Final Research Sample

1. GEND489: Research Essay in Gender and
Women's Studies.
“What Effect Does Colonisation and Western
Influences and Culture Have on Thai Society,
Women and Organizations”
Win Singphatanakul
300066606
Supervisors: Adjunct Professor Prue Hyman and Dr. Alison Laurie
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2. CONTENTS
1: INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................... 3
2: METHODOLOGY .............................................................................................................................. 5
2.1). Purpose of the Study ................................................................................................................ 5
2.2). The Nature of the Study ........................................................................................................... 5
2.3). What Theoretical Lens Will I Use? .......................................................................................... 6
3: LITERATURE REVIEW ................................................................................................................... 7
3.1). Language Barriers and Western Literature ............................................................................ 7
4: DISCUSSION OF MY FINDINGS .................................................................................................. 20
4.1). Statistical Facts ..................................................................................................................... 20
4.2). Thai Social Norms and the West Social Norms ..................................................................... 22
4.3). Multinational Companies ..................................................................................................... 26
4.4). Socio-Economic Status .......................................................................................................... 29
4.5). Education ............................................................................................................................... 32
4.6). Western Literature on Discrimination ................................................................................... 35
4.7). Western Standard of Living (GDP) vs. Eastern Standard of Living (GNH) ......................... 38
4.8). Limitation ............................................................................................................................... 40
5: FUTURE RESEARCH ..................................................................................................................... 42
6: CONCLUSION .................................................................................................................................. 43
APPENDIX 1 .......................................................................................................................................... 45
Table 1: Female Employment Rate ................................................................................................ 45
Table 2: Number and Percentage of Employed Persons Aged 15 Years and Over by Industry and
Sex (in millions) ............................................................................................................................. 46
Table 3: Number of Employed Persons Over 15 Years of Age in a 1-Year Period by Sex (in
millions) ......... 47
Table 4: Average Monthly Total Income and Current Income by Region: 2006 .......................... 47
Table 6: Number of Male and Female Students by Educational Level for Academic Year 2000
........................................................................................................................................................ 49
Table 7: Number of Employees by Level of Wages/Salary and Sex ........................................... 49
APPENDIX 2 ........................................................................................................................................ 50
Figure 1: Thai Woman Mahout (Elephant Driver). ...................................................................... 50
Figure 2: Gender Statistics in “The Key Statistics of Thailand 2007”. ........................................ 51
Figure 3: The 10th National Economic and Social Development Plan for the years 2007-2011 . 51
Figure 4: The Philosophy of Sufficiency Economy ........................................................................ 52
REFERENCES ....................................................................................................................................... 53
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3. 1: Introduction
This study is about the position of women in Thailand. My research question
addresses whether Thai women can be regarded as ‘colonised’ and whether they can
legitimately be regarded as oppressed and subservient.
I will argue that Western feminist theory positions itself as a universal authority,
which is not always applicable to non-Western cultures and circumstances. In order to
address my research question, I have conducted a small study of published reports on
the economic position of Thai women, generalising from Western culture to Thai
culture. I argue that the differences of language and of interpretation can mislead
researchers into assuming it is a universal position for all women. My report also
debates on whether the socio-economic status is a greater indicator of inequality than
gender in the Thai environment.
In addition, I will also argue that equality can be achieved through the ‘Gross
National Happiness’ (GNH) policy. GNH is unlike the Gross Domestic Product
(GDP), which concentrates on capital value that does not reflect the quality and
happiness of individuals. Many countries use GDP as shorthand for the well-being of
a nation. However, GNH, unlike GDP, does not only consider economic growth but
also consider the general happiness of people (Mustafa, 2005; Rodsuthi, 2007). There
is substantial literature on the GHP policy, in particular regarding its application in
Bhuatan, but it is beyond the scope of this research to discuss the Bhutan situation.
Thus, I will focus my discussion on the situation in Thailand.
A research objective is to look at the effect colonisation has played in South-East
Asia. The culture, history and language of Thailand have been, over time, influenced
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4. by neighbouring colonised countries. However, Thailand itself has escaped actual
colonisation by Western powers. Thai culture and history therefore remain traditional
with little influence from the West.
Nevertheless, the effect of colonisation has relatively affected Thai society and shaped
Thai women’s lives according to some postcolonial literature, which suggests that
Thailand developed a semi-colonial status. Since there is little literature written by
Thai scholars on Thailand, and with most of it written in English by Westerners, it is
difficult for Thai people to understand and translate. Therefore, the effect of the
English language as part of colonisation will be discussed below showing how it
shapes Thai society and women’s lives in Thailand.
In addition, since Western literature seems to portray Thailand as one of their
colonised countries, gender issues in Thailand are also being observed through the
Western theoretical lens. This research will explore the understanding of Thai women
and gender issues from the Western point of view and whether their analysis is
reliable or not.
Furthermore, this research will look at Thai women’s participation in the workforce
and analyse what causes gender discrimination in Thailand because literature on
gender studies from the West emphasise gender equality through economic
achievements. This research will also investigate the claim from Western scholars
about the effects of colonisation, whether there is input from the substantial influences
from Western culture and value in Thai society and organisations.
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5. 2: Methodology
This section looks at how data was obtained and includes questions related to
sampling, research design and data collection methods (Cavana, Delahaye, &
Sekaran, 2001).
2.1). Purpose of the Study
This research will be conducted as an exploratory study because there is limited
literature on the effect of colonisation on Thailand and the issue that the study is
examining has been the subject of very few research projects. In addition, I am
interested in exploring the situational factors so as to understand the characteristics of
colonisation in a non-colonial country. For this particular study, I am trying to
understand the relationship between colonisation and Thai women’s lives. I use
women’s participation in the workforce in Thailand as one of the examples to answer
my research question “What effect does colonisation and Western influences and
culture have on Thai society, women and organizations”
2.2). The Nature of the Study
The research question asks questions that involve human behaviour. Thus, I initially
wanted to collect the data through interviews but due to the inevitable limited scope of
an honours research paper I will not be conducting any interviews that involve human
subjects. Instead, this research will be exploratory only, consisting of a literature
review using secondary resources such as newspaper articles, academic articles and
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6. statistical data, together with my discussion of these resources based on theoretical
readings and my own experience.
This material will be compared and contrasted to answer the research question. First,
and foremost, articles on Thai women written by Westerners and Thai people will be
discussed and compared. Statistical data will be obtained from the Thailand country
report to the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against
Women (CEDAW) available online and used as back-up evidence of the claim I will
be making in the Discussion chapter. Post-colonial theory will be used to help with
the analysis. The analysis and interpretation will be mainly based on my experiences
as a Thai person. Thus, it is, inevitably, a subjective interpretation of the situation and
literature. In order to develop my argument, it is important for me to differentiate fact
from opinion.
2.3). What Theoretical Lens Will I Use?
My aim is to understand the effects of colonisation in a non-colonised country. In this
research, my study will be focused on Thailand. How does colonisation affect Thai
women and their participation in the workforce? After gaining much information
though international databases and internet, I have found that most literature is
derived from European writers. Obviously, gender development and gender studies
are influenced by the West. Therefore, in this research I will turn the tables around
and look at how Western literature shape and influence Thai women at work and
home. Post-colonial theory will be used as an analysis tool to encounter the western
literature. In addition, it should be noted that in this study there are a few studies
which are written in the English language that look at gender issues in Thailand from
an Asian point of view.
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7. 3: Literature Review
3.1). Language Barriers and Western Literature
Thai is the predominant member of the Thai family of languages which includes
around 60 languages spoken throughout Southeast Asia. Thai languages are difficult
to place linguistically but are usually linked to either the Sino-Tibetan or Austronesian
language families (Wood, 1993). Standard Thai is written in the Thai alphabet which
is derived from the Indian Devanagari script, and characterized by the use of five
tones, whereas English is classified as an Indo-European language and is part of the
Germanic subfamily (Baugh & Cable, 2001). The English language is also believed to
be constructed by dominant males, for instance, the word God usually refers to a man
not a woman, because God is seen as a father figure with a strong personality, and
women are viewed as inferior to men who are passive, dependent and emotional. In
addition, English derogatory words used for women such as “whore” and “bitch” are
often more sexualised than derogatory words for men (Penelope, 1990; Spender,
1985).
English-related languages include Dutch, Flemish and the low German dialects and,
more distinctly, modern German. The English language is the primary language of the
majority of people who live in the United Kingdom, the United States, Canada,
Australia, New Zealand and other former colonies of Britain, and in the United States.
It is also an official or semi-official language of many countries with a colonial past
such as India, Nigeria, Pakistan, and South Africa (Microsoft Encarta, 2007).
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8. According to Said (1978) the English language in Western literature has played a
major role in influencing world intellectuals and their understanding about the world.
The fact is, that much feminist literature is derived from the West, and is written in
Western languages. Cameron’s work (1988) suggest that these writings would not be
applicable to the Thai situation - because to understand the Thai worldview on gender
and sex traditions and practices, and in order to understand any country’s culture, one
must first understand that country’s language (Cameron, 1998). Cameron’s research is
derived from the famous controversial hypothesis which was developed by Sapir
(1949) and Whorf (1976) back in the 19
th
century “our worldview is determined by
the structures of the particular language that we happen to speak”.
Authors, such as Jackson and Cook (1999), label Western feminist literature and ideas
as misleading because the terms sex and gender are not applicable in the Thai
language as Thai indigenous language does not differentiate between sex and gender
(Thanprasertsuka et al., 2005). However, feminist western theory and languages
distinguish sex and gender as a separate matter (Jackson & Cook, 1999). Professor
Jumnong Thongprasirt classified the terms sex and gender into a singular matter (The
Royal Institute, 2006). Discursive terms such as biological sex, gender, and sexual
expressions are referred to as a single term in the Thai language. He explains the word
‘phet’ as the most problematic loanword from the Sanskrit language and it is not a
clear single word that can be interpreted as either sex or gender. The official Thai
language institution describes the word ‘phet’ as either a physical look or behavioural
expression which distinguishes man and woman (The Royal Institute, 2006).
Scholars, such as Esterik (2000) and Jackson (1999) comment that the word ‘phet’ is
one of the most multivalent and polysemic words in the Thai language. In the official
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9. Thai-English dictionary from the Thailand National Electronic and Computer
Technology Centre (2007), ‘phet’ is a single complex meaning of sex and gender
combined and quite often the word ‘phet’ usually simply means sex appearance.
As a result, the international terms and concepts ‘feminist’ and ‘gender’ are difficult
to translate and understood in Thai because the English term ‘gender’ is itself a
loanword from the Norman Conquest-era Middle French. This, in turn, originated
from Latin (The American Heritage® Dictionary of the English Language, 2000). In
the East, most of the languages are not influenced by Latin but instead by the Sanskrit
language where gender and sex are hard to distinguish (Muecke, 2004). This is
despite the fact that both Sanskrit and Latin are Indo-European languages as these
languages and cultures developed differently between the West and the East.
When comparing the literature, we can see the differences between the Thai
gender/sex system and the West gender/sex system. Esterik (2000) explains that there
is a clear-cut gender asymmetry and identity-based sexual polarities in Euro-
American but, in Thailand, the gender system is based upon shape of the body and
physiology that goes to make up the human form. Jackson and Cook (1999) believe
that applying the theories and literatures from the West might not be applicable in
evaluating Thai’s social phenomena because of its differences in values, beliefs, and
culture. This is supported by Spivak’s research (1988) which points out that the
West’s attempts at understanding the Orient from its own point of view places itself as
the subject of the study rather than the Orient. In this case, the literature is not an asset
but rather a deficit. As Menon (2006) explains, “the flow of books had always been
from west to east – mainly from the native English-speaking world to the rest of the
world, simply put, from the colonisers to the colonised”.
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10. Jackson and Cook (1999) suggest that the difference between Thailand and the other
countries around the region is that there are no traditions of colonial scholarship in
Thailand that examine gender relations comparable to the rest of Southeast Asia.
Muecke (2004) proposed that there is hardly any well-known literature on sexuality in
Thailand that is inclusively authored by Thai scholars. Most of the literature is
conducted by non-Thai scholars, some of whom do not speak Thai at all. On this
matter, Hongladarom (1996) indicated that gender issues in Thailand cannot be
understood with indigenous meanings because without the Thai community, scholars,
and feminists reflecting upon themselves, Thai people would remain locked within its
