Forward Press July 2014 फॉरवर्ड प्रेस जुलाई

bharattiwari4 2,504 views 64 slides Jun 27, 2014
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About This Presentation

फारवर्ड प्रेस के इस अंक में आप पाएंगे :
1. लोकसभा चुनावों का प्रेमकुमार मणि द्वारा बहुजन दृष्टिकोण से मूल्‍यांकन
2. �...


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25
??U?? ?????
¥¢»ýðÁè-çãU‹¼è Âç˜æ·¤æFirst Fully
English-Hindi Magazine
NEW DELHI Vol.
VI No.7
JULY 2014
ÁéÜæ§üU
TAIL LONGER THAN THE BODY
???U??U ?? ??? ???UPg. 51
Pg. 22
Truth behind ‘Hindutva’ photo-face of Gujarat 2002 »éÁÚUæÌ w®®w ·Ô¤ çãU‹Îéˆß ¿ðãÚUð ·Ô¤ ÂèÀð ·¤æ â¿
¿éÙæß ÂçÚU‡ææ×æð´ ·¤æð
·ñ¤âð Îð¹ð´ ÕãéUÁÙ?
How Bahujans should
view the election verdict
ISSN 2348-9286

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PAGE 28
Õæ§üçÕÜ Ùð ÖæÚUÌ ·¤ô ·ñ¤âð
çß·¤æâàæèÜ Îðàæ ÕÙæØæÕæðŠæ»Øæ ¥æ´ÎæðÜÙ Ñ ¥‘Àð
çÎÙô´ ·¤è ¥æâ ×ð´ ×ãæÎçÜÌ
Consumerism and
Bahujans
»æ´ßô´ ·Ô¤ Õ´Î ÚUæSÌô´ ·¤ô ¹ôÜÙð
·Ô¤ çܰ Üð¹·¤ ¿æçãU°
PAGE 34
PAGE 43
PAGE 26
Long way to go
for justice
PAGE 38
§â Îðàæ ·Ô¤ Ùãè´ ãñ´
Õ´ÁæÚUð?©UÂÖæð€ÌæßæÎ ¥õÚU ÕãéÁÙ
·¤æ´»ýðâ ¥ôÕèâè ¥õÚU ÎçÜÌ ÙðÌëˆß ÂñÎæ Ùãè´ ·¤ÚU â·¤è
PAGE 31
PAGE 61
WANTED: WRITERS WHO
OPEN CLOSED VILLAGE ROADS
BESIDES BAHUJAN
LITERATURE, EVERYTHING
IS PULP FICTION
No country for
the Banjaras
Congress couldn’t create OBC and Dalit leadership
Bodhgaya movement: Mahadalits
wait for ‘Acche Din’
PAGE 46
Keeping alive the caste
goose that lays golden eggs
ÁæçÌ ãñ âôÙð ·¤æ ¥´Çæ ÎðÙð
ßæÜè ×é»èü
How Bahujans should view
the election verdict
¿éÙæß ÂçÚU‡ææ×æð´ ·¤æð ·ñ¤âð Îð¹ð´ ÕãéUÁÙ?
ÕãéUÁÙ âæçãUˆØ ·ð¤
¥Üæßæ âÕ Üé»Îè
PAGE 58
DEPRESSION IN
CHILDREN
Õ‘¿ô´ ×ð´ ¥ßâæÎ
PAGE 18
7
How the Bible made
India a developing nation
Elections and minority politics
????? ???U ????ط? ?U??????
§´âæÈ ·¤è Ü´Õè ÚUæã
PAGE 14

Vol.VI
Dr Silvia Fernandes
Chair, Aspire Prakashan Pvt. Ltd.
Prabhu Guptara
Patron and Chief Advisor
Satyaveer Chakrapani
Director and Advisor
Ivan Kostka
Editor-in-Chief
Pramod Ranjan
Consulting Editor
Amrish Herdenia
Assistant Editor (English)
Pankaj Chaudhary
Assistant Editor (Hindi)
Amarendra Yadav
Principal Correspondent
CONTRIBUTING EDITORS
Abhay Kumar Dubey (New Delhi)
Prabhu Guptara (Europe)
Dilip Mandal (New Delhi)
Vishal Mangalwadi (India)
Gail Omvedt (Maharashtra)
Thom Wolf (New Delhi)
Rajan Kumar
Designer
Office :FORWARD Press
803 Deepali, 92 Nehru Place,
New Delhi 110019
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Email: [email protected]
Printed, published and owned by
Ivan Anthony Kostka and printed at
M.P. Printers, B-220, Phase-II,
Noida, UP - 201301 and published from
803 Deepali, 92 Nehru Place, New Delhi 110019
Disclaimer: The views expressed in the
articles are those of the writers. The magazine will
not bear any responsibility for them.
JULY 2014No. 07 Bilingual
Victory has a thousand fathers, but defeat
is an orphan. So said US President John F.
Kennedy following the 1961 Bay of Pigs
(Cuba) fiasco. Following the Modi-led BJP’s
decisive victory there are of course the usual
claimants of paternity rights but we shall
leave that to the Sangh Parivar and the polit-
ical pundits to sort out. On the side of the
defeated, particularly the Bahujan parties,
there has been a deafening silence. This is
where FORWARD Press steps in from this
issue onwards.
Our regular columnist Prem Kumar Mani begins by analysing
where the Bahujan parties went wrong and then goes on to plot the out-
lines of what truly Bahujan politics should and could look like. In his
assessment of both the victory of the Modi-led BJP as well as of the
defeat of the Bahujan parties he refuses to wear any tinted goggles –
neither saffron nor green nor any shade of red – just an unwavering
Phule-Ambedkar perspective. He certainly does not spare the Dalit-
bahujan political leaders. This is in keeping with what JNU professor
Vivek Kumar has said: FP is unique in the Bahujan media space in crit-
ically evaluating even these leaders. Then again you might not agree
with Mani’s qualified hopes for the Modi-led BJP – “If it rises above
the ideology of Savarkar-Hedgewar and associates itself with the Phule-
Ambedkarite ideology, that will not only benefit it but also the nation”
– but in the months to come FP will carry diverse analyses and propos-
als for a new, improved Bahujan politics.
In his Cover Story, Mani frames the last elections against “the heady
Indira Hatao days of 1971”. I would frame Mayawati’s visit to the
families of the two Bahujan (MBC) cousin sisters gang-raped and left
hanging in Badaun, UP, with another episode in Indira Gandhi’s long
political innings: Belchi 1977. In that year, following her resounding
defeat after the Emergency of 1975-77, she bounced back from the
political wilderness by going out of her way to visit the families of the
nine Dalits burnt alive by a mob of a locally dominant caste. She flew
to Patna, then was driven first by jeep, then by tractor and, finally,
when the roads were impassable (because of the rains), she rode on ele-
phant back into Belchi village. Today, when the defeated Rahul Gandhi
rushes to visit the Badaun “Dalit” (as originally reported) families, it is
not news; it is expected of him. When her imperial Bahujan majesty,
Mayawati, knocked off her high elephant, helicopters in the following
day, it is news. Whether it will mark a Belchi moment in her political
career only history can tell.
Whatever the political future of leaders like Mulayam Singh or Laloo
Prasad or Mayawati or even Modi, what matters most to us is the future
of the nation of India. In our ongoing series ‘Making India A Great
Nation’ this time Vishal Mangalwadi answers the question How the
Bible made India a developing nation, showing how the roots of our
republic go beyond and deeper than the Constitution. At a time when
the new Modi government has already signalled its intent to rewrite his-
tory (through saffron lens) we all the more need to know the truth of
the history of modern India outside the Congress sanitized version or
the Hindutva version in the making.
Until next month … Truthfully,
ORWARD
THINKINGF

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ßáü VI¥¢·¤07 ÁéÜæ§üU 2014

Badaun incident triggers Bahujan protests
ÕÎæØê´ ·¤æ´ÇU ÂÚU ©UÕÜæ ÕãéUÁÙ â׿Á
New Delhi: On 27 May, people all over
the countr
y exploded in anger after the
pictures of the bodies of two minor girls of
Shakya Maurya (OBC) community, hang-
ing from a tree in the Katra Shahganj
village of Badaun district of Uttar Pradesh,
appeared in the media. The girls were
raped before being hanged. Sit-ins and
demonstrations were organized right
from Delhi up to the district headquarters.
On 14 June, a huge demonstration was
held at Jantar-Mantar in New Delhi by the
Badaun Balatkar Evam Hatya Virodhi
Manch under the auspices of Kushwaha
Samaj, Delhi. The demonstration was led
by the organization’s president Surendra
Kushwaha. Addressing the
demonstrators, Surendra Kushwaha said
that the ruling caste of UP was committing
atrocities on members of the Maurya,
Shakya and Kushwaha castes. He said
that these castes were being punished for
voting for Modi in the Lok Sabha
elections. On this occasion, Vimal Kumar,
Shatrughan Singh Shakya, Dr Harirama
Maurya, Jai Bhagwan Saini, Himadri
Kushwaha, Gita Shakya, Dinesh Maurya,
Rajesh Kushwaha, Premchand Prajapati
and others said that Shakya, Maurya,
Kushwaha, Saini and Kachi castes were
socially vulnerable and the central and
state governments should make special
provisions for their protection. - FP DESK
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¿æçã°Ð -ȤæÚUßÇüU Âýðâ ÇðUS·¤
JULY 2014
|
6
FORWARDPress
FEATURE
P H O T O

7
ȤæòÚUßÇüUUÂýðâ | 2014ÁéÜæ§üU
¥æßÚU‡æ
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Âýð×·¤é׿ÚU ×ç‡æ
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·¤è ·¤§ü »ý´çÍØô´ ·¤ô ÌôǸ çÎØæÐ §â×ð´ âÕâð
Âý×é¹ ãñ âð·¤éÜÚUßæÎ ·¤æ, Áô °·¤ ãõÃßæ ·Ô¤
ÌõÚU ÂÚU ¹Ç¸æ Íæ ¥õÚU â¿ ÂêçÀ° Ìô ©â·¤è
¥æÚUÌè ©ÌæÚUÙæ °·¤ ÚUæÁÙèçÌ·¤ ·¤×ü·¤æ´Ç ÕÙ
»Øæ ÍæÐ âð·¤éÜÚUßæÎ ·Ô¤ ©Îæžæ ×êËØô´ ·¤è
PREM KUMAR MANI
he recent general elections have exploded many myths and
disproved many presumptions. The foremost among them
is the bogey of secularism. Singing paeans to secularism had
become a political ritual. The liberal values which
secularism encompasses are a sine qua non for every
healthy democracy but the kind of pseudo-secularism that
Üæð
How Bahujans should
view the election verdict
¿éÙæß ÂçÚU‡ææ×æð´ ·¤æð
·ñ¤âð Îð¹ð´ ÕãéUÁÙ?

was ruling the roost in our country needed to be exposed for
what it is. No one must be mourning this development except
those who were trading in it. In North India, Mulayam Singh Ya-
dav and Laloo Prasad Yadav were its old dealers and, about a
year ago, Nitish Kumar had also jumped into the business. The
Congress, of course, was the all-India merchant of secularism.
In fact, this secularism was no longer an ideology. It had
become a twopenny means of garnering Muslim votes. The
concept had been politicized to such an extent that it had lost
its meaning. Secular thought and values should take us towards
modernity. The ideologies of Nehru and Ambedkar are ideal
secular ideologies and we would like to learn from them even
today. But can a leader, who is not modern in his thoughts and
ideas, be secular? What, for instance, qualifies Laloo Prasad or
Mulayam Singh to be described as secular? But they had
become the flag-bearers of secularism in the country. Their
politics was based on it. Through their speeches, statements
and actions, they only made the Muslims more backward-
thinking. They were only interested in rousing the community’s
emotions so that their votes could fall into their kitty.
The intellectual secularists too never tried to turn the
Muslims towards social change or reform. They also laid more
emphasis on the ideology of Akbar and Dara Shikoh than that
of Kabir. For a section of Muslims, this brand of secularism
came in handy. And this section was the Ashraf Muslim upper
caste. It used this secularism to perpetuate its hold on the
majority craftsmen-worker class of Indian Muslims, who were
made to ignore their basic needs and to forced to live in the
shadow of fear and insecurity. This, in turn, strengthened
terrorism on one hand and Muslim Brahmanism or Mullawaad
on the other. The proponents of the politics of secularism had
no time to think about the economic and educational issues re-
lating to the Muslims. They were more interested in the
strange-looking dress, the medieval languages of Arabic and
Persian, maintenance of the burial grounds and providing
more facilities for Haj pilgrimage.
Putting the promulgation of a uniform civil code – advocated
by leaders like Jawaharlal Nehru, Ambedkar and Ram Manohar
Lohia – into cold storage became the prime agenda of this poli-
tics. It was under this ‘secular politics’ that criminals and good-
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ÌãÌ ×éâÜ׿Ùô´ ·Ô¤ Õè¿ âð ¥ÂÚUæÏè ¥õÚU ÙæÜæØ·¤ ̈ßô´ ·¤ô ¥æ»ð ç·¤Øæ
JULY 2014
|
8
FORWARDPress
STORY
COVER
THE OBC-DALITS HAVE PLAYED A KEY ROLE IN THE
BJP’S MASSIVE VICTORY. IT IS OUR VICTORY. WE
SHOULD ACCEPT IT AS THAT
ÎçÜÌ, ¥æðÕèâè Ùð ÖæÁÂæ ·¤è ÖæÚUè çßÁØ ×ð´ ×ãUˆßÂê‡æü
Öêç×·¤æ ¥Îæ ·¤è ãñUÐ ØãU ãU׿ÚUè ÁèÌ ãñU ¥æñÚU ãU×ð´ ©Uâð §Uâè
M¤Â ×ð´ Sßè·¤æÚU ·¤ÚUÙæ ¿æçãU°

9
ȤæòÚUßÇüUUÂýðâ | 2014ÁéÜæ§üU
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ÁÙÌæ ÂæÅUèü ·¤è Ùãè´Ð Áñâð v~|v ·¤è ÁèÌ §´çÎÚUæ »æ´Ïè ·¤è ÁèÌ Íè,
·¤æ´»ýðâ ·¤è Ùãè´Ð ×êÜ ·¤æ´»ýðâ ·¤ô Ìô §´çÎÚUæ »æ´Ïè Ùð ÂãÜð ãè ÏêÜ ¿ÅUæ
Îè Íè, Áñâð §â ÎȤæ ×êÜ ÖæÁÂæ ·¤ô ÙÚUð‹Îý ×ôÎè Ùð ÂãÜð ãè ÏêÜ
¿ÅUæ ÎèÐ ØçÎ ¥æÚU°â°â Ù ãôÌè Ìô ¥æÇßæ‡æè-âéá׿ Õ»ñÚUã ·Ô¤
ÙðÌëˆß ×ð´ §â ÕæÚU ÖæÁÂæ Öè ¿éÙæß ·Ô¤ ÂãÜð Îô ÅUê·¤ ãô ÁæÌèÐ for-nothings among the Muslims were promoted. At one time,
Laloo Prasad Yadav and Ramvilas Paswan addressed public
meetings in Bihar with an Osama Bin Laden look-alike standing
by their side. The list of such idiosyncrasies is a pretty long one.
How Bahujans should view the election results
By giving the BJP a clear majority, the electorate has exhibited
its disdain for this pseudo-secularism. I view it as a heartening
development for Indian polity. It is also good for the majority
among the Muslims, who can be called Muslim OBCs in modern
terms. If the upper-caste Muslims are beating their breasts, so be
it.
My friends want to know how the Bahujans should view the
poll outcome. My answer is very clear. We should be happy
because the results reflect our will. The data published in the last
issue of this magazine proves this. When Narendra Modi
described himself as a poor, backward chaiwallah, it was noticed
by the peasants, the workers and the craftsmen of this country. It
gave birth to the feeling that if the BJP can change, so can we. The
OBC-Dalits have played a key role in the BJP’s massive victory. It
is our victory. We should accept it as that.
But here, we should also ponder as to why we have abandoned
our old heroes. Let us put the utterances and the conduct of our
old heroes under the scanner. Let us try to discover the world
they were leading us into. They neither had any scientific socio-
economic worldview, nor high morals. Crouching behind the
signboard of social justice, they were nursing their own vested
interests. The entire family of Mulayam Singh Yadav joined the
business of politics. Mayawati was busy raking in as much
moolah as possible. Laloo, of course, was the high priest of
corruption and nepotism. Neo-secular Nitish was sounding
laughable.
To some extent, the just-concluded polls can be compared
with the heady Indira Hatao days of 1971. The entire opposition
was interested in only one thing – getting Indira Gandhi out of
the way. Then, the original Congressmen, Socialists and the Jana
Sangh (the BJP’s first avatar) had forged a grand alliance. This
time, no such formal alliance was formed but the Modi Hatao
slogan was very much there. Indira Gandhi responded to the
Indira Hataoslogan with Garibi Hatao. In his whirlwind tour of
the country, Modi directly conversed with the people and gave
the slogan of Ek Bharat, Shrestha Bharat (One India, Best India).
The slogan appealed not only to the new generation but to an
overwhelming majority of people of all age groups. The magic of
his OBC card also worked. The Dalit-OBCs of the country saw
hope in their new hero. They voted for Narendra Modi, not for
the BJP. This victory is Modi’s, not the BJP’s just as the 1971
victory was Indira Gandhi’s, not the Congress’. She had
successfully bulldozed the original Congress well before the
polls; just as Modi virtually ran over the original BJP this time
around. But for the RSS, Advani, Sushma et al would have split
the BJP before the polls.

