have both a
collection of history along with the pang of being left behind, people who
desire to move up the social ladder and people who are side-lined by the
mainstream political parties, new migrants into cities dreaming to achieve
their ambitions and so on, thus constantly creating currents that churn the
voting population. Time, thus, provides different players sufficient latitude to
try out different strategies.
The concepts can be combined in a myriad number of ways leading to
multiple permutations and combinations, out of which few would be winning
ones. Identification of the winning strategies would require a nuanced
understanding of the concepts, as compared to literal translation. Historical
analyses of different failures and successes might go a long way in
developing sensitivity towards suitability of different combinations in different
contexts. However it might be necessary for both researchers and
practitioners to be positioned in-situ, within the arena, to be sensitive to the
dynamics, while at the same time maintaining a dispassionate distance from
the happenings in order not to get lost in the micro-details and forget about
the big picture.
123

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2.Adityanath Yogi. Accessed on April 12, 2012.
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4.Ajay Kumar 9politician). Accessed on August 24, 2012.
5.Anti Hindi Agitations of Tamil Nadu. Accessed on May 2, 2013.
6.Aslam Sher Khan. Accessed on March 14, 2012.
7.B. C. Khanduri. Accessed on August 24, 2012.
8.Bal Thackrey. Accessed on August 24, 2012.
9.Commonwealth Games: concerns and controversies. Accessed on April 6, 2013.
10.G. R. Gopinath. Accessed on December 20, 2012.
11.Garibi Hatao. Accessed on May 2, 2013.
12.History of the Bharatiya Janata Party. Accessed on Dec. 2, 2012.
13.Indian general election, 1991. Accessed on 30 March 2013.
14.Janata Party. Accessed on April 3, 2013.
15.Jayaprakash Narayan (Lok Satta). Accessed on August 24, 2012. from
16.Jyotirmoyee Sikdar. Accessed on March 14, 2012.
17.List of Chief Ministers of Tamil Nadu. Accessed on July 12, 2012.
18.Mayawati. Accessed on August 24, 2012.
19.Mohammed Azharuddin. Accessed on March 14, 2012.
20.Moral Authority. Accessed on March 15, 2012.
21.N. Chandrababu Naidu. Accessed on May 2, 2013.
22.Navjot Singh Sidhu. Accessed on March 14, 2012.
23.Nitish Kumar. Accessed on April 2, 2013.
24.Nitish Kumar. Accessed on Feb 12, 2013.
25.P. V. Narasimha Rao. Accessed on April 2, 2013.
26.Phoolan Devi. Accessed on August 19, 2012.
27.Radia tapes controversy. Accessed on May 02, 2013.
28.Uttar Pradesh legislative assembly election, 2012. Accessed on August 12, 2012.
29.Wukan protests. Accessed on April 12, 2013.
13.2.3 Images
Box Title Source
Sonia Gandhi campaigning in
Gujarat, 2012:
http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Sonia_Gandhi_greets_supporters_-
_Flickr_-_Al_Jazeera_English.jpg
Generation Disconnect: Poster
Linking Varun Gandhi to Sanjay
Gandhi
http://satyameva-jayate.org. Image used with permission.
NT Rama Rao : the movie star who
shone bright
http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:NTR_Meeting.jpg
Water, Jungle & Land: People
demanding reforms on Land
Acquisition Act at Agra
http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Jan_Satyagraha_2012_meeting_at_A
gra_01.jpg
Public Protest against Delhi
government: Outrage against
Insenstivity
http://commo ns.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Delhi_protests-Raisina_Hill,_bus.jpg
Behenji waves from Didi's LampostPhoto taken by author.
Adityanath Yogi http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Yogi_Adityanath.jpg
From Dacoit to Member of
Parliament
http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Devi_surrender.jpg.
The Khadi and The Suit http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Gandhi_Jinnah_1944.jpg
Maintaining the Campaign: Abu
Asim Azmi
http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Abu_Asim_Azmi_of_Samajwadi_Pa
rty_-_Flickr_-_Al_Jazeera_English.jpg
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Election campaign

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