self-imposed ‘prison of tradition’. This is due to the fact that the Thai language has
received little influence from the English language.
However, Esterik (2000) has developed the term “semi-colonised” in his famous book
“Materializing Thailand”. He argues that Thailand has been colonised economically
from the West. He states that Thailand has created two unique myths in the field of
gender studies. The first myth is that Thailand is culturally homogenous with a single
language and a single religion. The second myth being there is little involvement
from Western philosophers and scholars in Thailand on gender issues. On the other
hand, American scholars Jackson and Cook (1999), who reside in Thailand and teach
at Thai University, see Thailand as a non-colonised country.
3.2). Semi-Colonisation: Women’s Participation in the Workforce
Although Thailand has always been a male dominated country, traditionally Thai men
have respected women’s participation in the workforce and especially at war. As
evidence has shown in 1548, Queen Suriyothai tells the epic history of a Thai woman.
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11. Queen Suriyothai, who valiantly died in a battle against Burmese invaders when
taking her elephant before the Burmese king. She sacrificed herself to save the life of
her husband, King Chakrapat, and his kingdom. This story was also made into a film
in 2001 to remind the Thai people of the Thai heroine. In comparison in the West,
there was a strong feeling against such feminine militancy and on many occasions
women volunteers were sent back to their homes during wars (Anonymous, 1914).
However, 300 years later, patriarchal perception evidently influenced Thai society.
There is evidence that King Vajiravud (1910-1926) travelled to France and brought
back with him ideas on how to develop Thailand - such as improving transportation
and bringing in western lifestyles. As a result, Thai women stopped chewing Betel
nuts because it was seen as a non-civilised and unacceptable thing for women to do
from a Western point of view. This may have been the first development of a semi-
colonial status in Thailand.
Scholars like Jackson (1999), Esterick (2000), and Iwananga (2005) have now resided
in Thailand for some years observing and absorbing Thai gender and sex culture (an
ethnographical approach). Their studies pointed out that the term ‘beauty’ has had an
influenced Thai women to wear their hair longer and to dress in stylish western
fashion because many countries in Europe saw Thailand as a non-civilised country
where Thai women had short hair, black teeth from Betel nut chewing, and wore
clothes that were not attractive according to Western standards. Although Siam was
not colonised, the country nevertheless selectively borrowed from Western gender
understanding.
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12. Semi-colonial status was further developed in the early 1990s by a feminist movement
in Thailand when Thai women who were educated overseas began showing their
influence through political parties and education (Esterick, 2000). Their
understanding of gender equality was largely due to the Western tertiary education
system (Somswasdi, 2003). During that time, the government began to pay more
attention to women’s rights issues. Thus, in 1994, the National Statistics Office in
Thailand released its first report on women’s participation in the workforce to raise
issues of gender differences in an aim to reduce gender and sex bias because of
mounting pressure arising from the movement. It was stated in the report that
women's contribution to the national socio-economic development is crucial for Thai
society (Thailand National Statistics Office, 1996-1998).
However, the latest report from Social Statistics Division (2000) describes the failure
of women’s participation in the workforce from 1994 to 1998 as ineffective and a
waste of money, because people are not aware of gender issues in Thailand. The
feminist movement in Europe and America in the late twentieth century had created a
significant change in Western society. Second-wave feminists were concerned with
gaining full social and economic equality, having already gained some of the
important legal equality (voting, for example) in most western nations in the late
twentieth century (Smith, 1999).
Somswasdi (2003), a Thai woman scholar who graduated from Yale University,
stated that the movement was ineffective in Thailand because self-directed assertive
Thai women did not see the value of gender equality or women’s equality and did not
associate themselves with the movement. Muechke (2004) explains that Thai women
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13. found feminist movements from the West overly academic and obsessed with
Western views and image. Iwanaga (2005) states that the most explicit feminist
movement occurred when Thailand reformed its constitution and called it “The
People’s Constitution”. It provided a significant enabling framework for gender
rights. This constitution aimed to bring equal employment opportunities to men and
women, as well as enhance women’s equality and equity in the workforce. The
positive outcome of this constitution is evident in the The Globalist (2006) research
which highlights Thailand has one of the highest rates of female labour force
participation in East Asia at 65.1 percent. The country ranks are well ahead of any
other Asian nations such as the Philippines (50.2 percent), South Korea (49.9
percent), and Japan (48.2 percent).
Nevertheless, the number of women participants in the workforce should not be the
only gender equality measurement per se. As Siengthai and Leelakulthanit (1994)
pointed out, by considering only the rate of participation by women in the workforce,
it would be suggested that Thailand does not discriminate against women. Nor is it
suggested that managerial denial of gender discrimination does not exist, for indeed it
does. This is supported by Somswasdi’s (2003) research which indicates Thai women
might be able to enjoy equal opportunities in entering the workforce but still find it
hard to gain equal access to a good salary as do men in Thailand, and women’s
sexuality continues to be under the control of men. This is confirmed by statistical
data from Thailand National Statistics Office (1996-1998) which show that women
are largely employed in subordinate roles such as administration, reception, and
accountancy.
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14. Furthermore, there are more Thai women working in rural areas due to high seasonal
demand in agriculture who still account for a very small part of the total employment
in the areas of administrative, executive, or managerial positions (Thailand National
Statistics Office, 1996-1998). Thus, serious gender-based inequalities persist in
Thailand and the role of women participation in the labour force should be
accountable in gender equity and equality issues.
The gender equality issues become much clearer in the late twentieth century, when
more Western multinational companies began to trade goods and invest in Thailand,
and specific research by Tzeng (2006) points out that Western companies have played
a major role in creating gender inequality in the country offices. They create labour
positioning and a pay gap between men and women. Several studies (Cheng & Liao,
1993; International Labour Organization, 1998; Jacobs, 1995) note that statistics for
female managers in most countries have inflated and, in Asia, gender inequality
appears to be a much greater issue than in most other Western countries. This is
because Asian women are seen as indirect, unable to cope with pressure, and inferior
to European women. These suggestions are confirmed by Thailand National Statistics
Office (2007) showed that Thai women are still seen as inferior especially in the
labour force in both the public and private sectors.
Tzeng’s (2006) and Iwanaga’s research (2005) explain that gender inequality happens
in multinational companies’ offices, because multinational companies overlook the
power of Asian women, as they judge Asian women according to local norms, that is,
as weak and unprofessional in female behaviour. In addition, Korabik’s research
(1993) in “Managerial Women in the PRC" and Giacobbe-Miller, Miller and Zhang
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15. (1997) in “Equity, Equality and Need as Determinant of Pay Allocations” show that
international organizations are advantaged by employing young, highly-replaceable
female labour in short-term positions with few opportunities, and has often used the
observance of cultural and social norms for its defence. For instance, businesses may
argue that they are unable to provide promotional prospects for women because, to do
so, would require women completing after-hours training which, in turn, would
impinge on social expectations of the women’s primary responsibility to family and
community (Stockman, Banney, & Xuemen, 1995).
A substantial amount of Western literature also refers to women’s primary
responsibility as non-paid work. They show that gender-based inequalities happen
because married women or women with partners are being encouraged to enter into
non-economic characteristics such as participating in housework and childrearing (G.-
S. Lim & Ng, 1998; Torr, 2005). A similar suggestion is expressed in the Women’s
Empowerment and Reproductive Health Research (1999) throughout the world
women continue to bear primary responsibility for childcare and housework. This
unpaid work remains economically invisible. Furthermore, apart from being a
housewife completing household chores, married women are constrained by the
mothering role (Hock, Morgan, & Hock, 1985).
This is supported by the Inglehart and Norris research (2002) which shows that
throughout history, women, in virtually all societies, have had their life options
restricted to the roles of wife and mother. The impact of the mothering role,
pregnancy and care for young children also impede women’s opportunities for
employment (Women’s empowerment and reproductive health, 1999). Appelbaum
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16. (1981) and Sorensen (1983) identified patterns of difficulty in women’s labour force
participation. Both agreed that married women tend to quit their jobs because they
have no time outside the house as they are obliged to manage the household and look
after children. Dex (1987) concurs that women experience different work patterns
from men and have less time to complete their work and less energy. The latest
research also suggests that it is common in many societies for the proportion of
women participants in the workforce to be lower than men, especially married
women, even though the married women labour force has increased over the last 50
years (Engemann & Owyang, 2005).
3.3). Post Colonial Theory
Back in 1978, Edward W. Said suggested that the Orient’s way of life had been
influenced by Europe where materialism is central to the way of life. Colonisers did
not try to understand the Orient and integrated their education, language, colonial
bureaucracies and colonial styles explicitly into the Oriental way of life. A similar
perspective is expressed by Slemon (1994), suggesting that the Western theories
created the Eastern culture and continue to create complexity into the society in a
subjective way. Alan Bishop (1995) describes the Orient culture as a Western
construction, like mathematical ideas that are humanly constructed. He further
explains that mathematical ideas from the West have become universal and superior
over any indigenous mathematical systems and culture. As well as the English
language, the production of the West and colonialism has overpowered many
indigenous languages around the world (Smith, 1999). Pennycook (1999) explains in
his book, “English and the Discourses of Colonialism”, that Europeans use the
English language as a force to promote and exercise its power and culture in colonised
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17. countries, meaning the language helps to spread European knowledge to the colonial
creating an obedient workforce for colonial capitalism.
Similarly, Smith (1999) further describes colonialism as not only meant for the
imposition of Western authority over indigenous lands, law, government and
indigenous modes of production, but for the imposition of Western authority over all
aspects of indigenous knowledge, languages, and cultures. Bushra Shahid (2005)
expresses that not only colonial countries are forced to learn and use English, but
countries in Asia require the English language as an important tool for social mobility.
Many scholars such as Penelope (1990) and Spender (1985) believe that languages
such as English, not only represent the Western worldview but, more significantly, a
male worldview. It also renders women invisible. The famous studies on the Subaltern
by Spivek (1988) revealed that the white male worldview is seen as a production of
colonization where the white European male has power in politics, sciences, and
education. She suggests that the colonised subaltern has no history and cannot speak,
and, of course, the Subaltern as female is even more deeply embedded in shadow.
Annette Hamilton (2002), professor of Anthropology at Macquarie University,
stresses there is a need to develop different types of theories underpinning sexuality
and gender studies for the West because post-colonial theory is created through a
referential world rooted outside Thailand which does not represent indigenous Thai
society (Jackson & Cook, 1999; Muecke, 2004). The West aims at creating a greater
awareness of one’s own culture (Bishop, 1995)and the only way that they can
implement it is through their power, domination, and varying degrees of a complex
hegemony (Said, 1978, p. 89). Besides, contemporary feminist research concentrates
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18. on women, not gender, and that creates an assumption that fails to promote feminists’
intellectual, political agenda and employment opportunities, because it falls short in
examining women’s experiences and contrasting them with those of men (Peletz,
1995).
In addition, the idea of gender equality from the West is to achieve through economic
opportunity (capitalism). According to Said (1978, p.87), “the Orient is an integral
part of European material civilisation and culture.” Said’s suggestion is supported by
Slemon (1994) who expressed that the Occident sees materialism as important,
because the nature of the Occident, or the West, is an economy of cross-cultural
domination.
The idea of gender equality as linked only to capitalist achievement and the
possession of money can clearly be seen in today’s world where post-industrial
society has given, primarily, opportunities to women to compete in the economic race
(Inglehart & Norris, 2002). Materialism and money transforms women’s lives
dramatically and it is argued, will move them from narrow subordination towards full
equality.
This contradicts the Buddhism philosophy where materialism is seen as sin. This
argument is supported by Inglehart and Norris (2002) saying that “during the late
twentieth century, the shift from survival to self-expression values, and from religious
to secular values, has accelerated throughout advanced industrial societies” (chapter 7,
p.3), and that includes Thailand.
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19. Although Thailand has never been colonised, it has undoubtedly been affected by
what Semali and Kincheloe (1999) refers to as Western cultural diseases.
“Regardless of what area of the world it is found in, indigenous knowledge has
been produced by people facing diseases brought by European cultures,
attempts at genocide, cultural assimilation and education as a colonial tool”
(p.32).
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20. 4: Discussion of my Findings
The literature suggest that few studies on gender development in Thailand have been
conducted. Very few scholars pay attention to researching gender issues in Thailand.
As Yukongdi (2005) points out, there is a scarcity of empirical research examining
women in management in Thailand, and as much of the literature was conducted in
the 1980s and 1990s, it is now out of date.
Nevertheless, some literature states that European influences have affected all Asian
countries to some extent. This is because European colonialism covered a large
portion of Southeast Asian history, and for a long time dominated economic relations
in the South East Asia region (Constance, 2007). Thus, though Thailand has never
been colonised, economic relationships from the West have influenced Thai society.
In this chapter, I will apply the framework from Fagenson (1993) which suggests that
in order to understand the experiences, actions, and the status of women, several
analysis levels are mandatory, such as individual, organizational, and social norms.
Therefore, I will explore the nature of Thai women’s employment conditions, the
relationship between multinational companies and female workers, the quality of
women’s lives between women who work in multinational companies and women
who work in rural areas, and the expected appropriate behaviours of women and men
in Thailand.
4.1). Statistical Facts
A significant part of the success of Thailand's economic development can be
attributed to work completed by women according to UNIFEM (2000). The Thai
National Statistics Office (2007) has revealed that 63.2% of Thai women participated
20