JULY 2014
|
10
FORWARDPress
STORY
COVER
Does Modi understand his victory?
Now the million-dollar question is how Modi and the BJP under
his leadership perceive this change. Only Modi can answer this
question. He will have to win the confidence of the voters who had
overwhelmingly responded to the slogan of Abki Baar, Modi
Sarkaar (This time, a Modi government) – the voters who had
backed not the BJP but the poor, chaiwallah OBC Modi. If Modi fails
to understand the emotions of those voters and does not change
the character of his party, next time, these voters will change him. In
the words of Modi himself, the BJP was a party of Brahmins and
Banias. And now, again in Modi’s own words, “The coming decade
will belong to Dalit-OBCs.”
The Dalit-OBCs of India do not harbour a narrow outlook. They
work hard, they till the fields, they create handicrafts. It has not rele-
gated its work and its caste to the lower rungs of the social order.
Others have done it. In times past, it was the so-called low-caste
people who gave momentum to cultural movements and
established the highest ideals of spiritualism. Saints were born from
among them. Kabir, Raidas, Sela, Nai, Gora – all came from the
lowered castes.
Leading modern poet Muktibodh had asked way back in 1955,
“When these castes could produce saints in days gone by and
generals subsequently, why can’t they produce political leaders and
ideologues now?” Muktibodh answers the question himself. A
direct quote from him will be better. “The people’s saints made
Maharashtra aware and conscious. Ramdas and Shivaji gave birth€Øæ ׿ðÎè ¥ÂÙè çßÁØ ·ð¤ çÙçãUÌæÍü â×ÛæÌð ãñ´U
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PEOPLE HAVE PUNISHED MAYAWATI, LALOO, MULAYAM AND NITISH
FOR THE NAUSEATING STRUCTURE OF NEPOTISM, CORRUP TION,
IMMORALITY AND ANARCHY BUILT BY THEM
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w®vx ×ð´ Çæã ×ð´ ÇêÕð ÙèÌèàæ Ùð ×ôÎè ·¤è ÂÅUÙæ ÚUñÜè ×ð´
to a new national caste. But gradually, the brahmanical elements and the
generals and leaders, who had emerged from among the subaltern, became
very accommodative towards each other. After Shivaji, the generals and
leaders who had emerged from the poorer sections of society established
their own feudal clans. The result was that Brahmanism again became pow-
erful in the age of the Peshwas. And Maharashtra became another Uttar
Pradesh. The cultural consciousness of the low castes, which had to
incessantly battle fundamentalism, lasted longer in Maharashtra than in
north India. In the British era, Brahmanism and Brahmins – both were
rejuvenated and went from strength to strength. And the same is the
situation now. The only difference is that the backward members of low
castes have joined the Scheduled Castes Federation (and other such parties
in the current times – Mani) while the forward people have joined the
Congress, the Peasants and Workers Party, the Communist Party and other
leftist political parties.”
The riddle that Muktibodh could unravel by his diligence in 1955 – almost
60 years ago – has been only partly understood by the Bahujans now. And
that is why the feudal political clans established by the proponents of social
justice, just like the successors of Shivaji, have been blown up by the
Bahujans. People have punished Mayawati, Laloo, Mulayam and Nitish for
the nauseating structure of nepotism, corruption, immorality and anarchy
built by them.
In all this, Nitish seems to be a bit different but no less responsible. It is
true that he was not in the dock for graft but his ideological bankruptcy was
starkly apparent. He allowed himself to be surrounded by lumpen individu-
als, who were flatterers donning the cloak of intellectuals. He started
enjoying being flattered. He whipped up a political cocktail of Mayawati-
brand savarnavaad and Laloo-brand secularism. But it did not work. He was
in alliance with the BJP and could have better played the role of the sentinel
of social justice there. At one time, he was a great admirer of Modi, especially
of his high morals and his OBC status. But, about a year ago, his sycophants
pushed him into the Third Front of secular politics, which, in fact, was a
third-class front. In June 2010, he had refused to invite Narendra Modi, who
was visiting Patna, to lunch at his place because he wanted to build his pro-
Muslim image. “If Laloo can stop Advani’s rath, I can stop Modi’s lunch.”
The ideologies of Nehru and Ambedkar are ideal secular
ideologies and we would like to learn from them even today. But
can a leader, who is not modern in his thoughts and ideas, be
secular? What, for instance, qualifies Laloo Prasad or Mulayam
Singh to be described as secular? But they had become the
flag-bearers of secularism in the country. Their politics was based
on it. Through their speeches, statements and actions, they only
made the Muslims more backward-thinking
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Îé·¤æÙð´ Öè ¿Ü ÚUãè Íè´Ð §‹ãô´Ùð ¥ÂÙð Öæá‡æô´, ÕØæÙô´ ¥õÚU ·¤æØü·¤ÜæÂô´ âð
×éâÜ׿Ùô´ ·¤ô ׿Ùçâ·¤ ÌõÚU ÂÚU ¥õÚU çÂÀǸæ ÕÙæØæ

JULY 2014
|
12
FORWARDPress
STORY
COVER
©Ù ÂÚU ÁæÙÜðßæ ã×Üð ·¤è âæçÁàæ ãôÙð ÎèÐ Üðç·¤Ù §Ù âÕ·Ô¤
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Heaping this kind of humiliation on someone can be
described as nothing but folly. In 2013, a livid Nitish allowed
the conspiracy for a murderous attack on Modi during his
Patna rally to be hatched. But despite that he could not win
the secular tag. He had to pat his own back. His arrogance
and his follies are responsible for the painful downfall of this
once-mature OBC leader who seemed to be far-sighted.
What should the Bahujans do?
The Dalit-OBCs, who for long were bitterly opposing the
brahmanical politics of the BJP, voted for Modi but the
results have intrigued them. They should shed their
hesitation, put their doubts aside and accept this victory as
their own – if not for any other reason than because it could
not have been possible without them. Yes, they should keep
an eye on Modi. The possibility of an internecine warfare
erupting in the BJP cannot be ruled out. The BJP will have to
become compatible with its Bahujan support base. And for
this, it will have to change from the inside. If the Hindutvava-
di, rightist BJP, led by Atal-Advani gets transformed into a
Bahujanvaadi, egalitarian BJP under the leadership of Modi,
then it should be welcomed. But if it again turns towards
Hindtuva and adopts rightist postures, then the Bahujans to
a man should rise against it.
A question that can be legitimately asked is whether it will
be easy for the BJP to change itself ideologically? Its ideology
is the ideology of Savarkar and Hedgewar. The natural ideol-
ogy of Bahujans is that of Phule and Ambedkar. There are
many contradictions between the two, and that is because
âð·¤éÜÚUßæÎè ÚUæÁÙèçÌ Ùð ×éâÜ׿Ùô´ ·Ô¤ ׿Üè ¥õÚU ÌæÜè×è ãæÜæÌ ÂÚU ·¤× âð ·¤× çß¿æÚU ç·¤ØæÐ ©Ù·¤æ
’ØæÎæ ŠØæÙ ©Ù·Ô¤ çß翘æ âð Ü»Ùð ßæÜð ÂãÙæßð, ©Ù·¤è ×ŠØØé»èÙ Öæáæ ¥ÚUÕè-ȤæÚUâè, ©Ù·Ô¤ ·¤çÕýSÌæÙô´
?Ԥ ?U??U??? ???U ?? ?????? ??U ??Ϸ? ?????? ???? ??U ܻ??? ???? ???. ????Ƿ??U, ?????U??? ???L?
¥õÚU ÚUæ× ×ÙðæãÚU ÜôçãØæ Áñâð ÙðÌæ¥ô´ Ùð çÁâ â×æÙ Ùæ»çÚU·¤ â´çãÌæ ·¤è ß·¤æÜÌ ·¤è Íè, ©âð Æ´Çð ÕSÌð ×ð´
ÇæÜÙæ âð·¤éÜÚU ÚUæÁÙèçÌ ·¤æ âßüÂý×é¹ °Áð´Çæ ÕÙ »ØæÐ §â âð·¤éÜÚU ÚUæÁÙèçÌ ·Ô¤ ÌãÌ ×éâÜ׿Ùô´ ·Ô¤ Õè¿
âð ¥ÂÚUæÏè ¥õÚU ÙæÜæØ·¤ ̈ßô´ ·¤ô ¥æ»ð ç·¤Øæ »Øæ
The proponents of the politics of secularism had no time to think about the economic and
educational issues relating to the Muslims. They were more interested in the strange-looking
dress, the medieval languages of Arabic and Persian, maintenance of the burial grounds and
providing more facilities for Haj pilgrimage. Putting the promulgation of a uniform civil code
– advocated by leaders like Jawaharlal Nehru, Ambedkar and Ram Manohar Lohia – into cold
storage became the prime agenda of this politics. It was under this ‘secular’ politics that
criminals and good-for-nothings among the Muslims were promoted

13
ȤæòÚUßÇüUUÂýðâ | 2014ÁéÜæ§üU
¥æßÚU‡æ
·¤Íæ
ÂãÜð ãè ×ñ´Ùð ¥æàæ´·¤æ ÃØQ¤ ·¤è ãñ ç·¤ ÖæÁÂæ Sߨ´ ·¤ô ÕÎÜ
Âæ°»è ç·¤ Ùãè´Ð ØçÎ ßã âæßÚU·¤ÚU-ãðÇ»ðßæÚU ·¤è ßñ¿æçÚU·¤è âð
ª¤ÂÚUU ©ÆÌè ãñ ¥õÚU ÃØæÂ·¤ ÚUæCþèØ â´ÎÖæðZ ×ð´ ȤéÜð-
????Ƿ??U??? ?? ??? ??? ??Ǹ?? ??, ?? ??? ???U ???U? ?U?C?
·¤ô §â·¤æ ÜæÖ ç×Üð»æÐ §â×ð´ ·¤çÆÙæ§Øæ´ ¥æ â·¤Ìè ãñ´,
Üðç·¤Ù °ðâæ ãôÙæ ¥SßæÖæçß·¤ Ùãè´ ãô»æÐ ȤéÜð-
????Ƿ??U??? ?? ?????U? ???ׂ???? ???U?? ???U
âˆØâ´ÏæÙ ¥ÍæüÌ÷ ßñ™ææçÙ·¤ ¿ðÌÙæ ·Ô¤ Öæß ÖæÁÂæ ·¤ô
ßñ¿æçÚU·¤ M¤Â âð ×ÁÕêÌ ÕÙæ°´»ðÐ âæßÚU·¤ÚU Sߨ´ ÁæçÌ
???S?? ???U ?????? ?Ԥ ?? ???U??? ??? ?? ??? ?????
ÚUæCþ ·Ô¤ çã׿ØÌè Íð ¥õÚU ¥ÂÙð ØæÜ âð ÖæÚUÌèØ çß¿æÚUô´ ·¤è
°·¤ ×Ù·¤æ ÌñØæÚU ·¤ÚU ÚUãð Íð, çÁâ·¤æ Ùæ× ©‹ãô´Ùð çã´Îéˆß ÚU¹æ
ÍæÐ ©Ù·Ô¤ ·¤éÀ çß¿æÚUßæÙ ×êËØô´ âð âè¹Ùð ×ð´ ç·¤âè ·¤ô €UØô´
ÂÚUðàææÙè ãô»èÐ Üðç·¤Ù ÖæÁÂæ ØçÎ ©âð ¥ÂÙè ßñ¿æçÚU·¤è ·¤è
âè׿ÚUð¹æ ÕÙæ°»è ÌÕ Øã ¿Üð»æ Ùãè´Ð
ÚUæÁÙèçÌ·¤ âžææ ¥Õ ÖæÁÂæ ·Ô¤ ãæÍ ×ð´ ãñÐ ¥Õ ÂýSÌæß·¤
©âð ÕÙÙæ ãñР׊ط¤æÜ ×ð´ ¥·¤ÕÚU ·Ô¤ ÙðÌëˆß ×ð´ ×é»Ü-
×éçSÜ× âæ×´Ìô´ ¥õÚU çã´Îê âæ×´Ìô´ ·¤æ °·¤ ÚUæÁÙèçÌ·¤ »ÆÁôǸ
ã饿 ÍæÐ §â »ÆÁôǸ Ùð ÎSÌ·¤æÚU-ç·¤âæÙ çã´Îê ×éâÜ׿Ùô´ ·Ô¤
âæ´S·¤ëçÌ·¤ (ÖçQ¤) ¥æ´ÎôÜÙ ·¤ô ·¤é¿Ü çÎØæ ÍæÐ ¥æÁ Öè
Ï×üçÙÚUÂðÿæ ·¤ãð ÁæÙð ßæÜð §çÌãæâ·¤æÚU ¥õÚU â׿Áçß™ææÙè
¥·¤ÕÚU ·¤ô ×ãæÙ ·¤ãÌð ãñ´Ð Õèâßè´ âÎè ·Ô¤ ã׿ÚUð ÚUæCþèØ
¥æ´ÎôÜÙ Ùð Öè §â »éˆÍè ·¤ô Æè·¤ âð Ùãè´ â×Ûææ ¥õÚU SßÌ´˜æ
·¤ãð ÁæÙð ßæÜð ÖæÚUÌ ×ð´ çÁâ âð·¤éÜÚU ÚUæÁÙèçÌ ·¤è ÂõÏ Ü»è
ßã ¥·¤ÕÚUÙèÌ ¥âÚUæÈ¤ ×éâÜ׿Ùô´ ¥õÚU â߇æü çã´Îé¥ô´ ·¤æ
»ÆÁôǸ ÕÙ·¤ÚU ÚUã »§üÐ ¥æÁ ·¤è âð·¤éÜÚU ÚUæÁÙèçÌ Öè ©âè
¥æÏæÚU ÂÚU ¿Ü ÚUãè ãñÐ Øã çâÚU ·Ô¤ ÕÜ ¹Ç¸è ãñÐ ×æ€âü ·Ô¤
àæŽÎô´ ·¤ô ©ÏæÚU Üð·¤ÚU ·¤ãð´ Ìô §âð ÂñÚU ·Ô¤ ÕÜ ¹Ç¸æ ·¤ÚUÙð ·¤è
ÁM¤ÚUÌ ãñÐ âÖè Ï×ü-â´ÂýÎæØô´ ·Ô¤ ÎçÜÌ-çÂÀǸð ¥õÚU àæôçáÌ
ÌÕ·Ô¤ ¿æãð ßð ç·¤âæÙ-×ÁÎêÚU ãô´, Øæ ×çãÜæ°´ Øæ ÎçÜÌ-
¥æçÎßæâè °·¤ âæÍ ¥æ°´ ¥õÚU ©Ù·¤è ¥æ·¤æ´ÿææ¥ô´ ·Ô¤ ¥ÙéM¤Â
°·¤ Ù° ÖæÚUÌ ·¤æ çÙ׿ü‡æ ãô´, Øãè ¥æñÚU ¥Õ â“æð
¥ÍæðZ ×ð´ Ò°·¤ ÖæÚUÌ ¥õÚU ŸæðD ÖæÚUÌÓ ãô»æÐ ØãUè ȤéÜð-
????Ƿ??U ??? ??? Sߖ? ???
they are the ideologies of two classes which are in conflict.
The umbilical cord of vested interests links a class with its
ideology. That is why I have expressed the apprehension as
to whether the BJP will be able to change itself. If it rises
above the ideology of Savarkar-Hedgewar and associates
itself with the Phule-Ambedkarite ideology, that will not
only benefit it but also the nation. This may not be easy. But
then, it is not expected to be. The anti-Brahmanism and
scientific consciousness that is integral to Phule-
Ambedkarite ideology will only put BJP on a strong ideologi-
cal footing. Savarkar himself was against the caste system
and untouchability. He was for a strong nation and he had
prepared a canon of, what he believed to be, Indian
thoughts, which he named ‘Hindutva’. If there is something
of value in it, there is no harm in its emulation. But if that
canon becomes the be-all and end-all of BJP ideology, then
the problem will begin.
Since the BJP now holds political power, it has to take the
initiative. In medieval India, a political front of Muslim and
Hindi feudal lords was forged under Akbar’s leadership. This
front had crushed the craftsmen-farmer, Hindu-Muslim
cultural (Bhakti) movement. But even today, historians and
social scientists append ‘Great’ to Akbar’s name.
Our 20th-century national movement too could not
unravel this riddle. The secular politics that struck roots in
‘independent’ India was reduced to a joint front of Ashraf
Muslims and Hindu Savarnas. Today’s secular politics is
treading the same path. It is standing on its head. Borrowing
Marx’s words, it needs to be put on its feet. The Dalits-OBCs
and exploited classes of all religions and sects, whether they
be farmers or workers or women or Dalits or Tribals, should
develop a new joint consciousness and build a new India in
keeping with their aspirations. This will truly be Ek
Bharat, Shrestha Bharat. This was the original dream of
Phule and Ambedkar.
The Dalit-OBCs, who were long bitterly opposing
the Brahmanical politics of the BJP, voted for Modi
but the results have intrigued them. They should
shed their hesitation, put their doubts aside and
accept this victory as their own
Ü´Õð âר âð ÖæÁÂæ ·¤è Õýæ±×‡æßæÎè ÚUæÁÙèçÌ ·¤æ çßÚUôÏ ·¤ÚU
ÚUãè ÎçÜÌ-çÂÀǸè ÁÙÌæ Ùð ÙÚUð‹Îý ×ôÎè ·¤ô ¥ÂÙæ Õãé×Ì ßôÅU
Ìô Îð çÎØæ ãñ Üðç·¤Ù ¿éÙæßè ÙÌèÁô´ Ùð ©âð ©ÜÛæÙ ×ð´ ÇæÜ
çÎØæ ãñÐ ×ñ´ ·¤ãê´»æ, ©‹ãð´ ©ÜÛæÙ âð ÕæãÚU ¥æÙæ ¿æçã° ¥õÚU
§â ¿éÙæßè ÁèÌ ·¤ô ¥ÂÙè ÁèÌ ·Ô¤ M¤Â ×ð´ Sßè·¤æÚUÙæ ¿æçã°
Prem Kumar Mani is a leading Hindi writer and ideologue. A political
activist committed to social justice, he is presently the vice president of the
Rashtriya Janata Dal
Âýð×·é¤×æÚU ×ç‡æ çã´UÎè ·ð¤ ÂýçÌçÙçŠæ Üð¹·¤, ç¿´Ì·¤ ß âæ×æçÁ·¤ ‹ØæØ ·ð¤ ÂÿæŠæÚU
ÚUæÁÙèçÌ·¤×èü ãñ´UÐ §UÙ çÎÙæð´ ßð ÚUæCþUèØ ÁÙÌæ ÎÜ ·ð¤ ©UÂæŠØÿæ ãñ´ðU