21. in the workforce in 2006 (see Table 1). Out of 35.4 million people in the labour force
in 2007, based on the January survey, 16.7 million or 47 percent were women, with
5.5 million women or around 34 percent of women’s employment in agriculture, and
10.7 million women employed outside the agriculture field in manufacturing and
services (see Table 2).
Participation rates of 63.2% may be the highest in South-East Asia and it may be
legitimate to say that the equality issue in Thailand is well developed. Yet, there is no
indication from the latest survey from the National Statistics Office Thailand (2007)
that, out of 63% of women, how many of them have senior or management jobs in the
workforce
1
. This type of statistic is extremely critical because the proportion of
women in higher status positions is a key indicator of equity (Appold, Siengthai, &
D.Kasarda, 1998).
Research conducted by Lim (1990) and Salaff (1990) in South-East Asia has shown
that Thailand’s economic growth is due, to a large extent, on its ability to mobilise
women’s labour into low skills tasks, with women’s status possibly even declining
with development. This is supported by the recent report from The World Bank
(2007) in “Thailand Economic Monitor: April 2007” which indicates that total exports
topped US$130 billion in 2006, with exports of agriculture and machinery
manufacturers growing robustly. This evidence has shown that two-thirds of
Thailand’s GDP comes from agriculture where low-skill employment, manufacturing,
wholesale and retail trade are combined. Unfortunately, agricultural work is largely
done by women according to UNIFEM studies (2000)
2
and have gone unnoticed,
1
http://web.nso.go.th/eng/en/stat/lfs_e/lfse.htm
2
http://www.unifem-eseasia.org/resources/others/gendev/sectionb2.htm
21

22. because people who make up this large economic section of the population still live
sub-standardly with little money.
It is quite common that women in rural Thailand work hard on the farm to raise
money for the family. Statistics from UNIFEM Asian Regional office in Gender and
Development in Thailand (2000) show that there are very high rates of approximately
75 percent workforce participation by women who work in rural areas in Thailand due
to high seasonal demands in agriculture.
On the other hand, the Synovate
3
research has shown that 22.2 percent out of 100% of
women’s participation in the workforce of Thai women are employed in
administrative and management occupations. Only 6.38% of women are in senior
management positions and, unsurprisingly, 8.8% are in middle-management roles (see
Table 3), (Siripunyawit, 2007). Despite the low percentage of women’s participation
in high status employment in Thailand which are due to social and cultural conditions,
it would seem to be against such achievements. Katherine Hutchings, a lecturer at
Queensland University of Technology, disagrees. She indicates that Thailand has
developed a system through its traditional culture allowing women to receive the
same employment levels, promotion prospects and a share of economic wealth as
their male counterparts (Hutchings, 2000).
4.2). Thai Social Norms and the West Social Norms
Some studies suggest that Thai women have fared much better in opportunities in the
workforce than other countries in the South East Asia region. In Malaysia and the
3
Synovate Co has been established in Thailand for 16 years as a research consulting specialist and
employ 138 staff. It has offices worldwide, in 52 countries
22

23. Philippines, the women’s main responsibility is to stay at home due to their religious
beliefs and social norms (Horton, 1996). In addition, in Indonesia, women are
protected by law so they do not have to work at night or in positions that are
dangerous to their ethics (Batubara, 1991; Stockman et al., 1995). Such constraints do
not affect Thailand, which means that Thai women have the freedom to receive
training, work at night, and do much the same work as men (Batubara, 1991;
Stockman et al., 1995).
Although Thailand does not have a law to promote gender equality similar to laws in
the West, substantial literature suggest that its either because there is little awareness
of gender discrimination issues in Thailand in the mindset of Thai people (Hutchings,
2000) or it may be the case that such regulations exist in those countries because
gender discrimination exists there to a high degree (Jackson & Cook, 1999).
I am not arguing that gender discrimination does not exist at all in Thailand, but it is
interesting to consider why Thailand does not have any regulations of this kind to
prevent discrimination. Moreover, it appears that the majority of Thai people do not
seem overly concerned about discrimination issues, at least as is evidenced in the
focus of official records and statistics. There is a lack of organised campaigns to raise
the awareness of gender discrimination which may suggest that Thai women perhaps
feel content with the laws and social norms that exist in the society and do not
consider it to be discrimination (Yukongdi, 2005).
One possible explanation is that men and women appear to treat each other with
consideration and respect in Thailand which is probably due to the strong relationship
between Buddhism and Thai society. Nearly 95% of Thailand's population practice
23