JULY 2014
|
14
FORWARDPress
ANALYSIS
ATIF RABBANI
he recently concluded Lok Sabha elec-
tions in the country have been a game-
changer in more ways than one. They
have proved that elections can be won
by effectively and strategically using
money, media and marketing. They
have also busted the myth of the
Muslim vote bank.
¥æçÌȤ ÚUŽÕæÙè
Üãßè´ Üô·¤âÖæ ·¤æ ¿éÙæß ·¤éÀ ׿×Üô´ ×ð´ Øé»æ´ÌÚU·¤æÚUè ãñÐ
§â ¿éÙæß Ùð Áãæ´ §â ÕæÌ ·¤ô çâh ·¤ÚU çÎØæ ç·¤
Âñâæ,×èçÇØæ ¥õÚU ׿·ðü¤çÅ´U» ·¤æ ÂýÖæßè §SÌð×æÜ ·¤ÚU·Ô¤ ¿éÙæßè
Á´» ÁèÌè Áæ â·¤Ìè ãñ ßãè´ §âÙð Ò×éçSÜ× ßôÅU Õñ´·¤Ó ·Ô¤
ç×Í·¤ ·¤ô Öè ŠßSÌ ·¤ÚU çÎØæ ãñÐ
§â ¿éÙæß ×ð´ Îðàæ ·¤è ֻܻ âÖè ÚUæÁÙèçÌ·¤ ÂæçÅUüØô´ Ùð
×éâÜ׿Ùô´ ·¤ô çÚUÛææÙð ·¤è ÖÚUÂêÚU Âñ´ÌÚUðÕæÁè ·¤è €UØô´ç·¤ ©Ù·¤æ
׿ÙÙæ Íæ ç·¤ ×éçSÜ× â´»çÆÌ ãô·¤ÚU ×ÌÎæÙ ·¤ÚUÌð ãñ´ §âçܰ
âôT
????? ???U ????ط? ?U?????̿???? ???U ????ط? ?U??????
Elections and
minority politics

15
During the run-up to the polls, every party performed
all sorts of antics to woo the Muslims. That was because
they believed that Muslims vote en bloc and that they are
primarily concerned with issues related to their identity
and religion. Among other things, the parties made prom-
ises regarding personal law, Waqf properties, Urdu,
minority institution status for Aligarh Muslim University
and reservations for Muslims. Developmental issues were
conspicuous by their absence. The political parties
behaved as if the Muslims have nothing do with the social
mainstream development and that the leaders of the
community are only concerned with themselves and with
preserving and perpetuating their hold over the commu-
nity. How Muslims can join the national mainstream and
what their role in it can be was not the concern of either
the key political parties or the representatives of the
Muslims.
Whenever Muslims are talked about in the Indian con-
text, the stratification that informs the community’s social
structure is ignored. Muslims are taken to be a homoge-
nous community. The entire discourse on minorities suf-
fers from this basic flaw. The fact is that, historically,
Muslims have been divided into many classes and there
are ‘Forward Muslims’ and ‘Backward Muslims’. The
Forward Muslims are called Ashraf while the Backward or
Dalit Muslims are called Pasmanda. The Muslim commu-
nity is as stratified as the Hindus. Prof Imitiaz Ahmed, in
his book Caste and Social Stratification among Muslims in
India, says that a stratified social structure, based on ‘Jaat
Biradari’, which is analogous to caste, is very much in
place among the Muslims.
This stratification among the Muslims is often ignored
– either inadvertently or otherwise. The Sacchar commit-
tee, however, seemed to have grasped this stratification
very well. In the tenth chapter of its report, the committee
presents an excellent analysis of the caste divisions and
discrimination among Muslims. The report says that
there are three classes of Muslims: first, which suffer from
no social inadequacies – Ashraf; second, which can be
compared with Hindu OBCs – Ajlaf; and third, which can
compared with Hindu SCs – Arjal. The second and third
classes jointly form the Pasmanda or Muslim OBC class.
Not only the politicians but even the intelligentsia
seems to believe that Muslims are a homogenous com-
munity. The outcome of this misconception is that the
Forward Muslims almost always manage to monopolize
the gains from policies and programmes designed for the
welfare of the minorities. The majority Pasmanda class –
which comprises Dalit and Backward Muslims and which
has always suffered socially, economically and politically
– is left high and dry, despite forming almost 85 per cent
of the community.
©Ù·Ô¤ âæ×Ùð ×ÁãUÕ ¥õÚU ¥çS×Ìæ ¥æÏæçÚUÌ ×éÎ÷Îð ãè ÚU¹ð ÁæÙð ¿æçã°Ð
????? ?? ????? ???, ?Ȥ ??????? ??? ???U???, ????, ???ɸ ???S??
??????l??? ??? ????ط? ?????? ?S?? ??? ???? ?????? ???U
×éçSÜ× ¥æÚUÿæ‡æ ·¤è ÕæÌ Âý×é¹ M¤Â âð ÍèÐ çß·¤æâ â´Õ´Ïè ×éÎ÷Îð çâÚUð âð
»æØÕ ÍðÐ ÚUæÁÙèçÌ·¤ ÎÜô´ ·¤æ ÃØßãæÚU §â Âý·¤æÚU ·¤æ ãôÌæ ãñ ×æÙæð
????????? ??? ??????U? ???U ?߷??? ?? ????? ????-???? ?? ??? ??? ???,
×éçSÜ× ÙðÌæ¥ô´ ·¤æ âæÚUæ ŠØæÙ §â ÂÚU ·Ô¤ç‹ÎýÌ ÚUãÌæ ãñ ç·¤ ç·¤â Âý·¤æÚU
°ðâæ ßæÌæßÚU‡æ ÌñØæÚU ç·¤Øæ Áæ° ç·¤ Sߨ´ ·¤æ ×ãˆß ¥õÚU ÚUÿææ ·Ô¤ Õ´ÎôÕSÌ
??? ???Ǹ ??? ?U?C?U ??? ??????U? ?? ????????? ??? 緤? ??????U ??? ???U
???? ??????U? ??, ?? ??U ??ٷ? ?? 翴?? ? ??????U? ?Ԥ ?U?????̷? ????
·¤ô ãñ ¥õÚU Ùæ ãè ×éçSÜ× Ùé׿§´Îô´ ·¤ôÐ
¥æ×ÌõÚU ÂÚU ÖæÚUÌ ·Ô¤ ÂçÚUÂýðÿØ ×ð´ ×éçSÜ×ô´ ·¤è ÕæÌ ·¤ÚUÌð ãé° ×éçSÜ×
â׿Á ·Ô¤ ÖèÌÚU ×õÁêÎ SÌÚUè·¤ÚU‡æ ·¤ô ÙÁÚU´ÎæÁ ·¤ÚU çÎØæ ÁæÌæ ãñÐ
????????? ??? ??? ?????? ?????? ????? ???? ??? ???U? ????ط?
çß×àæü §âè ÕéçÙØæÎè »ÜÌè ·¤æ çàæ·¤æÚU ÚUãÌæ ãñÐ ãU·¤è·¤Ì Øã ãñ ç·¤
°ðçÌãæçâ·¤ M¤Â âð ×éçSÜ× Öè ·¤§ü çãSâô´ ×ð´ çßÖæçÁÌ ãñ´ ¥õÚU §â ß»ü ·Ô¤
ÖèÌÚU ¥»Ç¸ð ¥õÚU çÂÀǸð ×éçSÜ× Áñâè Ÿæðç‡æØæ´ ãñ´Ð ¥»Ç¸ð ×éçSÜ×ô´ ·¤ô
¥àæÚUæÈ¤ ¥õÚU ÎçÜÌ Øæ çÂÀǸð ×éçSÜ×ô´ ·¤ô Ââ׿´Îæ ·¤ãÌð ãñ´Ð ×éçSÜ× ©ÌÙð
?? S??U跤?? ??U, ????? 緤 ????? ??? ?????? ???? ???? ??S̷? ҷ??S?U
??? ????? S?????U?Ȥ?Ԥ??? ?״? ???S?? ?? ??????? ?? ????? ?? 緤
×éâÜ׿Ùô´ ×ð´ ÁæÌ-çÕÚUæÎÚUè Ùæ×·¤ SÌÚUè·¤ëÌ âæ×æçÁ·¤ â´ÚU¿Ùæ ×õÁêÎ ãñ´ Áô
ÒÁæçÌÓ ·¤è ã×ÂÂËÜæ ãñÐ ×éçSÜ× â×é뾯 ·Ô¤ §â SÌÚUè·¤ÚU‡æ ·¤ô ·¤Öè
§ÚUæÎÌÙ Ìô ·¤Öè »ñÚU-§ÚUæÎÌÙ, ÙÁÚU´ÎæÁ ç·¤Øæ ÁæÌæ ãñÐ ãæÜæ´ç·¤, â‘¿ÚU
·¤×ðÅUè Ùð ×éçSÜ× â׿Á ·Ô¤ SÌÚUè·¤ÚU‡æ ·¤ô ÖÜè-Öæ´çÌ â×ÛææÐ â‘¿ÚU
·¤×ðÅUè çÚUÂôÅUü ·¤æ Îâßæ´ ¥ŠØæØ, ×éçSÜ× ß»ü ·Ô¤ ÁæçÌ»Ì Õ´ÅUßæÚUð ¥õÚU
ÖðÎÖæß ·¤æ çßàÜðá‡æ ÂýSÌéÌ ·¤ÚUÌæ ãñÐ §â çÚUÂôÅUü ×ð´ ·¤ãæ »Øæ ãñ ç·¤
×éâÜ׿Ùô´ ·¤è ÌèÙ Ÿæðç‡æØæ´ ãñ´ - ÂãÜè, ßð çÁÙ×ð´ ·¤ô§ü âæ×æçÁ·¤ ¥Øô‚ØÌæ
Ùãè´ ãñ-¥àæÚUæÈ¤Ð ÎêâÚUè, ßð Áô çã‹Îê ¥ôÕèâè ·Ô¤ â×ÌéËØ ãñ´-¥ÁÜæÈ¤Ð
ÌèâÚUè, ßð Áô çã‹Îê °ââè ·Ô¤ â×ÌéËØ ãñ´-¥ÚUÁæÜÐ Áô ×éçSÜ× ¥ôÕèâè
(Ââ׿´Îæ) â´ÕôçÏÌ ç·¤° ÁæÌð ãñ´, ßð ÎêâÚUð ¥õÚU ÌèâÚUð â×êã ·¤ô ç×Üæ·¤ÚU
ãñ´Ð
ÙðÌæ¥ô´ ·Ô¤ Õè¿ ãè Ùãè´ ÕçË·¤ ÂýÕéh ß»ü ·Ô¤ ÖèÌÚU Öè ×éâÜ׿Ùô´ ·¤ô
°·¤æà× â×é뾯 â×ÛæÙð ·¤è §â ¥æ× Âýßëçžæ ·¤æ ÙÌèÁæ Øã ãñ ç·¤
????ط??? ?Ԥ ????? ?? ??? ??U ???? ???? ?????? ???U ??????? ?Ԥ
·Ô¤´Îý ×ð´ ã×ðàææ ¥»Ç¸è ÁæçÌØô´ ·Ô¤ ×éçSÜ× ÚUãÌð ãñ´Ð ×éçSÜ× â׿Á ·¤æ
????ط?-???? ???U ???Ǹ? ???S???? ??? ?????? ߻?-?? ???????ⷤ
M¤Â âð âæ×æçÁ·¤, ¥æçÍü·¤ ¥õÚU ÚUæÁÙèçÌ·¤ ÎëçC âð çÂÀǸæ ãñ ¥õÚU ·¤éÜ
????? ??? }z ??????? ???? ?Ԥ ??????, ????? ????? ??? ???U ?????
ȤæòÚUßÇüUUÂýðâ | 2014ÁéÜæ§üU
çßàÜðá‡æ
A HALALKHOR (MEHTAR) IS AS
UNTOUCHABLE FOR A HIGH-CASTE
MUSLIM AS A HINDU BHANGI FOR A
HINDU OF THE HIGHER VARNA
°·¤ ª¤´¿è ÁæçÌ ·Ô¤ ×éâÜ×æÙ ·Ô¤ çܰ
°·¤ ãUܹܿæðÚU U(×ðãÌÚU) ©ÌÙæ ãè ¥ÀêÌ
ãñ, çÁÌÙæ °·¤ ©‘¿ß‡æèüØ çã‹Îê ·Ô¤ çܰ
°·¤ çã‹Îê Ö´»è