24. and believe in Buddhism
4
. There is no doubting the influence of religion on
understanding the present position of women in Thailand according to Yukongdi
(2005). Buddhism teaches that all people should be treated as equals, in other words,
to walk the middle line. Kohn (1991) indicates that Thai people tend to follow the
“middle way or middle path
5
” which effectively prevents most extremism. This is
unlike other religions such as Islam and Christianity where the status of women is
suppressed by men. Although a study of the Bible and Koran are beyond the scope of
this essay, there are some statements made in the Judeo-Christian Bible and the Koran
which distinguish men and women explicitly and unfavourably, such as the Adam and
Eve creation story and the proscriptions on women’s dress.
This is the difference between Thailand and other countries where feminism seems
focused on individual pursuits and confrontation. Influence in Thailand from
colonisation is not as strong as in other colonised countries because of this very
important aspect, religion. Influence from the West, such as other religious beliefs and
gender values, clearly distinguish men and women, for example, religions of the
Middle East, Judeo-Christianity, and Islam. This appears to have had little popular
effect in Thailand.
This view is supported by Boon (2003), who is a Managing Director at Global TMC
International Management Training and Consulting. She points out that Thai society
is not a male dominated preserve society, rather it’s an equal society, unlike the
dominant prevalent male in European countries who create obvious inequality.
4
https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/th.html
5
In Theravada Buddhism, the Middle Way crystallizes the Buddha's Nirvana-bound path of
moderation away from the extremes of sensual indulgence and self-mortification and towards the
practice of wisdom, morality and mental cultivation (Kohn, 1991).
24

25. Historic evidence has shown that Thai women performed what could be regarded as
exclusively male tasks, such as women elephant drivers (see Figure 1) and women
managers. Alec Gordon and Napat Sirisambhand (2002) point out that Thai women
were in charge of time management and the recruiting process on a painting in a
temple during 1770-1780. This shows that Thai women were performing male tasks at
least since the 1770s. However, some literature on Thai women does not offer any
insightful evidence. Much of the Western literature and European people appear to
believe that Thai woman are primarily responsible for non-paid work such as being a
housewife compared to Western practices (G.-S. Lim & Ng, 1998; Torr, 2005). They
based their analysis on their generic and universal understanding of gender
development based on Western culture.
Gender discrimination appears to have existed in the West for many centuries. The
word “feminist” or “feminism” was used in France in 1880s, Great Britain in the
1890s, and the United States in 1910. The feminist movement arose in the 19
th
century
to remedy the worst excesses of this discrimination. The first feminist movement, the
Suffragettes, (the first wave), happened during early 19
th
century through to the early
20
th
century. During the 1970s and 1980s, second wave feminism dealt with the
inequality of laws, as well as cultural inequalities. The third wave of feminism
(1990s-current) is seen as both a continuation and a response to the perceived failures
of the second-wave (Charlotte, 2000).
In addition, evidence from Western literature emphasises equal employment
opportunities, gender equity and equality and has argued that European women are
25

26. under the suppression of men. However, I do not think that this assumption can be
extended to Thailand due to the differences in religious values and lifestyle.
For this reason, the Western concept and meaning of discrimination from the West
can be argued as irrelevant in Thailand (Yukongdi, 2005). The word “discrimination”
itself does not have an equivalent to the Thai language and currently there is no legal
definition of discrimination. Substantial literature (Jackson & Cook, 1999;
Thanprasertsuka et al., 2005) also agrees that the gender concept in Thailand is hard
to define.
This may partly explain why there is little involvement in the feminist movement and
gender development in Thailand, because in the mindset of many Thai people there is
no discrimination in society and organisational practices. Perhaps that is the reason
why there are few studies on Thai gender development, especially from domestic
scholars.
4.3). Multinational Companies
I have revealed that some of the research has indicated that within Thai firms, 30% of
Thai women are employed in a senior management role without having any anti-
discrimination regulations (Appold et al., 1998). On the other hand, in Europe and the
U.S., there are several programmes designed to help women compete with men in
organisations, such as positive assertiveness and management trainee programmes to
encourage women to stand up for themselves. One of the main factors could be that
European women are more likely to be stereotyped in organisations, thus they make
themselves “invisible” by allowing men to see them as a non-potential leader (Boon,
2003; Goffee & Jones, 2001).
26

27. From this, one can deduce that gender discrimination in the workforce in Europe is
clearly defined and in need of attention. The term “Glass Ceiling” is commonly used
in Western literature and government reports when women experience a barrier from
promotion and recognition (International Labour Office, 2004). Anti-discrimination
programmes and support groups for women is, therefore, essential because it creates
an awareness of discrimination in Western society. It creates and provides positive
policies and benefits to women such as paid maternity leave, equal employment
opportunities, childcare and so forth.
When multinational companies invest in South East Asia, literature suggests that they
usually bring with them their own set of values and impose their equity policies to
promote the recruitment and promotion of women in the South East Asia Region
(Boon, 2003). However, the findings from Coyle and Kwong (2000) contradicts some
of the literature’s suggestions. The findings state that multinational organisations
based in Thailand do not provide training for women or adopt the equal employment
opportunity practice. Many of them do not have formal policies relating to equal
employment opportunities and anti-discrimination programmes. One might ask why
that is?
The answer, based on Thai culture, history, and literature, is that Thai society and
gender discrimination does not co-exist. As I have discussed before in the previous
chapters, the word discrimination is relatively new or does not exist in Thai society.
Gender and sex have the same definition in the Thai language, and social class seems
to be far more important than gender differences (Hutchings, 2000). All these factors
affect multinational organisational structures and operations that are based in
27

28. Thailand. They need to apply different methods to fit in with Thai society. For
example, research from Manusphaibool (1993) indicates that multinational
organisations in Thailand do not employ men just because they are men; rather they
base their selection on seniority, experience, education, knowledge, hard work and
reliability. According to this research, if women show less interest in gaining a
promotion they will be treated differently. Researchers have argued that this is,
therefore, not discrimination, rather it is a rational judgement based on the quality
and usefulness of that person to the organisation (Susan & Leonard, 2001).
What happens when women have children in the workforce? The laws do not make
their life any easier like the West laws do for their women. Multinational
organisations in Thailand expect women to have support at home during the time of
raising children. This is because it is common for married women with children to
seek assistance from parents and relatives in Thailand, thus having children is not the
key determinant of a woman’s career prospects (Siengthai & Leelakulthanit, 1994).
Social networks are therefore vital in Thai society. If they would receive support from
family and relatives, Thai women are more likely to be successful in an organisation
in Thailand. If not, they will need to take full-time leave, leaving them with little
promotion opportunity, thus showing she cannot fully commit herself to the company
(Boon, 2003).
The situation is different in New Zealand. New Zealand society does not expect new
parents to receive as much help from family networks as working people in Thailand.
Therefore, there are needs for substantial benefits such as longer maternity leave
period for new mothers to be able to take care of their own children by themselves.
28

29. From my point of view, those regulations are there to reduce the sense of inequality
and are there to help women enter the workforce. For that reason, gender
discrimination in the West can be categorised by looking at the legal system and its
regulations. Evidently, influence from Western organisations does not have a
significant impact on the social norms and overall organisational structure in
Thailand.
4.4). Socio-Economic Status
In the previous chapter, I discussed the fact that gender discrimination ideas and
concepts are hard to define in Thai society and how international companies comply
with Thai culture. So what is it that stops Thai women from achieving the same
economic success as men if it is not the gender issue?
Literature during the 1970s to the 1990s describes Thai women as supportive and
subservient to men (Sukumolnant, 1989) and became the stereotype of Thai women.
However, when there was a rapid expansion due to an economic boom in the early
1990s, there was a high demand in the job market. Thai women have experienced
better opportunities in employment since then. Research by Appold, Siengthai and
Kasarda (1998) showed that women accounted for 30 percent in senior management
roles within Thai firms which had two or three times as many women in upper
management than in Japan and the U.S. This research indicates that either Thai
women are not oppressed in employment as are Japanese or American women, or that
they are better educated than many Thai men and therefore recruited into managerial
positions.
29