16
JULY 2014
|FORWARDPress
ANALYSIS
Often, many people, especially Muslim politicians and Ulema,
misinterpret the Sacchar committee report to claim that “Sacchar
committee has revealed that the condition of India Muslims is
worse than that of Dalits”. This is not true. Sacchar panel has, of
course, said that on some indices, the condition of Muslims is
worse than that of Hindu Dalits. But that does not mean that all
Muslims are worse off than Hindu Dalits on socio-economic
markers or they are as oppressed and neglected as Dalits are or
they are facing the same kind and degree of economic hardship.
The reality is that it is the condition of Dalit and Backward
Muslims that can be compared with that of Hindu Dalits. For
instance, NSS (61st Round) reveals that in terms of income,
Muslim Ashrafs are ahead of not only Pasmanda (Dalit-OBC
Muslims) but also the Hindu OBCs. According to the available sta-
tistics, the per-person-per-month expenditure of Hindu OBCs is
Rs620 and of Muslim OBCs Rs605. The corresponding figure for
Muslim Forward castes is Rs633. Thus, in terms of income, Muslim
Ashrafs are better off than not only Pasmanda (OBC) Muslims but
even Hindu OBCs. A Halalkhor (Mehtar) is as untouchable for a
high-caste Muslim as a Hindu Bhangi for a Hindu of the higher
Varna.
In India, minority politics originated as an elite-dominated
Muslim politics in response to Hindu fascist politics. The Muslim
politics was confined to binaries like minority versus majority, com-
munalism versus secularism and witch-hunting versus security. The
elite-dominated Muslim politics had no place for democracy. The
Ashraf elites ruled over all institutions, including the political ones.
Ashfaq Hussain Ansari, in his book Basic Problems of OBC and Dalit
Politics, has analyzed the share of Pasmanda Muslims among the
members of the first to the fourteenth Lok Sabhas.
¥€UâÚU ×éçSÜ× ÙðÌæ ¥õÚU ×õÜæÙæ â‘¿ÚU ·¤×ðÅUè ·¤æ »ÜÌ ÌÚUè·ð¤
âð ã߿ܿ Îð·¤ÚU §â ÕæÌ ·¤ô ·¤ãÌð Îð¹ð-âéÙð Áæ â·¤Ìð ãñ´ ç·¤-â‘¿ÚU
·¤×ðÅUè Ùð ÕÌæØæ ç·¤ çã‹ÎéSÌæÙè ×éâÜ׿Ùô´ ·¤è ãæÜÌ ÎçÜÌô´ âð
ÕÎÌÚU ãñÐ
â‘¿ÚU ·¤×ðÅUè Ùð §ÌÙæ ÁM¤ÚU ÕÌæØæ ç·¤, ·¤éÀ âê¿·¤æ´·¤ô´ ·Ô¤ âÎÖü
×ð´ ×éâÜ׿Ùô´ ·¤è çSÍçÌ çã‹Îê ÎçÜÌô´ âð ¹ÚUæÕ ãñÐ §â·¤æ ·¤Ì§üU Øã
×ÌÜÕ Ùãè´ ãñ ç·¤ âæÚUð ×éâÜ×æÙ âæ×æçÁ·¤ ¥õÚU ¥æçÍü·¤ ×ô¿ðü ÂÚU
ÎçÜÌô´ âð ’ØæÎæ ©ˆÂèçÇ¸Ì ¥õÚU ©ÂðçÿæÌ ãñ´ Øæ ©‹ãð´ Öè ©âè Âý·¤æÚU ·¤è
âæ×æçÁ·¤ ´»éÌæ ·¤æ âæ×Ùæ ·¤ÚUÙæ ÂÇ¸Ìæ ãñ, Áñâæ ç·¤ ÎçÜÌô´ ·¤ô ·¤ÚUÙæ
ÂÇ¸Ìæ ãñÐ â‘¿æ§ü §â·Ô¤ ÕÚU€Uâ ãñ, ãæÜÌ Ìô ÎçÜÌ ß çÂÀǸð ×éâÜ׿Ùô´
·¤è ÕÎÌÚU ãñÐ ç×âæÜ ·Ô¤ ÌõÚU ÂÚU, ÚUæCþèØ Ù×êÙæ âßðüÿæ‡æ (°Ù°â°â)
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¥æ»ð ãñ´Ð °·¤ ª¤´¿è ÁæçÌ ·Ô¤ ×éâÜ×æÙ ·Ô¤ çܰ °·¤ ãUܹܿæðÚU
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çã‹Îê Ö´»èÐ
???U? ?? ???ط? ?U?????? ??? ???L???? ߿?S????? ????
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?U?????? ?Ԥ M?? ?? ???? ???U? ???S?? ?U?????? ???ط?-????ط?,
???????ط???-??????U?????? ???U ??U·?Ǹ-???U??? ???? ?m??U?? ?? ????U???U
ÚUã »§üÐ ¥çÖÁÙßæÎè-ß¿üSßßæÎè ×éçSÜ× ÚUæÁÙèçÌ ×ð´ ×éçSÜ× â׿Á ·Ô¤
Üô·¤Ìæ´ç˜æ·¤ÚU‡æ ·Ô¤ âᑚ ÙÎæÚUÎ ÚUãð ãñ´Ð ÚUæÁÙèçÌ âçãÌ â×SÌ â´SÍæ¥ô´
ÂÚU ¥àæÚæÈ¤-¥çÖÁÙ ·¤æ ·¤ŽÁæ ÚUãæÐ ¥àæÈ¤æ·¤ ãéâñÙ ¥´âæÚUè Ùð ¥ÂÙè
??S̷? ????ⷤ ?????? ???Ȥ ?????? ??? ???? ???S??? ??
Üô·¤âÖæ ×ð´ Ââ׿´Îæ ×éâÜ׿Ùô´ ·¤è Öæ»èÎæÚUè ·¤æ çßàÜðá‡æ ç·¤Øæ ãñÐ
Total number of MPs from first to fourteenth Lok Sabha
7500
400
340 [4.5%]
60 [0.8%]
14.23%
2.13%
11.40%
ÂãÜè âð ¿õÎãßè´ Üô·¤âÖæ Ì·¤ ¿éÙð »° ·¤éÜ âæ´âÎ
Total number of Muslim MPs from first to fourteenth Lok Sabha
ÂãÜè âð ¿õÎãßè´ Üô·¤âÖæ Ì·¤ ¿éÙð »° ·¤éÜ ×éçSÜ× âæ´âÎ
No of Ashrafs among Muslim MPs
¿éÙð »° ·¤éÜ ×éçSÜ× âæ´âÎô´ ×ð´ ¥àæÚUæÈ¤ âæ´âÎ
No of Pasmandas among Muslim MPs
¿éÙð »° ·¤éÜ ×éçSÜ× âæ´âÎô´ ×ð´ Ââ׿´Îæ âæ´âÎ
Percentage of Muslims in population of India (Census 2011)
ÖæÚUÌ ×ð´ ×éâÜ׿Ùô´ ·¤è ¥æÕæÎè ·¤æ ÂýçÌàæÌ (ÁÙ»‡æÙæ w®vv)
Percentage of Ashraf Muslims in population of India (They form 15 per cent of the Muslim population))
ÖæÚUÌ ×ð´ ¥àæÚæçÈ¤Øæ ×éâÜ׿Ùô´ ·¤è ¥æÕæÎè ·¤æ ÂýçÌàæÌ (Áôç·¤ ×éâÜ׿Ùô´ ·¤è ·¤éÜ ¥æÕæÎè ·¤æ vz ÂýçÌàæÌ ãñ)
Percentage of Pasmanda Muslims in population of India(They form 85 per cent of the Muslim population)
ÖæÚUÌ ×ð´ Ââ׿´Îæ ×éâÜ׿Ùô´ ·¤è ¥æÕæÎè ·¤æ ÂýçÌàæÌ (Áô ç·¤ ×éâÜ׿Ùô´ ·¤è ·¤éÜ ¥æÕæÎè ·¤æ }z ÂýçÌàæÌ ãñ)
Source: Ansari (2007); Election Commission of India; Registrar General of India âýæðÌ Ñ ¥´âæÚUè (w®®|); ÖæÚUÌèØ çÙßæü¿Ù ¥æØô» ·Ô¤ ¥æ´·¤Ç¸ð, ÚUçÁSÅþæÚU ÁÙÚUÜ ¥æòȤ §´çÇØæ
Muslims in Parliament – A Statistical Profileâ´âÎ ×ð´ ×éâÜ×æÙ Ñ ¥æ´·¤Ç¸ð °·¤ ÙÁÚU ×ð´

Thus, according to this study, of the 7,500 persons elected as
MPs from the first to the fourteenth Lok Sabhas, 400 were Muslims.
And among them, 340 were Ashrafs and only 60 came from
Pasmanda castes. If the percentage of Muslims in total population
of India (Census 2011) is 14.23, then the Ashrafiya population is only
2.13 per cent (which is 15 per cent of Muslim population). Their rep-
resentation in the Lok Sabhas was, however, 4.5 per cent (340/7500),
which is double their percentage in the population. On the other
hand, the representation of Pasmanda Muslims, who form 11.4 per
cent of the total population of India, was only 0.8 per cent. Given
the share of Muslims in the population of India, cumulatively, at
least 1,000 Muslims should have been elected to the Lok Sabha, but
only 400 were. At first glance, it may appear that the Muslims did
not get their due. But a closer analysis would indicate that Ashraf
(Forward) Muslims got twice what was due to them. It is the
Pasmanda (Backward) Muslims who have suffered as they could not
get representation in proportion to their population. In the elections
to the sixteenth Lok Sabha, not a single Muslim candidate has won
from 21 states and six Union territories. Probably, in the history of
Indian democracy, never was the number of Muslim Lok Sabha
members so low. Only 23 Muslim MPs have been elected. This takes
us back to 1957 when also only 23 Muslim MPs were elected. It was
in 1990 that the highest number of Muslims – 49 – was elected to
the Lok Sabha. Not a single Muslim has been elected from Uttar
Pradesh, which sends 80 members to the Lok Sabha. After
Independence, it is the first occasion when no Muslim has been
returned from UP.
These figures suggest that the representation of Muslims is
falling. But if the Muslim MPs are segregated into Forward and
Backward, then a different picture emerges. Of the 23 Muslim
MPs, only one is a Pasmanda; all the rest are Ashrafs. The truth is
that the representation of Backward Muslims, which was already
low, is falling further.
According to Nobel laureate Economist Douglas North, the
foundation of the performance of a society rests on both informal
and formal institutions built by it. These institutions are endoge-
nous, ie the different social, economic, legal and political institu-
tions influence one another. Clearly, democratization of one insti-
tution will lead to democratization of the other institutions.
Now that the sixteenth Lok Sabha is in place and the myth of
Muslim vote bank has been busted, the need of the hour is
democratization of the Muslim community to ensure that all its
classes and castes get representation in its institutions. Also,
Dalits, OBCs, Pasmandas and Bahujans need to forge a common
front. The Muslim politicians and parties have to decide whether
they want all sections of the 18-crore Muslims of the country to
be represented in the political institutions or
whether they intend to perpetuate the hold of the
elite-dominated groups with their communal and
identity-based politics and demands.
§â ¥ŠØØÙ ·Ô¤ ¥ÙéâæÚU, ¥»ÚU ÂãÜè âð Üð·¤ÚU ¿õÎãßè´ Üô·¤âÖæ
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y.z (xy®/|z®®) ÂýçÌàæÌ ãñ Áô ç·¤ ©Ù·¤è ¥æÕæÎè ·Ô¤ ¥ÙéÂæÌ ×ð´
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·¤ÚUÙð ÂÚU ã× Îð¹ð´»ð ç·¤ ¥»Ç¸ð ×éâÜ׿Ùô´ (¥àæÚUæÈ¤) ·¤ô Ìô ©Ù·¤è
¥æÕæÎè ·Ô¤ Îô»éÙð âð Öè ’ØæÎæ Öæ»èÎæÚUè ç×Üè ãñÐ ¥âÜ ×ð´ Ìô çÂÀǸð
(Ââ׿´Îæ) ×éâÜ׿Ùô´ ·¤è çãSâðÎæÚUè ׿ÚUè »§ü ãñÐ
v{ßè´ Üô·¤âÖæ ·Ô¤ ¿éÙæß ×ð´ wv ÚUæ’Øô´ ¥õÚU Àã ·Ô¤´Îý àææçâÌ
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çÁÙ·¤æ ÂãÜð âð ãè ÂýçÌçÙçÏˆß ¥ˆØ´Ì ·¤× ãñÐ
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Øð â´SÍæ°´ ¥æÂâ ×ð´ ¥´ÌÑçß·¤çâÌ Öè ãôÌè ãñ´Ð ¥æàæØ Øã ç·¤,
çßçÖ‹Ù âæ×æçÁ·¤, ¥æçÍü·¤, çßçÏ·¤ ¥õÚU ÚUæÁÙèçÌ·¤ â´SÍæ°´ °·¤
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·¤è ãñ ç·¤ ×éçSÜ× â׿Á ·¤æ Üô·¤Ìæ´ç˜æ·¤ÚU‡æ ç·¤Øæ Áæ° ¥õÚU â×é뾯 ·¤è
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âæÍ ãè, ÎçÜÌ-çÂÀǸæ-Ââ׿´Îæ-ÕãéÁÙ ·¤ô °·¤ÁéÅU ç·¤Øæ Áæ°Ð ¥Õ
×éçSÜ× ÚUæÁÙèçÌ·¤ô´ ¥õÚU ÂæçÅUüØô´ ·¤ô ÌØ ·¤ÚUÙæ ãñ ç·¤ ßð ÚUæÁÙèçÌ·¤
â´SÍæ¥ô´ ×ð´ v} ·¤ÚUôǸ ·¤è ×éçSÜ× ¥æÕæÎè ·Ô¤ ÂýˆØð·¤ ß»ü ·¤è
çãSâðÎæÚUè ¿æãÌð ãñ´ Øæ âæ´ÂýÎæçØ·¤-¥çS×ÌæßæÎè ׿´»ô´ ·Ô¤ âæÍ ÕÙð-
ÕÙæ° ¥çÖÁÙßæÎè-ß¿üSßßæÎè ÉÚUðü ÂÚU ·¤æØ× ÚUãÙæ ¿æãÌð ãñ´Ð
Atif Rabbani works at the Institute of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University ¥æçÌȤ ÚUŽÕæÙè ÁßæãÚUÜæÜ ÙðãL¤ çßçß ·Ô¤ âæ×æçÁ·¤ çß™ææÙ â´SÍæÙ ×ð´ àæôÏÚUÌ ãñ´
17
ȤæòÚUßÇüUUÂýðâ | 2014ÁéÜæ§üU
çßàÜðá‡æ

JULY 2014
|
18
FORWARDPress
INTERVIEW
ike most of us, you too never anticipated that
the BJP would get such a large number of
seats. You had even said in Dhaka…
Definitely. In fact, I was not ready to give more
than 180 seats to the BJP. After polling, I felt
that the figure may go up to 200. But 282, I
never imagined. Even the BJP never hoped to × Üô»ô´ ·¤è ÌÚUã ¥æÂ·¤ô Öè ÖæÁÂæ ·¤ô §ÌÙè âèÅUð´
ç×ÜÙð ·¤æ ¥Ùé×æÙ Ùãè´ ÍæÐ ¥æÂÙð ¿éÙæß ·Ô¤ Âêßü
Éæ·¤æ ×ð´ °ðâæ ·¤ãæ Öè Íæ ...
çÕË·¤éÜ, ÕçË·¤ ×ñ´ Ìô ÖæÁÂæ ·¤ô v}® âèÅUð´ ãè Îð ÚUãæ ÍæÐ
×ÌÎæÙ ãô ÁæÙð ·Ô¤ ÕæÎ ×éÛæð Ü»æ ç·¤ w®® âèÅUð´ ÕèÁðÂè ·¤ô
ç×Üð´»èÐ Üðç·¤Ù w}w ·¤æ ¥Ùé×æÙ Ìô çÙçà¿Ì ãè ×éÛæð Ùãè´
ÍæÐ ¥Ùé×æÙ Ìô ¹éÎ ÕèÁðÂè ·¤ô Öè Ùãè´ ÍæÐ ×ðÚUæ ØæÜ ãñ
L
Congress couldn’t create
OBC and Dalit leadership
·¤æ´»ýðâ ¥ôÕèâè ¥õÚU ÎçÜÌ
ÙðÌëˆß ÂñÎæ Ùãè´ ·¤ÚU â·¤è
ãU
Well-known journalist Kuldip Nayar speaks with FORWARD Press’ Roving Correspondent Sanjiv Chandan
ÂýçâhU ˜淤æÚU ·¤éÜÎè ÙñØÚUâð ȤæÚUßÇü Âýðâ ·Ô¤ ƒæé×´Ìê â´ßæÎÎæÌæ â´Áèß ¿´ÎÙ ·¤è ÕæÌ¿èÌ

19
win that many seats. I believe that the people voted more
against the Congress than for the BJP – because they were dis-
appointed with the Congress. Since the people had no option
except the BJP, so it got a majority. The AAP is just a budding
outfit. Congress did not perform so badly even after the
Emergency. This time, people seemed to be seething with
anger against the Congress – against corruption, skyrocketing
prices and arrogance of being in power. People were boiling
from within. The BJP victory has nothing to do with any
Modi wave.
There were no issues in this election. The level of campaign-
ing was very low.
Yes, that is correct. Neither poverty figured in the campaign,
nor quality education, health and employment. The speeches
of campaigners were quite run-of-the-mill.
According to a CSDS study, this time, the BJP was substan-
tially backed by the EBCs, Dalits and OBCs whereas the par-
ties indulging in politics of identity performed poorly. The
BSP could not get even one seat. Should this be considered a
major shift in politics of identity? Is it on the way to extinc-
tion? Or it is too early to say this?
It is true that the BSP could not even open its account but the
BJP has garnered 282 seats with only 31.2 per cent votes. This
has happened for the first time. The votes of the other parties
got divided. Only those regional parties whose governments
performed well got the people’s backing. Regional parties did
spectacularly in West Bengal, Odisha and Tamil Nadu but
Mulayam Singh Yadav has been nearly wiped out. Nitish
Kumar’s party in Bihar is an exception, whose government did
well but still lost. It will be too early to say that the politics of
identity is on its way out. This time also, caste did play a role,
money did bring in votes; it wasn’t that only religion counted.
Modi is being seen as a potential Hitler. Do you think if Modi
is able to maintain his popularity for the next 10 years, he
would become another Hitler?
I don’t think so. He will not become a Hitler. But he may wellç·¤ ÁÙÌæ Ùð çÁÌÙæ ÕèÁðÂè ·¤ô ßôÅU ç·¤Øæ ãñ, ©ââð ¥æçÏ·¤ ·¤æ´»ýðâ
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Áæ°, Øæ ·¤ãè´ ßã ¹ˆ× Ìô Ùãè´ ãôÙð Áæ ÚUãè ãñ ? Øæ °ðâæ
·¤ãÙæ ÁËÎÕæÁè ãô»è ?
Øã ÁM¤ÚU ãñ ç·¤ ÕâÂæ ·¤æ ¹æÌæ Ùãè´ ¹éÜæ, Üðç·¤Ù ÖæÁÂæ Ùð Öè
×ãÁ xv.w ȤèâÎè ßôÅU Üð·¤ÚU ãè w}w âèÅUð´ ãæçâÜ ·¤è ãñ´Ð °ðâæ
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ßãè Õ¿è ãñ´, çÁ‹ãô´Ùð ·¤æ× ç·¤ØæÐ Âçà¿× Õ´»æÜ, ¥ôçÇàææ ¥õÚU
Ìç×ÜÙæÇé ×ð´ ÿæð˜æèØ ÂæçÅUüØô´ ·¤æ ÂýÎàæüÙ àææÙÎæÚU ÚUãæ, Üðç·¤Ù ×éÜæØ×
çâ´ã ·¤è ÂæÅUèü ·¤æ ֻܻ âÈ¤æØæ ãô »ØæÐ ¥ÂßæÎSßM¤Â çÕãæÚU ×ð´
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·¤æÇü Ùãè´ ¿ÜæÐ
×ôÎè ×ð´ çãÅUÜÚU ·¤è Àçß Îð¹è Áæ ÚUãè ãñ, €UØæ ¥æÂ·¤ô °ðâæ
Ü»Ìæ ãñ ç·¤ v® âæÜô´ Ì·¤ ØçÎ ×ôÎè ·¤è Üô·¤çÂýØÌæ ÕÙè
ÚUãè, Ìô ßð çãÅUÜÚU ·¤è ÚUæã ÂÚU ¿Ü çÙ·¤Üð´»ð ?
×éÛæð °ðâæ Ùãè´ Ü»ÌæÐ ßð çãÅUÜÚU Ìô Ùãè´, ¥ÅUÜçÕãæÚUè ßæÁÂðØè ÁM¤ÚU
ÕÙ Áæ°´»ðÐ çã‹ÎéSÌæÙ ·Ô¤ Üô·¤Ì´˜æ ×ð´ Øã Ìæ·¤Ì ãñÐ ×ôÎè ·¤ô Õãé×Ì
ç×Üæ ãñ, Øã ©‹ãð´ ÕÎÜ Îð»æÐ §â·¤è àæéL¤¥æÌ ©‹ãô´Ùð Âæç·¤SÌæÙ ·Ô¤
ÂýÏæÙ×´˜æè ·¤ô ÕéÜæ·¤ÚU ·¤ÚU Îè ãñÐ Õãé×Ì ·Ô¤ ·¤æÚU‡æ ßð °ðâè çSÍçÌ ×ð´
ȤæòÚUßÇüUUÂýðâ | 2014ÁéÜæ§üU
âæÿææˆ·¤æÚU
KULDIP NAYAR SAYS THE PARTY WAS TOO BUSY
PROMOTING THE GANDHI FAMILY AND COULD NOT
COMPREHEND THE POST-MANDAL SITUATION
·¤æ´»ýð⠻洊æè ÂçÚUßæÚU ·¤è âðßæ ×ð´ ãè Ü»è ÚUãè ¥õÚU ×´ÇÜ ·Ô¤ ÕæÎ
·¤è çSÍçÌØô´ ·¤ô â×Ûæ Ùãè´ â·¤è