30. Many scholars argue that gender does not determine opportunities of individuals in
Thai society - what does determine opportunities in Thailand is class (Boon, 2003;
Dunn & Sheehan, 1993; Hutchings, 2000). Women who have a higher socio-
economic status and are close to family members are believed to experience a much
better opportunity in pursuing their careers and achieving high status occupations.
Furthermore, the close relationship within a Thai family household is one of the
factors that help Thai women compete in the workforce. However, this only applies to
women who have middle to high socio-economic status. For example, a family that
has some money put aside are able to give their children a good education. These
women usually leave their children with their grandparents to look after. This is quite
common for women who are from a middle socio-economic class.
In addition, women who come from a high socio-economic or a middle socio-
economic status tend to receive more support than a woman from a low socio-
economic class and usually employ babysitters to help out with their children and a
housecleaner (Hutchings, 2000). This, in return, allows them to compete in the
workforce the same as their male counterparts (Sheehan, 1995). This is largely due to
expectations from their husbands and families, in that it is expected that women will
go back to work and remain in the workforce after having children (Boon, 2003) and
the affordable babysitting cost in Thailand. A recent survey from Synovate Company
shows that today, only 17% of Thai women are housewives while more than half of
them are employed in full-time jobs. Only 4% hold part-time positions (Siripunyawit,
2007).
30

31. In Thailand, there are at least a million illegal immigrants from its poorer neighbours
Laos, Myanmar, and Vietnam. These people do not receive a good education and have
no professional skills. They are mostly employed in the service sector, caregivers,
babysitters, and in manufacturing with little salary. The report from the Thai labour
campaign in 2001 showed that immigrant workers get paid around 60-80 baths
(NZ$3) per day which is 50% less than the minimum wage (Yimprasert & Hummel,
2001). This is an example of the cheapness of immigrant labour, and how Thai society
exploits people for the benefit of Thai citizens.
Since an average income in New Zealand is relatively high, the cost for a babysitter
and housecleaner is not cheap. Therefore, it is not possible for New Zealanders to find
cheap housecleaners or babysitters because the minimum wage makes it quite
expensive for many people to pay for such help. That being the case, it forces many
New Zealand women to look after their house and children on their own. It constrains
New Zealand women from having a life outside the house.
My experience with my own child in New Zealand forces me to extend my studies for
a longer period of time and the need for my partner to work part-time. This is mainly
due to the high cost of a babysitter. I have tried to search for a housecleaner and
babysitter here in New Zealand. Not surprisingly, I have not been able to find
academic articles on this topic. It may be possible that there are illegal immigrants
doing this type of work, as is the case in the United States and Thailand, for low
salaries. However, since New Zealand is an island, it is more difficult for illegal
immigrants from poor countries such as Burma, Laos, Philippines, and Cambodian to
work in New Zealand. On the other hand, whether there are illegal migrants in New
31

32. Zealand from the Pacific Islands working as babysitters and housekeepers is beyond
this paper to examine.
Socio-economic status is perhaps a more important factor than gender in Thailand. It
determines opportunities in education and work prospects for both Thai men and
women. This is because people in a low socio-economic status in Thailand still face
difficulties in employment and promotion because of their work at home and the
responsibility of looking after their children. Unfortunately, the gap between the rich
and the poor in Thailand is relatively large (see Table 4) due to the starting salary
(Siengthai & Leelakulthanit, 1994). For clerical staff it is 10 times less than a
manager’s salary compared to other countries such as South Korea, Australia and
New Zealand where managers are paid three times more the earnings of their clerical
staff (Anonymous, 2007). The majority of Thai women are in a socio-economic status
where household chores can clearly be seen as women’s main responsibility
(Yukongdi, 2005) due to their economic status, not their gender.
Nevertheless, although I propose that socio-economic class is more important than
gender, there is a relationship between the two factors which needs to be examined in
future research. This is because I cannot deny the fact that both gender and class are
factors in discrimination.
4.5). Education
In the previous chapter, I explored the significance of social class which plays a role
in employment opportunities. This, in turn, gives access to education which is not
available for the majority of Thai people. A study from Cruz-Siy (1989) showed that
32

33. women who receive an education from overseas, especially from the U.S. and
England are often employed in senior management positions in Thailand. However,
many Thai women do not have such access. This is purely based on socio-economic
status not gender because, after 1997 when the CEDAW report came out, Thailand
allowed women and men to have equal opportunities in every institution including the
military and police that used to be exclusive to men. This also enhanced women’s
opportunities to study the subjects that used to be only within the male domain. The
recent report shows that Thai women are interested in studying computing and
management (see Table 5) more than their male counterparts. Subjects that used to be
male orientated no longer reflect huge differences.
The public tertiary education system in Thailand is relatively cheap with a wide range
of scholarships and allowances, as about 25% of national budget goes towards the
education system (Ziderman, 2003); compared to a relatively high cost of tertiary
education in New Zealand where student debt is over NS$7 billion dollars
(Fitzsimons, 2004). This indicates that the Thailand public universities and the
government aid both Thai men and women to experience equal opportunities to gain
the education that they want (Asian Development Bank, 1998).
Thai women who are lower down on the economic scale can still find themselves
studying in higher education at the University and in vocational education. Statistics
also show there is a higher rate of female graduates than male graduates except in
Doctoral degrees (see Table 6). Furthermore, in CEDAW’s (2007) report it indicates
that there are more women receiving scholarships than men, which goes to show the
equality of access in Thai education.
33

34. After completing their studies in Thailand people will have very little debt and
interest to pay off, because the payback system is spread over 15 years after
graduation with 1 percent interest (Ziderman, 2003), which means people can begin
saving straight away. Although the New Zealand student loan system allows interest-
free for students while they study, they have to start paying this amount off when they
begin earning over a certain amount in their place of employment. However, the
relatively high tertiary educational fees force students to work more years to pay off
their debt. One of the researcher’s friends has a debt of NZ$40,000 dollars and that it
will take him at least 5-8 years to clear. The Green Party Education’s spokesperson,
Metiria Turei (2007), indicated that
“We cannot have a sustainable economy when young people enter into the
workforce with a collective debt of $9 billion. The long term impacts are
beginning to be felt, with many graduates unable to purchase a house till much
later in their working careers. Many are even avoiding having families because
they start their adult lives with such an enormous debt burden.”
As a Thai person, I think that the education system in Thailand has not yet been
influenced by capitalist ideas from the West, at least for now, and it is open to
everyone. Furthermore, close family networks in Thailand help young women to
enjoy the opportunity to concentrate on their study and work, for example, the parents
usually pay for their children tuition fees and according to the loan system, it does not
matter if your parents’ income is high, Thai people can still apply for the loan
(Ziderman, 2003), whereas many women in the West do not have the same social
support networks (Hutchings, 2000).
34

35. Nevertheless, as mentioned above, women who gain a higher education from overseas
tend to enjoy a better occupation overall. This may be because multinational
companies and Thai firms highly value Western education and the English language
and it becomes an important aspect for an executive position. Therefore, many of the
private universities in Thailand offer international tertiary curriculum using English as
the main teaching language. This allows women who are from a middle socio-
economic status to be able to achieve an education which is equivalent to overseas.
International universities are clearly the result of multinational companies that require
an employee to be able to communicate in English.
4.6). Western Literature on Discrimination
I have used a Thai theoretical lens to analyse the gender issues in Thailand from the
beginning of this report and, in order to understand gender difficulties in Thailand, I
will use a Western theoretical approach in this chapter to analyse gender issues in
Thailand. By using the Western approach and finding the number of regulations that
promote women, women’s employment rates, and the salary gap approaching on Thai
gender issues, this would indicate that there is a high rate of gender discrimination in
Thailand.
New Zealand is considered a Western country as it was colonised by the British and
many European immigrants arrived in the country centuries ago. If we take a look at
New Zealand laws and regulations, we will notice that gender equality issues are very
sensitive. For example, there are several laws that strive to promote gender equality
such as Equal Employment Opportunities (EEO), the Civil Union Bill, and anti-
discrimination laws.
35