20
JULY 2014
|FORWARDPress
INTERVIEW
become an Atal Bihari Vajpayee. The Indian democracy has that
much power. Modi has got a majority. This will force him to
change. He has already made a beginning by inviting Pakistan’s
prime minister to his swearing-in. He can do such things because
he has a majority. Now, he will talk like the PM of India, not like a
BJP leader. I don’t think what the VHP people are saying is correct
– that he will get the temple built or will abrogate Article 370.
There is no doubt that he is a divisive personality. But as the PM,
his personality will change. This is the power of Indian democracy.
Did his divisive personality draw the people towards him?
No. The people were dejected and disappointed due to spiralling
prices, unemployment, etc. They thought a change would improve
the situation on these fronts. People would observe him for the
next six months. And if they feel disappointed, they will form their
own opinions, take their own decisions. The government that was
ruling the country for the last couple of years was a ‘non-govern-
ing’ government. So, if Modi only gives the people governance, if
he gives them only an effective administration, they will be more
than happy.
But at some places, the Hindutvavadis are raising their heads.
Some of their organizations are taking the law into their hands.
I don’t think these people have much influence on Modi. He is
much more influenced by people who believe in governance. For
Modi, Arun Jaitley is more important than Ashok Singhal, ie peo-
ple who are sensible. It also seems that the dividing line between
the RSS and the BJP has blurred to such an extent that it has
almost disappeared. Both are no longer hardliners. Jhandewalan
and Nagpur are now closer. Modi will listen to the RSS bosses.
So, you do not fear a replay of 1975?
No. It will be very difficult to impose Emergency now. Now, the
consent of six states is mandatory. But what I apprehend is that aãñ´ ÖèÐ ßð çã‹ÎéSÌæÙ ·Ô¤ ÂýÏæÙ×´˜æè ·¤è ÌÚUã ÕæÌ ·¤ÚÔ´U»ð, ÕèÁðÂè
·Ô¤ ÙðÌæ ·¤è ÌÚUã Ùãè´Ð ×éÛæð Ùãè´ Ü»Ìæ, Áñâæ ç·¤ çßçãÂ ßæÜð
·¤ã ÚUãð ãñ´, ç·¤ ßð ×´çÎÚU ÕÙæ°´»ð, Øæ x|® ·¤ô ãÅUæ Îð´»ðÐ ×ôÎè
°·¤ çßÖæÁÙ·¤æÚUè ÃØçQ¤ˆß ãñ´ Üðç·¤Ù ÂýÏæÙ×´˜æè ·Ô¤ ÌõÚU ÂÚU
©â·¤æ Øã ÃØçQ¤ˆß ÕÎÜ Áæ°»æ, Øãè ÖæÚUÌèØ Üô·¤Ì´˜æ ·¤è
Ìæ·¤Ì ãñÐ
Ìô €UØæ Üô»ô´ ·¤ô §â çßÖæÁÙ·¤æÚUè ÃØç€Ìˆß ×ð´ ¥æàææ
çιè ?
Ùãè´Ð Üô»ô´ ·¤ô çÙÚUæàææ Íè ÕðÚUôÁ»æÚUè âð, ×ã´»æ§ü âðÐ ©‹ãð´ Ü»æ
ç·¤ ÕÎÜæß âð ©â ÂÚU çÙØ´˜æ‡æ ãô»æÐ ¥»Üð Àã ×ãèÙð Ì·¤
??? ????? ??? ????? ????? ?? ????? ???U??? ???U?? ????
âæÜô´ âð Áô âÚU·¤æÚU Íè, ßã ÒÙæÙ »ßÚUÙð´âÓ ·¤è âÚU·¤æÚU ÍèÐ
çâÈü¤ ÂýàææâÙ ãè Îð Îð´, »ßÚUÙð´â ãè Îð Îð´, Ìô Öè Üô» ¹éàæ ãô
Áæ°´»ðÐ
Üðç·¤Ù ·¤éÀ Á»ãô´ ÂÚU çã‹Îéˆß ·¤æ ÂýÖæß çιÙð Ü»æ ãñ,
©â·Ô¤ ¥Ü»-¥Ü» â´»ÆÙ ·¤æÙêÙ ãæÍ ×ð´ Üð ÚUãð ãñ´...
×éÛæð Ü»Ìæ ãñ ç·¤ ©Ù Üô»ô´ ·¤æ ©ÌÙæ ÂýÖæß ×ôÎè ÂÚU Ùãè´ ãñ,
çÁÌÙæ ç·¤ ßñâð Üô»ô´ ·¤æ, Áô ÂýàææâÙ ×ð´ Ø·¤èÙ ÚU¹Ìð ãñ´Ð ×ôÎè
ÂÚU ¥àæô·¤ çâ´ƒæÜ âð ’ØæÎæ ¥L¤‡æ ÁðÅUÜè ·¤æ ÂýÖæß ãñ, ØæÙè
©Ù Üô»ô´ ·¤æ, Áô âð´çâÕÜ (â×ÛæÎæÚ)UU ãñ´Ð ×éÛæð Øã Öè Ü»Ìæ
ãñ ç·¤ ¥æÚU°â°â ¥õÚU ÕèÁðÂè, ÎôÙô´ ×ð´ ¥Õ ¹æâ Ȥ·ü¤ Ùãè´
ÚUã »Øæ ãñÐ ÎôÙô´ ãè ãUæÇüUÜæ§UÙÚU Ùãè´ ÚUã »° ãñ´Ð Ûæ´ÇðßæÜæÙ ¥õÚU
Ùæ»ÂéÚU ·¤æ ȤæâÜæ ·¤× ã饿 ãñÐ ¥æÚU°â°â ·Ô¤ ÕǸð Üô»ô´ ·¤è
ÕæÌð´ ×ôÎè ׿Ùð´»ðÐ
Ìô ¥æÂ v~|z ·¤è çSÍçÌØæ´ Ùãè´ Îð¹Ìð ?
Ùãè´Ð °·¤ Ìô ßñâð Öè ¥Õ §×ÚUÁð´âè Ü»æÙè ×éçà·¤Ü ãñÐ ¥Õ
Àã ÚUæ’Øô´ ·¤è âã×çÌ ÜðÙè ãôÌè ãñÐ Üðç·¤Ù ×éÛæð Áô ÇÚU ãñ, ßã
ãñ ÚUæCþÂçÌ Âý‡ææÜè ·¤è àææâÙ ÃØßSÍæ ·¤æÐ âÚU·¤æÚU ×ð´ ×ôÎè ·¤æ
ß¿üSß ÚUãð»æÐ ßñâð Öè, ×ôÎè Ùð ¿éÙæß Âý¿æÚU ÚUæCþÂçÌ Âý‡ææÜè ·¤è
ÌÁü ÂÚU ãè ç·¤Øæ ãñÐ ×ôÎè çâ´»Ü Œßæ§´ÅU ¥æòȤ Ȥô·¤â ãô
Áæ°´»ðÐ
©Ù Üô»ô´ ·¤æ ©ÌÙæ ÂýÖæß ×ôÎè ÂÚU Ùãè´ ãñ, çÁÌÙæ ç·¤ ßñâð Üô»ô´ ·¤æ, Áô ÂýàææâÙ ×ð´ Ø·¤èÙ ÚU¹Ìð ãñ´Ð
×ôÎè ÂÚU ¥àæô·¤ çâ´ƒæÜ âð ’ØæÎæ ¥L¤‡æ ÁðÅUÜè ·¤æ ÂýÖæß ãñ, ØæÙè ©Ù Üô»ô´ ·¤æ, Áô âð´çâÕÜ (â×ÛæÎæÚ)U
ãñ´Ð ×éÛæð Øã Öè Ü»Ìæ ãñ ç·¤ ¥æÚU°â°â ¥õÚU ÕèÁðÂè, ÎôÙô´ ×ð´ ¥Õ ¹æâ Ȥ·ü¤ Ùãè´ ÚUã »Øæ ãñÐ ÎôÙô´ ãè
ãUæÇüUÜæ§UÙÚUU Ùãè´ ÚUã »° ãñ´Ð Ûæ´ÇðßæÜæÙ ¥õÚU Ùæ»ÂéÚU ·¤æ ȤæâÜæ ·¤× ã饿 ãñ
Modi is much more influenced by the people who believe in governance. For Modi,
Arun Jaitley is more important than Ashok Singhal, i.e. people who are sensible. It
also seems that the dividing line between the RSS and the BJP has blurred to such an
extent that it has almost disappeared. Both are no longer hardliners. Jhandewalan
and Nagpur are now closer

21
ȤæòÚUßÇüUUÂýðâ | 2014ÁéÜæ§üU
âæÿææˆ·¤æÚU
presidential form of government may be ushered in. Modi will dominate
the government. The election campaign was also styled on the presiden-
tial form of government. Modi may become the be-all and end-all of the
government.
Aam Admi Party is inching towards its demise.
Yes. Initially, it had aroused a lot of hopes. People thought its politics
would be radically different. That is why they backed it, rising above the
considerations of religion and caste. Then Anna broke away. This made a
difference. However, the biggest disappointment was that its new leader-
ship was no different from the leadership of other parties. There is no
internal democracy in the party. Its revival is difficult, though rejuvena-
tion seems possible. The only option now left is the Congress. And
Congress means family politics. No one from outside the family is
allowed to take the lead. I fear that if the Congress and the BJP remain
the only alternatives, a two-party system would come into being. We
need other alternatives.
Can identity-based politics become the alternative? And what future do
you see for popular resistance manifesting itself through the Maoists?
Yes, regional parties can emerge as an alternative. As for the Maoists,
their influence is limited. Unless they enter parliamentary electoral sys-
tem, they cannot be a serious alternative. The Maoists will be the prime
targets of this government. Maoists have many sympathizers among the
urban intelligentsia. Subramaniam Swamy is Modi’s man. He even
brands AAP as Maoist. But I don’t think Modi will target these intellectu-
als living in the cities. This is a form of repression and is not needed
either. These intellectuals, in any case, are not very influential.
One last question. OBC leadership was not allowed to emerge in the
Congress. Neither did the party touch upon the issues which are of con-
cern to the OBCs. That is why it had to remain content with 43 seats. On
the other hand, BJP encouraged its OBC leaders.
Yes, the Congress did not address them. It did not identify their issues, it
did not associate itself with them. It was too busy promoting the family.
The Congress could not comprehend the post-Mandal situation. It could
not create credible OBC and Dalit leadership in the states.

¥æ× ¥æÎ×è ÂæÅUèü €UØæ ¥ßâæÙ ·¤è
¥ôÚU Áæ ÚUãè ãñ ?
??, ???M? ?? ?? ???? ????? ??, ????? ???
Ü»æ Øã ãÅU·¤ÚU ÚUæÁÙèçÌ ·¤ÚUð»è, §âçܰ ßð
ÁæçÌ-Ï×ü â𠪤ÂÚU ©Æ·¤ÚU ©â·Ô¤ âæÍ
¥æ°Ð çȤÚU ¥‹Ùæ ¥Ü» ãô »°, ©ââð
Ȥ·¤ü ÂÇ¸æ ¥õÚU ©ââð Öè ’ØæÎæ §â ÕæÌ âð
Ȥ·ü¤ ÂǸæ ç·¤ Áô §â·¤æ ÙØæ ÙðÌëˆß ¥æØæ,
ßã ÎêâÚUô´ âð ¥Ü» Ùãè´ Íæ, ÂæÅUèü ×ð´
¥æ´ÌçÚU·¤ Üô·¤Ì´˜æ Öè Ùãè´ ãñÐ §â ÂæÅUèü ·¤æ
¥Õ ÂéÙÑ ÂýÖæßè ãôÙæ ×éçà·¤Ü ãñÐ ãUæ´,
ÂéÙÁü‹× ãô â·¤Ìæ ãñÐ Ùãè´ Ìô çß·¤ËÂ
·¤æ´»ýðâ ãè ÚUã Áæ°»è ¥õÚU ·¤æ´»ýðâ ·¤æ
×ÌÜÕ ãñ Òß´àæßæÎÓÐ ßð ç·¤âè ÎêâÚUð ·¤æ
Ùæ× ¥æ»ð ¥æÙð ãè Ùãè´ ÎðÌð ãñ´Ð ×éÛæð ÇÚU ãñ
ç·¤ °·¤-ÎêâÚUð ·¤æ çß·¤Ë ØçÎ ·¤æ´»ýðâ ¥õÚU
ÖæÁÂæ ãè ÚUãð´»ð, Ìô Îô ÎÜèØ ÃØßSÍæ ÕÙ
Áæ°»èÐ ·¤ô§ü Ù ·¤ô§ü ¥õÚU çß·¤Ë ¿æçã°Ð
Ìô €UØæ ¥çS×Ìæ ·¤è ÚUæÁÙèçÌ °·¤
çß·¤Ë Ùãè´ ÕÙ â·¤Ìè ? ¥õÚU
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׿¥ôßæÎ ·Ô¤ ÁçÚU° Áô ÁÙâ´ƒæáü ãñ,
©âð ?
ãæ´, ÿæð˜æèØ ÂæçÅUüØæ´ çß·¤Ë ÕÙè ÚUã â·¤Ìè
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׿¥ôßæÎè â´âÎèØ ¿éÙæß Âý‡ææÜè ×ð´ Ùãè´
¥æ°´»ð ßð ·¤ô§ü ÕǸæ çß·¤Ë Ùãè´ Îð â·¤ÌðÐ
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âéÕýׇØ× Sßæ×è, ×ôÎè ·Ô¤ ãè ¥æÎ×è ãñ´Ð
ßð Ìô ¥æ× ¥æÎ×è ÂæÅUèü ·¤ô Öè ׿¥ôßæÎè
·¤ãÌð ãñ´Ð Üðç·¤Ù ×éÛæð Ùãè´ Ü»Ìæ ç·¤ ×ôÎè
àæãÚUô´ ·Ô¤ §Ù ÕéçhÁèçߨô´ ·¤ô ¥Öè çÙàææÙæ
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Öè ·¤ãæ´ ãñÐ
°·¤ ¥´çÌ× âßæÜ ç·¤ ·¤æ´»ýðâ Ùð Ù Ìô
¥ôÕèâè ÙðÌëˆß ÂñÎæ ç·¤Øæ, Ù ©Ù·Ô¤
×éÎ÷Îð Àé°, çÁâ·Ô¤ ·¤æÚU‡æ ßã yx ÂÚU
çâ×ÅU »§üU, ÁÕç·¤ ÖæÁÂæ Ùð ¥ôÕèâè
ÙðÌæ¥ô´ ·¤ô Õɸæßæ çÎØæ...
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ÎçÜÌ ÙðÌëˆß ÂñÎæ Ùãè´ ·¤ÚU â·Ô¤Ð €
The Congress did not address the OBCs. It did not
identify their issues, it did not associate itself with them.
It was too busy promoting the family. It could not create
credible OBC and Dalit leadership in the states
·¤æ´»ýðâ Ùð §‹ãð´ â´ÕôçÏÌ Ùãè´ ç·¤Øæ, §Ù·Ô¤ ×éÎ÷Îæð´ ·¤è Âã¿æÙ
Ùãè´ ·¤è, ©Ùâð ÁéǸè Ùãè´, ß´àæßæÎ ×ð´ çâ×ÅUè ÚUãè çÁâ·Ô¤ ·¤æÚU‡æ
Öè ©â·¤æ Øã ãUâý ã饿 ãñÐ ßð ÚUæ’Øô´ ×ð´ çßàßâÙèØ ¥ôÕèâè ¥õÚU
ÎçÜÌ ÙðÌëˆß ÂñÎæ Ùãè´ ·¤ÚU â·Ô¤

ASHISH KUMAR 'ANSHU'
t was only a coincidence that within days of Ashok Kumar
Bhagwan Bhai Parmar's photograph being published in
FORWARD Press showing him as a Gujarat 2002 rioter, I
met him in March at a book release function organized by
the CPM in Tiruchirappalli. There, too, he was
introduced as a rioter. FP used Parmar's photograph with
John Dayal’s story, ‘Manifesto from the margins’ in its
March 2014 issue, but his photograph has been carried by
many other publications for years. This can be explained
as the outcome of the bias of a certain community which
dominates the media. But FP also falling into the same
trap is a matter of concern.
I
¥æàæèá ·¤é׿ÚU ¥´àæé
ã â´Øô» ãè Íæ ç·¤ È æÚUßÇü Âýðâ ×ð´ ¥àæô·¤ ·¤é׿ÚU
Ö»ßæÙ Öæ§ü ÂÚU׿ÚU ·¤è ÌSßèÚU »éÁÚUæÌ w®®w ·Ô¤ 믑§ü
·Ô¤ ÌõÚU ÂÚU ÀÂÙð ·Ô¤ ·¤éÀ çÎÙô´ ÕæÎ ·Ô¤ÚUÜ ·Ô¤ çÌL¤¿è ×ð´
âèÂè°× ·Ô¤ ×´¿ âð °·¤ ç·¤ÌæÕ ·Ô¤ Üô·¤æÂü‡æ ·Ô¤ ÎõÚUæÙ
¥àæô·¤ âð ×ðÚUè ×éÜæ·¤æÌ ãô »§üUÐ ßãæ´ Öè ©Ù·¤æ ÂçÚU¿Ø
믑§ü ·Ô¤ M¤Â ×ð´ çÎØæ »ØæÐ ßñâð È æÚUßÇü Âýðâ ·Ô¤ ׿¿ü
w®vy ¥´·¤ ×ð´ ¥àæô·¤ ·¤é׿ÚU ·¤è ÌSßèÚU ÁæòÙ ÎØæÜ
·Ô¤ Üð¹ ÒãUæçàæ° âð ƒæôá‡ææÂ˜æÓ ·Ô¤ âæÍ §SÌð×æÜ ãé§ü Íè
Üðç·¤Ù ©Ù·¤è ÌSßèÚU ÎêâÚUè ˜æ-Âç˜æ·¤æ¥ô´ ×ð´ Öè ÀÂÌè
ÚUãè ãñÐ àææØÎ §âð °·¤ â×é뾯 ·¤æ çÁâ·¤æ ×èçÇØæ ÂÚU
¥æçÏÂˆØ ãñ Âêßæü»ýã â×Ûææ Áæ â·¤Ìæ ãñ Üðç·¤Ù §â
ÁæÜ ×ð´ ÁÕ È æÚUßÇü Âýðâ Öè ¥æ »§ü Ìô ç¿ç‹ÌÌ ãôÙæ
ÜæçÁ×è ãñÐ
Ø
Truth behind ‘Hindutva’
photo-face of Gujarat 2002
»éÁÚUæÌ w®®w ·Ô¤ çãU‹Îéˆß
¿ðãÚUð ·Ô¤ ÂèÀð ·¤æ â¿
JULY 2014
|
22
FORWARDPress
EXCLUSIVE

XX
ȤæòÚUßÇüUUÂýðâ | 2014
23
ÁéÜæ§üU
°€Uâ€UÜêçâß
In fact, Parmar’s only fault was that he agreed to pose for a well-
known photojournalist Sebastian D’Souza but that act has been
misinterpreted time and again, most recently, in the press release-
based stories, carried by the newspapers, on Kutubuddin's book
release function. To begin with, he was referred to as Ashok Mocchi. It
is not difficult to guess the mindset of those who found this new name
for him. The newspaper articles seemed to suggest this was the first
meeting of Parmar and Kutubuddin (whose photograph, showing him
begging for his life with tearful eyes and folded hands after the Godhra
incident, was widely used by the media). They sought to create an
impression that Parmar regretted the heinous crimes he had
committed during the Gujarat riots. The journalists should be asked
whether Ashok had admitted to any crime during the riots. Has he
accepted that he was involved in arson and murders? If not, then what
is he apologizing for? Does he represent the communal Hindus of
Gujarat? Does he occupy any important position in the Gujarat
government?
Parmar and Kutubuddin did not meet for the first time in
Tiruchirappalli. Their first meeting was for Rakesh Sharma’s
documentary Final Solution. Thereafter, Kutubuddin has visited
Parmar’s shop more than once. They have been friends for several
years now. But the newspapers insisted that they had met for the first
time in Tiruchirappalli.
Without batting an eyelid, the newspapers described Parmar as a
member of the Bajrang Dal. The truth is that Parmar is a follower of
Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar; he shares Babasaheb’s belief that the
values of liberty, equality and fraternity are the bases of good
governance.
Some time ago, when I was in Ahmedabad, I happened to meet
Ashok. He has been repairing and polishing shoes at Shahpur Road
shop for the last 20 years. He lives in a chawl. He doesn’t carry a mobile.
Following a dispute with his brother over property, he left his family
house. He could have taken his brother to court, but he did not like the
idea.
In 2002, the year of the riots, he used to sleep on the pavement, a few
metres away from his small shop, and had his meals at a nearby hotel.
He had fallen in love once in his life. It didn’t work out and thereafter
the idea of marriage did not occur to him. One reason for not marrying
was also his economic condition. “If I would bring a girl to my home,
she would come with her dreams. I don't have the capacity to fulfil her
dreams. So, why get married and make somebody’s life hell?” ßæSÌß ×ð´ ¥àæô·¤ ·¤æ ·¤âêÚU çâÈü §ÌÙæ Íæ ç·¤ ßã °·¤
ÕǸð È ôÅUô ˜淤æÚU âŽâÅUèÙ çÇâêÁæ ·¤ô ÂôÁ ÎðÙð ·¤ô ÌñØæÚU
ãô »Øæ Íæ ¥õÚU ©âð §â·¤æ ¹æçרæÁæ ÕæÚU-ÕæÚU Ü»æÌæÚU
Öé»ÌÙæ ÂǸæÐ ¥Öè ãæÜ ×ð´ ·¤éÌÕéÎ÷ÎèÙ ÂÚU ¥æ§ü ç·¤ÌæÕ ·Ô¤
Üô·¤æÂü‡æ ·Ô¤ ÕæÎ ¥¹ÕæÚUô´ ×ð´ ÀÂè Âýðâ çÚUÜèÁ âð ÌñØæÚU
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Ü»æÐ
ASHOK KUMAR BHAGWAN BHAI PARMAR’S NEIGHBOURS KNOW HE
WASN’T ONE OF THE ‘ANGRY HINDU’ RIOTERS, BUT UNQUESTIONING
JOURNALISTS HAVE CONVINCED THE WORLD HE WAS
¥àæô·¤ ·¤é׿ÚU Ö»ßæÙ Öæ§ü ÂÚU׿ÚU ·Ô¤ ÂǸæðâè ÁæÙÌð ãñ´ ç·¤ ßð »éSâð ×ð´ ©ÕÜ
ÚUãð çã‹Îê 믑§ü Ùãè´ Íð ÂÚU´Ìé ¿èÁæð´ ·¤è Ìã ×ð´ Ùæ ÁæÙð ·Ô¤ ¥æÎè ˜淤æÚUô´ Ùð ÂêÚUè
ÎéçÙØæ ×ð´ ©Ù·¤è Øã Àçß ÕÙæ Îè

JULY 2014
|
24
FORWARDPress
EXCLUSIVE
Everyone in the Muslim neighbourhoods near
Shahpur Road knew Parmar. Even today, they are
his customers. For the media, though, he was
some top functionary of the Bajrang Dal, and
those who did not know him began hating him
because of his photograph. Two to three months
after the riot, a group of unknown masked men
made a murderous assault on him. He preferred
not to file a case. He says, “The assailants perhaps
thought that I had slain many Muslims in the
riots. I know that when they come to know of the
truth, they will repent for what they did.”
Parmar adds: “I have never been associated
with the Bajrang Dal or the BJP, nor do I have
relatives or friends who are in the Bajrang Dal or
the BJP … During the riots, when I realized the
rioters wouldn’t spare my Muslim neighbours, I
helped them – some five families – escape to their
relatives’ homes where they would be safer.”
I asked Parmar about how he ended up in the
photograph. After the Godhra incident, Gujarat
was boiling with anger. Ahmedabad was no
exception. Reports of arson and damage to shops
were coming in but no one could foresee the
violence taking such a horrific turn.
Parmar’s picture was taken a day after the
Godhra incident. The VHP had called for a total
shutdown on that day. He read about it in the
newspapers and decided not to open his shop. He
was sitting in the garage of Nazeer bhai, his neigh-
bour. The situation started deteriorating around
10am. Attacks on shops began. While Parmar was
sitting in the garage of Nazeer, a mob surrounded
him too. He pleaded with the mob, convincing
them with great difficulty that he was a Hindu.
Due to his overgrown beard, Parmar realized he
could pass for a Muslim, so he decided to tie a saf-
fron scarf on his head to save himself. By 11.30,
the mobs had turned vicious and he decided to
rush towards his chawl and take shelter there.
As Parmar was negotiating his way through the
mayhem, the eyes of AFP photojournalist Sebast-
ian D’Souza fell on him. D’Souza, who would go
on to join Mumbai Mirror and take that famous
photograph of Ajmal Kasab, asked Parmar, “What
is your reaction to what happened in Godhra?”
Parmar said that what happened in Godhra was
wrong but what the people were doing then was
also not right. He added that Islam did not teach
what Muslims did in Godhra and Hinduism did
not teach what Hindus were doing in
Ahmedabad.
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â×ÛææÐ
Without batting an eyelid, the newspapers described
Parmar as a member of the Bajrang Dal. The truth is that
Parmar is a follower of Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar; he
shares Babasaheb's belief that the values of liberty, equality
and fraternity are the bases of good governance
¥¹ÕæÚUô´ Ùð ŠæÇ¸ËÜð âð ¥àæô·¤ ·¤ô ÕÁÚU´» ÎÜ ·¤æ âÎSØ ÕÌæØæÐ
??緤 ⏿?? ?? ?? 緤 ?????? ????????? ????U?? ????Ƿ??U ???
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©â·¤æ »ãÚUæ Ø·¤èÙ ãñ

25°€Uâ€UÜêçâß
ȤæòÚUßÇüUUÂýðâ | 2014ÁéÜæ§üU
D'Souza probably intended to capture the anger of
the Hindus over Godhra. “He wanted to take my
photograph from a distance, so I asked him to take a
close-up instead,” Parmar recalls. “I told him I’d show
him how angry I was.” That is how he ended up in the
photograph, with a saffron scarf tied around his
forehead and brandishing a stick he had picked up from
the street. The saffron scarf that he had found in his
uncle’s shop was meant to protect himself and the stick
to shoo away the Hindus who had come to attack his
Muslim neighbours.
The world over, though, he became the symbol of a
blood-thirsty avenger. ““I am a human being. I cannot
see anyone being killed or hurt. But I have been made a
villain all over the world. I have been pronounced guilty
of a crime I never committed,” Parmar says. “You need
not believe what I am saying. Just go and talk to people in
the Muslim localities around here and you will realize
the truth.” Ashok says that had he known that the riots
would lead to such bloodshed, he would not have
allowed his picture to be taken. “The situation was not
that grim in the afternoon of February 22 when my
picture was taken. I had no inkling of what would unfold
in the days to come,” he says. For the last 12 years,
Parmar is being punished for a crime for which no court
has held him guilty. It is time the world knows the truth
behind the ‘Hinduvta’ face of the Gujarat 2002 riots.
ÖèǸ âð çÙ·¤ÜÌð ãé° °°È Âè ·Ô¤ Âýçâh È ôÅUô ˜淤æÚU âŽâÅUèÙ çÇâêÁæ
·¤è ÙÁÚU ¥àæô·¤ ÂÚU »§üÐ âŽâÅUèÙ ÕæÎ ×ð´ Ò×é´Õ§ü ç×ÚUÚUÓ ×ð´ ·¤æ× ·¤ÚUÙð Ü»ð
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çâÚU ßã »éÙæã çܹ çÎØæ »Øæ Áô ×ñ´Ùð ç·¤Øæ ãè Ùãè´ÐÓ ßð ·¤ãÌð ãñ´, Ò×éÛæ ÂÚU
Ø·¤èÙ ·¤ÚUÙð ·¤è ÁM¤ÚUÌ Ùãè´ ãñÐ ¥æÂ ¥æâÂæâ ·Ô¤ ×éçSÜ× ×æðãUËÜð ×ð´ Áæ·¤ÚU
ÕæÌ ·¤èçÁ°Ð ¥æÂ·¤ô §â ÕæÌ ·¤è ÁæÙ·¤æÚUè ãô Áæ°»èÐÓ ¥àæô·¤ Ùð ·¤ãæ ç·¤
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âר ©‹ãð´ ¥´ÎæÁæ Íæ ç·¤ §ÌÙæ ¹êÙ-¹ÚUæÕæ ãô»æÐ
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çÁâ·Ô¤ çܰ ©‹ãð´ ç·¤âè ‹ØæØæÜØ Ùð Îôáè Ùãè´ ÆãÚUæØæÐ ¥Õ
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¿ðãÚUð ·¤æ â¿ ÎéçÙØæ ÁæÙðÐ
Ashish Kumar Anshu, a correspondent of bilingual magazine Sopan,
published from Delhi, is known for his investigative journalism. He has
brought many untold stories in the public domain through social media
çÎËÜè âð Âý·¤æçàæÌ çmÖæáè Âç˜æ·¤æ ÒâôÂæÙÓ ·Ô¤ Øéßæ â´ßæÎÎæÌæ ¥æàæèá ·¤é׿ÚU ¥´àæé ¹ôÁè
˜淤æçÚUÌæ ·Ô¤ çܰ ÁæÙð ÁæÌð ãñ´Ð ©‹ãð´ âôàæÜ ×èçÇØæ ·Ô¤ ×æŠØ× âð Öè ¥Ùð·¤ ¥Ù·¤ãè
â‘¿æ§Øô´ ·¤ô âæ×Ùð ÜæÙð ·¤æ ŸæðØ ÂýæŒÌ ãñ
“I have never been associated with the Bajrang Dal or the BJP, nor do I
have relatives or friends who are in the Bajrang Dal or the BJP …
During the riots, when I realized the rioters wouldn’t spare my Muslim
neighbours, I helped them – some five families – escape to their
relatives’ homes where they would be safer”
ÂÚU׿ÚU ·¤ãÌð ãñ´, ×éÛæð Ù Ìô ÕÁÚU´» ÎÜ âð ×ÌÜÕ ãñ ¥õÚU Ùæ ÖæÁÂæ âð ¥õÚU Ùæ
ãè ·¤Öè ÍæÐ ×ðÚUæ °·¤ Öè ÎôSÌ Øæ çÚUàÌðÎæÚU ÕÁÚU´» ÎÜ Øæ ÖæÁÂæ ×ð´ Ùãè´ ãñUÐ
δ»ô´ ·Ô¤ ÎõÚUæÙ ÁÕ ×éÛæð Ü»æ ç·¤ ×ðÚUð ×éâÜ×æÙ ÂǸôâè ¹ÌÚUð ×ð´ ãñ´ Ìô ×ñ´Ùð
©Ù·¤è ×ÎÎ ·¤èÐ ×ñ´Ùð Âæ´¿ ÂçÚUßæÚUô´ ·¤ô ©Ù·Ô¤ çÚUàÌðÎæÚUô´ ·Ô¤ ƒæÚU Âãé´U¿æÙð ×ð´ ×ÎÎ
·¤è ÁãUæ´ ßð ’ØæÎæ âéÚUçÿæÌ Íð

JULY 2014
|
26
FORWARDPress
UTTAR
PRADESH
Long way to go
for justice
§´âæÈ ·¤è Ü´Õè ÚUæã
SANJEEV SIROHI
estern UP is ruled by criminals, I told my aunt
from Pune. “Didn’t you see how people were
butchered in Muzaffarnagar and brought a bad
name to the entire nation?” I asked her. Yet,
alas, western UP has no High Court Bench!
Successive governments since Independence
have justified setting up a High Court in eastern
UP and a single Bench at Lucknow, just 150km
away from Allahabad. The government set up
one more Bench of Mumbai High Court in
Aurangabad, acting quickly on the recommen-
dations of the Justice Jaswant Singh Committee
even though there were Benches already in
Nagpur and Panaji but it didn’t approve even a
single Bench for UP despite the committee rec-
ommending three or more Benches. The gov-
ernment has approved High Courts even for
very small States like Sikkim which has just 50
pending cases but not a single one for western
UP which accounts for more than half of 14
lakh pending cases of the state.
W
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Â
WESTERN UTTAR PRADESH ACCOUNTS FOR MORE THAN HALF OF THE
STATE’S 14 LAKH PENDING CASES. CRIME IS RIFE HERE. YET, THE
CLOSEST HIGH COURT BENCH FROM HERE IS IN FARAWAY ALLAHABAD
ÚUæ’Ø ×ð´ Ü´çÕÌ vy Üæ¹ ×é·¤Î×ô´ ×ð´ âð ¥æÏð âð ¥çÏ·¤ Âçà¿×è ©žæÚUÂýÎðàæ âð
â´Õ´çÏÌ ãñ´Ð §â ÿæð˜æ ×ð´ ¥ÂÚUæÏ ÎÚU Öè ’ØæÎæ ãñÐ §â·Ô¤ ÕæßÁêÎ Øãæ´ âð âÕâð
ÙÁÎè·¤ ãæ§ü·¤ôÅUü ÂèÆ ÎêÚUSÍ §ÜæãæÕæÎ ×ð´ ãñ

27
ȤæòÚUßÇüUUÂýðâ | 2014ÁéÜæ§üU
©UžæÚU
ÂýÎðàæ
Even Pakistan’s Lahore High Court is nearer to western UP, as
also eight High Courts of other states and their Benches, as
compared to its own Allahabad High Court; the people of West
UP’s 22 districts have to travel 700 -750 km on average to attend
the hearings in Allahabad. But the government has turned a
blind eye.
The lawyers of western UP have been going on strike every
Saturday for decades demanding a Bench for the region but the
Centre is yet to concede. It was in 1955 that Dr Sampoornanand
recommended a High Court Bench in Meerut. More than 14
Chief Ministers, including ND Tiwari and Mayawati, asked for a
Bench in western UP. But the Centre refused to budge. My
learned friend and advocate in Allahabad High Court Anuj Garg
was right when he said, “People wrongly blame Allahabad High
Court for having maximum pending cases and castigate the
lawyers practising here unfairly. What they don't understand is
that it is not the lawyers who are to be blamed. It is because the
High Court, despite having the maximum pending cases, has
the least number of Benches and has more than half of judges’
seats lying vacant.”
Still, the 230th report of Law Commission envisages the
establishment of only two more High Court Benches for
Karnataka and forbids even a single more Bench for UP. "Only
by the creation of a Bench of the High Court in western UP will
the people be able to secure justice," said Chairman of Supreme
Court Bar Association and eminent lawyer Krishna Mani, but
the Centre failed to take note, even though according to the for-
mer attorney general and legal luminary Soli Sorabjee, “the
Centre without any recommendation from the state’s chief min-
ister or the High Court chief justice is empowered to set up a
High Court Bench in western UP”.