36. Statistics are also important, because statistics are the most reliable hard data that are
tangible and legitimate to make a claim. According to Bascand (2007)
6
, statistics are
collected and studied because they are an indicator of people’s well-being and
whether or not there should be a change in policy to make a better society.
Statistics New Zealand (2005) has a specific report on women called “Focusing on
Women” which looks at the demographic, social and economic characteristics of
women in New Zealand. The report provides an overview of the changing status of
New Zealand women. This report is comprehensive, ranging from how much time
goes into unpaid work, the type of unpaid work that people do and how this varies for
different groups.
In contrast, the Thailand statistics department only issued a particular gender statistic
report during the period of 1996-1998 which can be retrieved from their official
website

(Social Statistics Division, 2001)
7
. The lack of information on important
statistics such as how many women work at home, what type of work they do, and
what type of unpaid jobs they are doing are not included in the Key
Statistics of Thailand in 2007. The report is created by the Thailand National Statistics
Office (2007) and aims to collect important statistical data which are related to
economics, society and environment. One section is dedicated to gender statistics.
However, there are only three statistical tables (see Figure 2). They are a percentage
of population by labour force status, population of migrants by sex, and population of
people 15 years and over who desire to develop by education. Some of the statistics
that should have been under the Gender Statistics section are randomly allocated in
6
Statistics New Zealand (2005). Focusing on Women 2005. Wellington.
http://www.stats.govt.nz/about-us/who-we-are/government-statistician.htm
7
http://web.nso.go.th/eng/en/stat/gender/gender.htm
36

37. the report. If I simply compare Thai statistics to New Zealand statistics, one can argue
that Thailand does not place much emphasis on women; therefore, gender
discrimination is obvious. Seen from the Western point of view, I would agree.
Said (1978) argues that materialism is integrated into Western society where everyone
is trying to dominate through economic wealth. Therefore, when women earn less
than men, discrimination issues in the workforce can be targeted. It should be noted
that women tend to earn less than men around the globe, on average about three-
fourths of wages received by males for the same work in both developed and
developing countries (Boon, 2003). This also applies to Thailand where the
proportion of women earning high wages is less than men, about three-fourths of the
pay, while the proportion of women earning low salary is higher than that of men (see
Table 7) (The Government of Thailand, 2006). In this case, Thailand can be seen as a
gender discriminated country because women earn less than men, but where in the
world do women earn more than men?
There is no doubt that there is high concern for gender inequality issues in Thailand if
we base it on the Western theoretical approach. However, it is not applicable to base
the analysis on whether there is gender discrimination or not on numbers, especially
the employment rate and Gross Domestic Product (GDP) rate. Employment rate could
be one of the indicators of gender discrimination in the West because of its
materialism and capitalism culture. Although capitalism stabilises the economy in
many developed countries, there are various side-effects such as instability, income
disparity, economic inequality and environmental impacts, with the most critical one,
economic inequality in poor countries (Tanomsup, 2006). The 1996 economic crisis
37

38. in South-East Asia, especially in Thailand, is a prime example of how capitalism
creates instability and chaos in society (Hewison, 1999). Wealth became a priority.
Thai people became selfish and their main purpose in life contradicted Buddhism
philosophy (Bangprapa, 2005).
4.7). Western Standard of Living (GDP) vs. Eastern Standard of Living (GNH)
While capitalism takes over Thai people’s lives, Gross Domestic Product (GDP)
measurement becomes the indicator of how well the country is doing so the previous
Thai Government took the GDP onboard to measure the standard of living in the
country (Kittiampon, 2007). GDP was widely used in Europe in the early 1950s but
was not recognised internationally until 1993 when it was first introduced in the
System of National Accounts to the International Monetary Fund, European Union,
Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, United Nations and
World Bank (United Nations Statistics Division, 1993) to set an international standard
on GDP.
These organisations are mainly organized by the developed countries mainly from the
West. GDP per capita is often used as an indicator of standard of living in an
economy when it was first introduced. GDP is being used in almost every country in
the world allowing for simple comparisons between the standard of living giving the
world confidence that comparisons are being measured in each country (Hicks, 1997).
However, the major disadvantage of using GDP as an indicator of the standard of
living is that it is not a measure of the standard of living and does not reflect the
happiness of the people, the equality amongst its people, and the quality in society due
to its assumption that the standard of living tends to increase when GDP per capita
38

39. increases (Bergh, 2007). Nothing about the definition of GDP suggests that it is
necessarily a measure of the standard of living. For instance, in an extreme example, a
country which exported 100 per cent of its production and imported nothing would
still have a high GDP, but a very poor standard of living (Summers & Heston, 1995).
Feminist sociologists such as Marilyn Waring criticise GDP because there is no
imputation made in the accounts for the economic value of unpaid housework or for
unpaid voluntary labour (Marilyn, 1988). This obscures the reality that market
production depends, to a large extent, on non-market labour being performed.
In contrast, the ‘Gross National Happiness’ (GNH) was first introduced in Bhutan by
His Majesty Jigme Singye Wangchuck. It is largely influenced by Buddhist
philosophy that the ultimate purpose of life is inner happiness (The Centre of Bhutan
Studies, 2004).
Thailand took the GNH idea from Bhutan and included it in The 10th National
Economic and Social Development Plan for the years 2007-2011 (see Figure 3) of
Thailand. The plan aimed to encounter capitalism and GDP measurement, create
social harmony or “a green and happy society” (Thailand Investment Review, 2007)
and to define quality of life in more holistic terms than Gross National Product
(Kittiampon, 2007). Five strategies were developed. The first strategy looked at social
conditions and human development through improved education and health care,
morals and ethics, as well as the safety of the individual and of property. The second
strategy was to develop a strong community. The third strategy dealt with the national
economy. The fourth strategy focused on environmental issues, and the last strategy
aimed to develop good governance (Thailand Investment Review, 2007).
39

40. Evidently, national economic development is not the main priority of this national
plan. Happiness of the people of Thailand is not based on how much money they
have. Richard Easterlin, economics professor at the University of Southern California
also agreed that people have been misled to believe that if they are consuming more
apples and buying more cars they will be happier than someone who does not
consume as many apples or have as many cars as they have (Mustafa, 2005). This is
also a Buddhist psyche which teaches people that happiness is contentment. People
should be happy with what they have. As a little Bhutanese girl explained, “If you
know you are happy with your own limitations, that is basic happiness” (Sherr, 2005).
The first two strategies deal directly with happiness in a family unit, the happiness
within society, the quality of lives, good social networks, good education, the sense of
happiness in society, harmony in society, satisfaction with personal relationships,
employment, and meaning and purpose in life. These factors have a weak relationship
to capitalism and materialistic values (Thailand Investment Review, 2007). The GNH
policy aims to eliminate ego, corruption, depression, and competition that create
tension within society, by promoting what is called the “sufficient economy” (see
Figure 4) to solve inequalities and unhappiness and ways to combat new forms of
inequality (Tanomsup, 2006).
4.8). Limitation
This research only uses secondary resources to conduct the analysis, thus there is a
need for further research to conduct an intensive interview to prove the research
findings. In addition, the literature on Thai gender is limited and mainly written by
foreign scholars who do not understand the sensitive and unique culture in Thailand.
As a result, several theories and findings from Western literature cannot be applied in
40

41. Thai settings. The statistics data from the recent Thailand National Statistics report
(2007) are not comprehensive enough nor up-to-date to generate reliable findings and
results. Significantly, there is a limited time to conduct this study, which may have
influenced the result. Furthermore, I am Thai, it is my understanding that gender
discrimination does not exist in Thailand in the same way as in the West. Based on
my experience as a scholar studying in New Zealand, I am not able to express the
meaning of gender and gender discrimination in the Thai language. I found that ideas
about gender are easier to explain in English.
41