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·¤ÚUÙð ·¤æ ¥çÏ·¤æÚU ãñÐÓ €

MANOJ KUMAR JHA
ne incident is etched on my mind. It was the Durga Puja
of 2002. My sister and one of her friends Swati had gone
to see the puja. Now, of course, all sorts of things are
available in markets close to the villages but that was a
period of transition. The flow of consumer goods into
rural markets had just begun and fairs, both religious
and others, were favourite haunts of those who wanted
to acquire something new for themselves. For every, say,
five household goods, at least one decorative item or a
toy for children was also bought. And that apparently
useless buy was welcomed by everyone in the house –
from the young to the old. Today, all sorts of bright,
colourful and attractive things are available at the
neighbourhood shop in every village.
O
×ÙôÁ ·¤é׿ÚU Ûææ
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ÌÚUã-ÌÚUã ·¤è ¿èÁð´ ç×Ü ÁæÌè ãñ´ ×»ÚU ßã â´çÏ·¤æÜ
Íæ ÁÕ ¿èÁð´ ¥æÙè àæéM¤ ãè ãé§ü Íè´ ¥õÚU Üô» Ü·¤Î·¤-
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°·¤ âæ×æÙ âÁæßÅU ·¤æ Øæ Õ‘¿ô´ ·Ô¤ ¹ðÜÙð ·¤æ Öè
ãôÌæ Íæ, çÁâð Îð¹·¤ÚU ƒæÚU ·¤è ßëhæ Öè Âýâ‹Ù ãô ÁæÌè
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â
Consumerism
and Bahujans
©UÂÖæð€ÌæßæÎ ¥õÚU ÕãéÁÙ
JULY 2014
|
28
FORWARDPress
SOCIETY

The entire village believed that if Nathuni Mallah ate
fragrant rice, he would vomit. We children did not
even realize how and why we started teasing him,
saying “Mahakaua chawal, Nathuni bhagal [Nathuni
ran away when he saw fragrant rice]”
ÙÍéÙè ×ËÜæãU ·Ô¤ ÕæÚUð ×ð´ ÂêÚUð »æ´ß ×ð´ Âý¿çÜÌ Íæ ç·¤ ©‹ãð´
âé»´çÏÌ ¿æßÜ ¹æÙð ÂÚU ©UËÅUè ãô ÁæÌè ãñ ¥õÚU ÂÌæ Ùãè´ ·¤Õ
ã× Õ‘¿ð Öè Ò×ã·¤õ¥æ ¿æßÜ, ÙÍéÙè Öæ»ÜÓ (âé»´çÏÌ ¿æßÜ
Îð¹·¤ÚU ÙÍéÙè Öæ» »Øæ) ·¤ã-·¤ã ·¤ÚU ©âð ç¿É¸æÙð ×ð´
àææç×Ü ãô »°
XX
ȤæòÚUßÇüUUÂýðâ | 2014
29
ÁéÜæ§üU
â׿Á
Be that as it may, my sister and her friend were enjoying the fair
when suddenly my sister’s eyes fell on Mahalaxmi of Mushar Toli.
She was shocked beyond words to discover that Mahalaxmi was
wearing exactly the same sari as her. That was more than my sister
could take. She abandoned her mela visit midway and came back
home. And she tells me that she never wore that sari again.
This breaking down of the caste and economic barriers vis-à-
vis consumer goods left Swati dumbfounded. On the one hand,
there was the unwritten rule that people of certain castes could
not visit some homes wearing footwear. On the other, there was
the situation that a Chandeshwar Mishra could forcibly ‘buy’ a
pair of handsome bullocks tied outside the home of a person of
any caste.
In folk life, there exists an elaborate set of dos and don’ts regard-
ing consumption, based on the socio-economic status of the per-
son concerned, which are deeply entwined with its songs, myths,
symbols, imagery, idioms, metaphors, philosophy and way of
thinking – so much so that it is impossible to clearly identify them.
The entire village believed that if Nathuni Mallah ate fragrant rice,
he would vomit. We children did not even realize how and why we
started teasing him, saying “Mahakaua chawal, Nathuni bhagal
[Nathuni ran away when he saw fragrant rice].” Easing these
deeply ingrained prohibitions is not an easy task – it requires
prolonged sociological analysis. But one thing is certain; the capi-
talist and postmodern set-up has given birth to the ‘have money,
will do’ culture. Obviously, it is painful for those who do not have
money but it has also opened up a new world for those who could
not use certain things under any circumstances, money or no
money. But though the new world has opened up, the fact that it is
based on one’s economic status is a major limiting factor,
especially in areas where people do not know whether or not they
will have something to eat the next day. Those who are prosperous
can prepare diet charts and decide the menu of their lunch for the
New Year’s Day by using the internet to research on the dishes
available in different hotels; but those who live hand to mouth, do
not know what, if anything, they will have for breakfast the next
day.
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»æÙô´ ·¤æð âéÙ·¤ÚU Øã çÙ‡æüØ ·¤ÚUÙæ ·¤çÆÙ ãñ ç·¤ ç·¤â ÅUôÜð ×ð´
çßßæã ãô ÚUãæ ãñÐ °·¤ ç¿´Ìæ SßæÖæçß·¤ ãñ ç·¤ §ÏÚU Üô·¤ ·¤è
»É¸´Ì çÁâ ÌÚUã âð ÕÎÜ ÚUãè ãñ ·¤æÜæ´ÌÚU ×ð´ ßð âר ·¤è
ÜÂÅUô´ ·Ô¤ Õè¿ ·¤Âæâ ·¤è ÌÚUã ·¤æÜè ÚUæ¹ ÀôǸ·¤ÚU çßÜèÙ Ù
ãô Áæ°Ð Üðç·¤Ù ã×ð´ Øã Öè ØæÎ ÚU¹Ùæ ãô»æ ç·¤ ã׿ÚUè Áô
Âýæ¿èÙ Üô·¤â´S·¤ëçÌ Íè ©Uâ·¤è ¥‘Àæ§Øô´ ·Ô¤ ÚUðàæð Öè Á»ã-
Á»ã ©ƒæÚUð ÙÁÚU ¥æÌð ãñ´Ð

JULY 2014
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30
FORWARDPress
SOCIETY
The dismantling of the consumption prohibition regime
is most clearly visible in areas where affordability is not a
problem. Just see how the same songs are used for entertain-
ment by people of different income groups, castes and
religions. Some people describe this as mass culture.
Whether it the New Year’s Day or a festival or any other
occasion for celebration, the same kind of songs are played
in the villages. Kamlu Mishra says that now, by merely listen-
ing to the songs being played or sung, it is difficult to guess in
which tola a marriage function is being held. This situation
may ultimately lead to the disappearance of folk culture. But
then we should also remember that our ancient folk culture
was not exactly a model that needs or deserves to be
perpetuated.
Despite their talents, the artistes who participated in
Ramleela and those from the Pamaria, Dafali and Chamar
castes who used to play the shehnai on auspicious occasions
were never shown much respect. In the film Mirch Masala,
there is scene where Naseeruddin Shah tries to woo Smita
Patil by showing her a gramophone.
Material assets also strengthen these tendencies, as the
owners use them to display their superiority. I distinctly
remember how, when villagers assembled to watch the serial
Ramayana or a cricket match being telecast on Doordarshan
at the house of some Babu, the proud owner of a TV set, the
door was closed intermittently. The audience had to stare at
the closed door, rather than the screen, till the door was re-
opened. Now, of course, on festive occasions, the villagers
collect money among themselves and watch films the whole
night. And most of those who indulge in this kind of
celebration, ignoring the disapproval of the elderly of the
community, are those whose only duty was to serve the ones
above them in the caste hierarchy – those, who, in terms of a
Maithili saying, were ‘below Brahmins but above Shudras’.
Times are changing, things are changing. The times are
changing the things and the things are changing the times.
Now, women cook food wearing slippers and men help
them. Needless to say, it is imperative to preserve the
positive traditional values which we have inherited from the
long journey of the human race. There is a need to
distinguish between doing away with the restrictions on
consumption and drowning in the whirlpool of
consumerism. (And it is unlikely that Bahujans will, for the
millstone of bagfuls of money is necessary for drowning!).
We must always remember that those who are collecting
twigs and leaves to light up their chulha in the evening are
mostly unaware of the commercial that is running on TV at
that time.
ÚUæ×ÜèÜæ ×ð´ Öæ» ÜðÙð ßæÜð ·¤Üæ·¤æÚU, â´»èÌ âð â´Õ´Ï ÚU¹ÙðßæÜè
ØÍæ Â×çÚUØæ, ÇÈ æÜè, ¿×æÚU (Øð âé¥ßâÚUô´ ÂÚU àæãÙæ§ü ÕÁæÌð Íð)
???? ?Ԥ ??? ???? ?? ???? ?????? ??U? ???? ??? ?? ?? ??׿?
×âæÜæÓ ×ð´ °·¤ ÎëàØ ãñ ÁãUæ´ ÙâèM¤gèÙ àææã »ýæ×ôÈ ôÙ çι淤ÚU çS×Ìæ
ÂæçÅUÜ ·¤ô ¥æ·¤çáüÌ ·¤ÚUÙð ·¤æ ÂýØæâ ·¤ÚUÌð ãñ´Ð Øã çßçÎÌ ãñ ç·¤
âæ´S·¤ëçÌ·¤ ©ÂæÎæÙ Öè §â·Ô¤ ÏæÚU·¤ô´ ·¤ô °·¤ Ìæ·¤Ì ÎðÌè ãñ çÁâ·¤æ ßð
ÙæÁæØÁ §SÌð×æÜ Öè ·¤ÚU â·¤Ìð ãñ´Ð ßð çÎÙ ×éÛæð ¥‘Àè ÌÚUã ØæÎ ãñ´ ÁÕ
ÎêÚUÎàæüÙ ÂÚU ÚUæ×æØ‡æ âèçÚUØÜ Øæ ç·ý¤·ð¤ÅUU ×ñ¿ Îð¹Ùð ·Ô¤ çܰ ÕæÕê-
ÕÕ饿Ùô´ ·Ô¤ ØãUæ´ ÖèǸ Ü»è ÚUãÌè Íè ¥õÚU ÕæÕê-ÕÕé¥æÙ Õè¿-Õè¿ ×ð´
ÅUèßè ßæÜð ·¤×ÚUð ·¤ô Õ´Î ·¤ÚU ÎðÌð Íð ¥õÚU Üô» ÂÚUÎð ·¤è ÕÁæØ ƒæÚU ·¤æ
¿×·¤Ìæ ã饿 ç·¤ßæÇ¸ Ìæ·¤Ìð ÚUã ÁæÌð ÍðÐ ¥Õ Ìô Âßü-ˆØôãæÚU ÂÚU Øæ
¥‹Ø çÎÙô´ ×ð´ Öèð »æ´ß ·Ô¤ Üô» ¿´Îæ ·¤ÚUÌð ãñ´ ¥õÚU ·¤ãè´ ÕñÆ·¤ÚU ÖÚU ÚUæÌ
âèÇè Îð¹Ùð ·¤æ ÜéˆÈ ÜðÌð ãñ´Ð ·¤éÀ ÕéÁ黿ðZ ·Ô¤ mæÚUæ ¥ß™ææ·¤æÚUè ׿Ùð ÁæÙð
ßæÜð §â ·¤æ× ×ð´ ©‹ãè´ Üô»ô´ ·¤è ’ØæÎæ çãSâðÎæÚUè ÚUãÌè ãñ, çÁ‹ãð´ ÂãÜð
·Ô¤ çÎÙô´ ×ð´ ׿˜æ âðßæ ·¤ÚUÙð ߿ܿ ×æÙæ ÁæÌæ ÍæÐ Áôç·¤ ×ñçÍÜè ·¤ãæßÌ
·Ô¤ ¥ÙéâæÚU ÒÕæÖÙ·¤ ÀôÅU ¥õÚU ÚUæÇ¸·¤ ×ôÅUÓ (Õýæ±×‡æ ·Ô¤ ÀôÅUð °ß´ àæêÎýô´
·Ô¤ ×ôÅUð) ·Ô¤ M¤Â ×ð´ §´ç»Ì ãñ´Ð
âר ÕÎÜ ÚUãæ ãñ, ¿èÁð´ ÕÎÜ ÚUãè ãñ´, âר ·¤ô ¿èÁð´ ¥õÚU ¿èÁô´
·¤ô âר ÌŽÎèÜ ·¤ÚU ÚUãUæ ãñÐ ¥Õ çS˜æØæ´ ¿ŒÂÜ ÂãÙ·¤ÚU ¹æÙæ ÕÙæÙð
Ü»è ãñ´ ¥õÚU ×Îü ©Ù·¤æ âæÍ ÎðÙð Ü»ð ãñ´Ð ×»ÚU ׿Ùß ÁæçÌ Ùð ¥ÂÙè
??? ???? ?? ??? ??U??U?? ?????? ??? ???# 緤?? ?? ???? ?? ???D ??
©‹ãð´ Öè ã×ð´ Õ¿æÙæ ãñÐ ¥õÚU çÙà¿Ø ãè ©ÂÖô» ÂÚU ¥æØÎ Õ´çÎàæô´ ·¤æ
ÅUêÅUÙæ ¥õÚU ©ÂÖôQ¤æßæÎ ·Ô¤ Ö´ßÚUU ×ð´ ÇêÕ ÁæÙæ °·¤ ãè ÕæÌ Ùãè´ ãñ (¥õÚU
ÕãéÁÙ ÇêÕð´»ð Öè Ùãè´ €UØô´ç·¤ ØãUæ´ ÇêÕÙð ·Ô¤ çܰ »ÎüÙ âð ÜÅU·¤è Âñâô´
·¤è ÍñÜè ÁM¤ÚUè ãñ)Ð ã×ð´ Øã Öè ŠØæÙ ÚU¹Ùæ ãô»æ Áô ¥»Üè àææ× ·¤è
¿êËãð ·¤è ÏÏ·¤ ·Ô¤ çܰ žæð ¿éÙ ÚUãè ãñ´U ©âð €UØæ ÂÌæ ãñ ç·¤ ÅUèßè ÂÚU
¥Öè ·¤õÙ âæ çß™ææÂÙ ¿Ü ÚUãæ ãñÐ
Hindi poet Manoj Kumar Jha has been conferred with Bharatbhushan
memorial award for Hindi poetry. A collection of his poetry has been published
under the title Ham Tak Vichar. His articles on current affairs are regularly published
in newspapers and magazines
×ÙôÁ ·¤é׿ÚU Ûææ çã´Îè ·Ô¤ Øéßæ ·¤çß ãñ´ ¥õÚU §‹ãð´ çã´Îè ·¤çßÌæ ·Ô¤ çܰ ÖæÚUÌÖêá‡æ S×ëçÌ
???? ?? ?? ????? ?? ?鷤? ??? ?ٷ?? ??? ?????? ⴻ?? ??? ̷? ?߿??U? ????????? ??
¿é·¤æ ãñÐ §Ù·Ô¤ â×-â×æçØ·¤ çßáØô´ ÂÚU Üð¹ ˜æ-Âç˜æ·¤æ¥ô´ ×ð´ Âý·¤æçàæÌ ãôÌð ÚUãÌð ãñ´
Kamlu Mishra says that now, by merely listening to
the songs being played or sung, it is difficult to guess
in which tola a marriage function is being held. This
situation may ultimately lead to the disappearance of
folk culture. But then we should also remember that
our ancient folk culture was not exactly a model that
needs or deserves to be perpetuated
·¤×Üê ç×Ÿæ ·¤ãÌð ãñ´ ¥Õ »æÙô´ ·¤æð âéÙ·¤ÚU Øã çÙ‡æüØ ·¤ÚUÙæ
·¤çÆÙ ãñ ç·¤ ç·¤â ÅUôÜð ×ð´ çßßæã ãô ÚUãæ ãñÐ °·¤ ç¿´Ìæ
SßæÖæçß·¤ ãñ ç·¤ §ÏÚU Üô·¤ ·¤è »É¸´Ì çÁâ ÌÚUã âð ÕÎÜ ÚUãè
ãñU ·¤æÜæ´ÌÚU ×ð´ ßð âר ·¤è ÜÂÅUô´ ·Ô¤ Õè¿ ·¤Âæâ ·¤è ÌÚUã
·¤æÜè ÚUæ¹ ÀôǸ·¤ÚU çßÜèÙ Ù ãô Áæ°Ð Üðç·¤Ù ã×ð´ Øã Öè
ØæÎ ÚU¹Ùæ ãô»æ ç·¤ ã׿ÚUè Áô Âýæ¿èÙ Üô·¤â´S·¤ëçÌ Íè ©Uâ·¤è
¥‘Àæ§Øô´ ·Ô¤ ÚUðàæð Öè Á»ã-Á»ã ©ƒæÚUð ÙÁÚU ¥æÌð ãñ´