42. 5: Future Research
I cannot deny the fact that Western literature is the first step of understanding Thai
gender studies because without this it might not be possible to understand gender
issues in Thailand. However, it is important to take a look at Thai culture and history
as part of the analysis. There is a need for the local researchers to conduct their
research in Thailand due to the fact that Thai people are the people who best
understand their traditional culture and language. In addition, I believe that research
on the relationship between socio-economic status and gender should take place. The
effect of colonisation is still a new concept as some of the books refer to Thailand as
having a semi-colonial status. Therefore, future research would benefit from
observing Thailand’s history and the relationship between the West and Thailand.
However, this, I feel, should be completed by Thai scholars mainly because most of
the historical literature is written in traditional Thai language which can be hard to
understand and translate.
Finally, this research finding can be beneficial to both Thai and Western scholars in
developing a further study on a non-colonised country and its culture and lifestyle that
play a major role in gender development. My future research will be on the “Gross
National Happiness” or GNH. How GNH can raise the efficiency within an
organisation. This principle will argue that, for all workers, happiness and enjoyment
should come first.
42

43. 6: Conclusion
This study is therefore interpreted from a Western stance, which may be considered
inappropriate when applied in the Thai society. From the perspective of the GNH are
Thai men and women happier than Western men and women? Many Thai men and
women may own less commodities than Western people, but Thai social lifestyle may
bring them far more peace and contentment.
The effect of colonisation has influenced South-East Asia in many ways. Research
has shown that the culture and social norms from the West have shaped the Asian
people’s lifestyle and way of thinking. Traditional values are being distorted and have
more or less disappeared. Their history is being written by scholars from the West and
interpreted by Western understanding. Gender development is one of the studies that
is largely influenced by Western scholars.
Concepts such as gender and discrimination might be understood by the people who
understand the Western culture and language to some extent. However, Thailand itself
has never been colonised and has found difficulty in understanding Western literature
and concepts on gender and discrimination. Some of the Western scholars conducted
their gender studies in Thailand, a country that has never been colonised.
Nevertheless, their understanding is limited, as they do not fully understand Thai
culture and its unique Thai language, especially when the literature is in English. The
meanings and interpretations can be confusing for Thai people as some of the words
such as gender and discrimination cannot be translated with a proper understanding
into Thai language. Therefore, Western literature might not be applicable in
understanding Thai culture and gender. Although the West might influence Thailand
economically, research findings show that multinational companies highly respect
43

44. Thai culture. They do not impose their culture in Thailand, rather they are accepting
and applying Thai culture in their organisational practices.
Buddhism is part of Thai people’s everyday lives. A practice which is strongly
embodied within Thai culture, has made Thailand one of the most unique countries in
the world that has its own distinct culture and customs. The middle path culture, a
phenomenon in Thailand, has shown that Thai people do not like conflict, which is the
reason why we have never been colonised, never had a major conflict between men
and women, and has also allowed gay men and women to express themselves freely in
the country. Nevertheless, I am not saying that there is no feminist movement,
actually, there is. However, there is only a small proportion of Thai women who raise
gender issues because they have received an education from overseas and are aware
of the issues. In other words, they are influenced by the West’s culture and education
on gender issues.
In conclusion, gender might not be a major problem in Thailand because the majority
of Thai people still do not understand the meaning of gender, and people appear to be
happy living their lives. However, socio-economic status is important to Thai
women’s lives and social networks are part of the Thai society that aids women and
men to experience opportunities when pursuing their careers and dreams. Gender
discrimination is less influenced by individuals than by the system and social norms,
which undoubtedly discriminate against women implicitly.

44

45. Appendix 1
Table 1: Female Employment Rate
Year
Round
/
Quart
er
Table Labour Force
Total
Empl
oyed
Unemp
loyed
Seaso
nally
Inacti
ve
Labou
r
Force
People
not in
Labour
Force
Particip
ation
Rate
(%)
Unemplo
yment
Rate
(%)
2004
Quart
er 1

15,297.2

14,583
.9

457.5

255.9
9,4
41.6

61.8
3
.0
Quart
er 2

15,699.0

14,991
.7

402.9

304.4
9,2
12.0

63.0
2
.6
Quart
er 3

16,251.1

16,012
.6

224.7

13.8
8,6
99.1

65.1
1
.4
Quart
er 4

16,288.9

15,972
.9

241.1

74.9
8,6
84.2

65.2
1
.5
2005
Quart
er 1

15,603.1

15,029
.6

373.1

200.5
9,3
94.2

62.4
2
.4
Quart
er 2

15,878.9

15,313
.4

311.4

254.1
9,1
42.6

63.5
2
.0
Quart
er 3

17,030.3

16,795
.2

205.5

29.7
8,6
52.5

66.3
1
.2
Quart
er 4

16,780.8

16,515
.0

226.1

39.7
9,0
28.2

65.0
1
.4
2006
Quart
er 1

16,126.3

15,647
.6

303.2

175.5
9,7
48.5

62.3
1
.9
Quart
er 2

16,536.9

16,068
.8

276.0

192.1
9,4
12.0

63.7
1
.7
Quart
er 3

16,943.1

16,706
.3

190.2

46.7
9,0
80.7

65.1
1
.1
Quart
er 4

16,907.9

16,653
.7

187.8

66.4
9,1
89.7

64.8
1
.1
2007
Quart
er 1

16,291.8

15,909
.5

215.3

167.0
9,8
81.6

62.3
1
.3
Quart
er 2

16,582.9

16,137
.1

244.1

201.6
9,6
68.4

63.2
1
.5
45

46. Source: Report of the Labour Force Survey, National Statistical Office, Ministry of
Information and Communication Technology
Table 2: Number and Percentage of Employed Persons Aged 15 Years and Over
by Industry and Sex (in millions)

46

47. Table 3: Number of Employed Persons Over 15 Years of Age in a 1-Year Period
by Sex (in millions)

Table 4: Average Monthly Total Income and Current Income by Region: 2006
47

48. Table 5: Population 15 Years and Over who Desire to Develop by Course and
Sex: 2006-2007
48

49. Table 6: Number of Male and Female Students by Educational Level for
Academic Year 2000

Table 7: Number of Employees by Level of Wages/Salary and Sex
49

50. Appendix 2
Figure 1: Thai Woman Mahout (Elephant Driver).
Source: Gordon, A., & Sirisambhand, N. (2002). Evidence for Thailand's Missing Social
History: Thai Women in Old Mutal Paintings
50

51. Figure 2: Gender Statistics in “The Key Statistics of Thailand 2007”.
Source: The Key Statistics of Thailand (2007)
Figure 3: The 10th National Economic and Social Development Plan for the
years 2007-2011
Goals of the 10th plan
Quality of life • Increase average years of education from 8.5 to 10 years
• Increase skilled labor as a percent of workforce from 39.8% to 60%
• Increase number of researchers from 6.7/10,000 to 10/10,000
• Increase life expectancy to 80 years
• Reduce the rate of illness for the top 5 diseases
• Reduce crime by 10%
Community
development and
poverty reduction
• Reduce incidence of poverty from 16.3% in 2005 to 4% by 2011
• Implement participatory community plan for all communities
Economic
restructuring
for balance and
competitiveness
• Ratio of SME/GDP to increase from
39.4% in 2005 to no less than 40%
• Inflation of 3.0-3.5%
• Total Factory Productivity Growth (TFPG) of 3%
• Energy Elasticity of 1:1
• Q5/Q1 not to exceed 10 times
• Ratio of public debt/GDP of less than 50%
• Ratio of domestic economy/external
sector to 75% from 71.3% in 2001-2005
Source: Thailand Investment Review. (2007)
.
51

52. Figure 4: The Philosophy of Sufficiency Economy
Source: Kittiampon, A. (2007)
52

53. References
53