DEVENDRA KUMAR
t is the place where Mahatma Buddha attained enlight-
enment; it is the place where from Dr Viniyam to
Mahapandit Rahul Sankratayan to Swami Sahjanand
Saraswati lived and worked; it is the place where
Naxalites honed their strategies. But Bodhgaya is also
known for one another reason. It is the place where,
four decades ago, the Bodhgaya Mahant was dispos-
sessed of 10,000 acres of land, which was distributed
among Mahadalit families. This movement was
launched by the Chhatra-Yuva Sangharsh Vahini, led
by Jaiprakash Narayan.
Before the Vahini appeared on the scene, the CPI,
the Socialist Party and various Naxal groups held their
sway here. A CPI worker was killed in an attack by the
Îðßð‹Îý ·¤é׿ÚU
ãæˆ×æ Õéh ·¤è ™ææÙSÍÜè, ÇUæò. çßçÙØÙ âð Üð·¤ÚU
×ãæÂ´çÇÌ ÚUæãéÜ âæ´·¤ëˆØæØÙ, Sßæ×è âãÁæÙ´Î âÚUSßÌè
·¤è ·¤×üSÍÜè ¥õÚU çßçÖ‹Ù Ù€UâÜè â×êãô´ ·¤è
ÂýØô»SÍÜè ÚUãè ÕôÏ»Øæ ×ð´ ¿æÚU Îàæ·¤ ÂãÜð °·¤ Öêç×
â´ƒæáü ·Ô¤ ÂçÚU‡ææ×SßM¤Â ÕôÏ»Øæ ×ã´Ì ·Ô¤ ·¤ŽÁð âð
Ì·¤ÚUèÕÙ Îâ ãÁæÚU °·¤Ç¸ Öêç× ×ãæÎçÜÌ ÂçÚUßæÚUô´ ·Ô¤
Õè¿ çßÌçÚUÌ ·¤è »§ü ÍèÐ §â Öêç× â´ƒæáü ·¤æ ¥»é¥æ Íè
ÁØÂý·¤æàæ ÙæÚUæØ‡æ ·Ô¤ ÙðÌëˆß ×ð´ »çÆÌ Àæ˜æ-Øéßæ â´ƒæáü
ßæçãÙèÐ
ßæçãÙè ·Ô¤ §â ÿæð˜æ ×ð´ Âýßðàæ ·Ô¤ ÂãÜð Öæ·¤Âæ,
âôàæçÜSÅU ÂæÅUèü ¥õÚU çßçÖ‹Ù Ù€UâÜè â´»ÆÙ Øãæ´ ·¤æ×
·¤ÚU ¿é·Ô¤ Íð ¥õÚU §â ·ý¤× ×ð´ °·¤ Öæ·¤Âæ ·¤æØü·¤Ìæü
×ã´Ì ·Ô¤ »é»æðZ âð ÜǸÌð ãé° ¥ÂÙè àæãæÎÌ Öè Îð ¿é·¤æ
Íæ Üðç·¤Ù ×ãæÎçÜÌ-Öêç×ãèÙô´ ·Ô¤ §â â´ƒæáü ·¤ô ×é·¤æ×
×I
31
ȤæòÚUßÇüUUÂýðâ | 2014ÁéÜæ§üU
çÕãUæÚU
Bodhgaya movement:
Mahadalits wait for ‘Acche Din’
ÕæðŠæ»Øæ ¥æ´ÎæðÜÙ Ñ ¥‘Àð çÎÙô´ ·¤è ¥æâ
×ð´ ×ãæÎçÜÌ

JULY 2014
|
32
FORWARDPress
BIHAR
goons of the Mahant but it was the Chhatra-Yuva
Sangharsh Vahini that brought the battle of the Mahadalits-
landless farmers to its logical culmination and that too
through its unique experiment of peaceful struggle. Two of
its members were slain by the henchmen of the Mahant at
Samastipur but the Vahini’s response was ‘Hamla Chahe
Jaisa Ho, Hath Hamara Nahi Uthega” (You may attack us in
any manner but we will not raise our hands). Later, howev-
er, it slightly digressed from its policy and one muscleman
of the Bodhgaya Mahant was killed in a defensive action of
the Vahini.
But the long and bitter struggle and the numerous sacri-
fices have gone in vain. Those who were allotted plots of
land, especially those belonging to the Bhuiyan caste that
formed the backbone of the Vahini’s agitation, have again
become landless. They have lost the land they had got cour-
tesy the Vahini’s struggle and also the land they had
received via the Bhoodan Andolan. The pace of loss of
Bhoodan Andolan land was a bit slower, as the land was
mainly barren and non-irrigated. However, the land allocat-
ed in the wake of the Vahini’s agitation was fully irrigated
and under multi-cropping. On an average, around 80 to 90
per cent of the allotees have lost their land.
Bhuiyan-Mushars are mainly labourers. They have a
long association with agriculture but only as farmhands.
And they continue to toil on the fields of others. That is
because after land was granted to them, no attempt was
made to change their mindset. And neither was the infra-
structure necessary for farming provided to them. Thus, the
land slowly slipped out of their hands. Some examples will
prove the point.
Around 199 acres of Bodhgaya Mahant’s land was dis-
tributed in Habibpur village of Dobhi block. Of it, nearly 55
acres has been sold. Four acres of land was kept aside in
this village for community farming. The experiment is yet to
commence and it lies barren. In village Bija of the same
block, 800 acres of land was distributed. Of it, 150 acres
have been mortgaged against loans. The landless had been
allotted 500 acres under Bhoodan movement. Of it, 400
acres have been mortgaged. In village Parwatia, 15 acres of
Mahant’s land was distributed, of which nine acres has
been mortgaged. Jaiprakash had himself come to a village
in the Dobhi block. He had spent hours with the members
of the Bhuiyan caste, talking about their future and weavingÌ·¤ Âãé´¿æØæ Àæ˜æ-Øéßæ â´Ïáü ßæçãÙè ¥õÚU àææ´çÌר â´ƒæáü ·Ô¤ ©Ù·Ô¤ ¥ÙêÆð
ÂýØô» Ùð ãèÐ ßæçãÙè Ùð â×SÌèÂéÚU ×ð´ ×ã´Ì ·Ô¤ »é»æðZ ·Ô¤ ãæÍô´ ¥ÂÙð Îô
âæçÍØô´ ·¤ô ¹ô çÎØæ ¥õÚU §â·Ô¤ ÂýˆØéžæÚU ×ð´ Òã×Üæ ¿æãð Áñâæ ãô, ãæÍ
ã׿ÚUæ Ùãè´ ©Æð»æÓ ·¤è ÙèçÌ âð çß¿çÜÌ ãôÌð ãé° ßæçãÙè Ùð ÚUÿææˆ×·¤
????U???? ??? ????? ??ϻ?? ??? ??? ??? ???? ??? ?U??? ??U ??? ⴆ???
¥õÚU àæãæÎÌ ·Ô¤ ÕæÎ ç×Üè âÈ ÜÌæ ·¤è ßÌü×æÙ çSÍçÌ ÕðãÎ ¥È
âôâÁÙ·¤ ãñÐ ÙßÖêÏæÚUè ¥õÚU ¹æâ·¤ÚU Öé§üØæ´ ÁæçÌ ·Ô¤ Üô» Áô ßæçãÙè
¥æ´ÎôÜÙ ·¤è ÚUèɸ Íð, ¥æÁ çÈ ÚU âð Öêç×ãèÙ ãô »° ãñ´ ¥õÚU çâÈü ßæçãÙè
·Ô¤ Öê-¥æ´ÎôÜÙ âð ç×Üè Á×èÙ ãè ÙãUè´ ÖêÎæÙ ¥æ´ÎôÜÙ ·Ô¤ ÌãÌ ç×Üè
Á×èÙ Öè §Ù·Ô¤ ãæÍ âð çÙ·¤Ü ¿é·¤è ãñÐ Ølç ÖêÎæÙ ¥æ´ÎôÜÙ âð ç×Üè
Á×èÙ ·¤æ ãSÌæ´ÌÚU‡æ ©â »çÌ âð Ùãè´ ã饿, ÂÚU §â·¤æ ·¤æÚU‡æ ׿˜æ §ÌÙæ ãñ
ç·¤ Øð âæÚUè Á×èÙ Õ´ÁÚU ¥õÚU ¥çâ´ç¿Ì Íè, §â×ð´ ÂÅUßÙ ·¤è ÃØßSÍæ
¥æÁÌ·¤ Ùãè´ ·¤è »§üÐ ÁÕç·¤ ßæçãÙè ·Ô¤ Öê-¥æ´ÎôÜÙ ·Ô¤ ÌãÌ ç×Üè
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ßæçãÙè ·Ô¤ ÌãÌ Õ´ÅUè Á×èÙ ·¤æ }® âð ~® È èâÎè çãSâæ ÙßÖêÏæçÚUØô´ ·Ô¤
ãæÍô´ âð çÙ·¤Ü ¿é·¤æ ãñÐ
?????-?????U ???? ????? ??? ?????U ???? ??? ???? ?? ?ٷ?? ?մ?
Ìô ÂéÚUæÙæ ãñ Üðç·¤Ù ãñçâØÌ ×ÁÎêÚU ·¤è ãè ÚUãè ãñ ¥õÚU ×ÁÎêÚU ¥æÁ ×ð´ ÁèÌæ
ãñÐ Öê-çßÌÚU‡æ ·Ô¤ ÕæÎ Öé§üØæ´ ÁæçÌ ·Ô¤ Õè¿ ×ð´ ÚUã·¤ÚU, ©ââð ¥ÂÙæ â´Õ´Ï
ÕÙæ° ÚU¹·¤ÚU ©â·¤è ÁèßÙÎëçC ×ð´ ÕÎÜæß ÜæÙð ·¤è ·¤ô§ü ·¤æðçàæàæ Ùãè´ ·¤è
»§ü ¥õÚU Ùæ ãè ©â ¥Ïôâ´ÚU¿Ùæ ·¤æ çß·¤æâ ç·¤Øæ »Øæ Áô ç·¤âæÙè ·Ô¤
çܰ ÁM¤ÚUè ãñÐ Øãè ·¤æÚU‡æ ãñ ç·¤ ÏèÚUð-ÏèÚUð ÙßÖêŠææÚUè Á×èÙ ¹ôÌð »°Ð Öê-
ãSÌæ´ÌÚU‡æ ·Ô¤ ·¤éÀ Ù×êÙæ´ð ·¤ô Îð¹Ùð âð ãè §â·¤è ÂéçC ãô Áæ°»èÐ
????? ????, ???? ???????U ?? ????? ??? ??? vv~ ???Ǹ ????
çßÌçÚUÌ ·¤è »§üÐ §â×ð´ âð Ì·¤ÚUèÕÙ zz °·¤Ç¸ Á×èÙ Õð¿ Îè »§ü ãñÐ §âè
»æ´ß ×ð´ y °·¤Ç¸ Á×èÙ âæ×êçã·¤ ¹ðÌè ·Ô¤ çܰ ÚU¹è »§ü Íè ÂÚU ¥æÁ Öè
Øã Á×èÙ âæ×êçã·¤ ¹ðÌè ·Ô¤ ÂýØô» ·¤è ÕæÅU Áôã ÚUãè ãñÐ »ýæ× çÕÁæ°
Âý¹´Ç ÇôÖè ×ð´ }®® °·¤Ç¸ Á×èÙ çßÌçÚUÌ ·¤è »§üÐ §â×ð´ âð vz® °·¤Ç¸
Á×èÙ Õ´Ï·¤ ÚU¹ Îè »§üÐ §âè »æ´ß ×ð´ ÖêÎæÙ ·¤è z®® °·¤Ç¸ Á×èÙ
çßÌçÚUÌ ·¤è »§ü ¥õÚU §â×ð´ âð y®® °·¤Ç¸ Á×èÙ Õ´Ï·¤ ÚU¹ Îè »§üÐ »ýæ×
ÂÚUßçÌØæ Âý¹´Ç ÇôÖè ×ð´ Õôƒæ»Øæ ×ã´Ì ·¤è vz °·¤Ç¸ Á×èÙ çßÌçÚUÌ ·¤è
»§ü, §â×ð´ âð ~ °·¤Ç¸ Á×èÙ Õ´ƒæ·¤ ÚU¹è Áæ ¿é·¤è ãñÐ ÁØÂý·¤æàæ Ù»ÚU
Âý¹´Ç ÇôÖè ×ð´ ¹éÎ ÁØÂý·¤æàæ ¥æ° Íð, Öé§üØæ´ ÁæçÌ ·Ô¤ âæÍ ƒæ´ÅUô´ ÕñÆ·¤ÚU
ÖçßcØ ·¤æ ¹´æ¿æ ÌñØæÚU ç·¤Øæ Íæ, çß·¤æâ ·Ô¤ âÂÙð â´Áô° Íð ¥õÚU ©‹ãè´ ·Ô¤
Ùæ× ÂÚU §â·¤æ Ùæ×·¤ÚU‡æ ÁØÂý·¤æàæ Ù»ÚU ç·¤Øæ »Øæ ÍæÐ Øã ßãè »æ´ß ãñ,
Áãæ´ ˜淤æÚU ×ç‡æ×æÜæ Ùð ¥ÂÙð ãæÍô´ âð ãÜ ¿Üæ·¤ÚU çÂÌëâžææˆ×·¤
ÃØßSÍæ ·¤ô ¿éÙõÌè Âðàæ ·¤è Íè ¥õÚU ©â Âý¿çÜÌ ÏæÚU‡ææ ·¤ô ÌæÚU-ÌæÚU ç·¤Øæ
Íæ ç·¤ ãÜ ¥õÚU È æßǸæ ÂÚU çâÈü ÂéL¤áô´ ·¤æ ¥çÏ·¤æÚU ãñÐ §âè »æ´ß ×ð´
ÖêÎæÙ ·¤è vz{ °·¤Ç¸ Á×èÙ çßÌçÚUÌ ·¤è »§ü Íè, §â×ð´ âð ¥Öè Öè vwz
°·¤Ç¸ Á×èÙ ÂÚUÌè ÂǸè ãñ, ׿˜æ xv °·¤Ç¸ ×ð´ ¹ðÌè ãôÌè ãñ ¥õÚU §â×ð´ âð
Öè vw °·¤Ç¸ Á×èÙ Õð¿ Îè »§ü ãñÐ §â »æ´ß ×ð´ Öé§üØæ´ ÁæçÌ ·Ô¤ Âæâ
???߷?? ??? ??? ???? ???U ??Ǹ ??? S????? ?????U ?? ???? ???
âéÕã âð Üð·¤ÚU àææ× Ì·¤ ßëh ×çãÜæ¥ô´ âð Üð·¤ÚU ÀôÅUð-ÀôÅUð Õ‘¿ð Ì·¤ §âè
×ð´ Ü»ð ÚUãÌð ãñ´Ð
LAND IS NOT ALL, SHOWS A MOVEMENT THAT LEFT A JOB HALF DONE IN
BODHGAYA AND WORSENED THE PLIGHT OF THE BHUIYAN
·Ô¤ßÜ Á×èÙ Âæ ÜðÙæ ãè âÕ ·¤éÀ Ùãè´ ãñÐ ÕôÏ»Øæ ×ð´ Öé§Øæð´ ·¤è ãæÜÌ ¥æÁ ÂãÜð
âð ÕÎÌÚU ãñ €UØô´ç·¤ °·¤ ¥æ´ÎôÜÙ ·Ô¤ ·¤ÌæüÏÌæü ¥ÂÙæ ·¤æ× ¥ÏêÚUæ ÀôǸ »°

33
ȤæòÚUßÇüUUÂýðâ | 2014ÁéÜæ§üU
dreams of development. It was after this visit that the village was named
Jaiprakash Nagar. It was the same village where journalist Manimala had
tilled the land, challenging the patriarchal notion that only men can use
the plough and the spade. Nearly 156 acres of Bhoodan land was distrib-
uted in this village. Of this, 131 acres lie barren and only 31 acres is under
cultivation. Twelve acres have been sold. The members of the Bhuiyan
caste of the village make a living by crushing stones and selling the gravel
in the local market. From sunrise to sunset, right from the old women to
the small kids – everyone is engaged in this job.
Here, it is important to note that this land has not gone into the hands
of the members of the Savarna castes. The middle and dominant OBC
castes have usurped it. The socio-economic condition of occupation-
based middle OBCs, in some cases, is worse than that of Mahadalits.
They have compromised on the health and education of their children,
they have compromised on their food, they have chosen not to repair
their houses to buy the land from the Mahadalits. Though the transfer of
this land is patently illegal, any attempt to hand over the land again to
the Mahadalits would create serious tension and disrupt the social har-
mony of the villages.
The core issue is that allotment of land to the landless was only a
small part of a larger battle. That had to be followed up by a struggle for
comprehensive socio-economic-political change. Various experiments
for community development should have been conducted. But for the
leaders of the movement, all of whom were college students, it was mere-
ly a battle to snatch the land from big landowners and give it to the land-
less. For them, it was not a movement for sociopolitical transformation; it
was a part-time activity. In such circumstances, it was too much to
expect that they would have taken the agitation to its logical conclusion.
The ultimate fallout of all this is that, today, the Mushar-Bhuiyan are
worse off than they were when they had no land. Before the Bodhgaya
land agitation, despite their miseries no Mushar-Bhuiyan could be seen
begging on streets. But today, you can find them seeking alms outside the
temples of Bodhgaya. They are converting to other religions because of
financial allurements. The question is whether their lot has improved or
worsened. And the answer is not difficult to guess.
On the other hand, the leaders who have emerged from the move-
ment have latched themselves to big platforms and organizations and
are busy packaging the movement. Some have joined politics and are
leading a comfortable life. Others have become local czars, just as the
Bodhgaya Mahant once was. Kaushal Ganesh Azad, who was a key par-
ticipant in the movement, insists that they have not given up the battle in
spite of the failures and the setbacks. He says that despite his limited
resources, he is working among the Mushars. But the fact is that there
was no dearth of resources even when the so-called NGOs had not
mushroomed in this area. A young Mushar of the village Bagula sum-
marises the situation well. “No matter what, better days will come. We are
the descendants of Dashrath Manjhi. The blood of Tulsiveer
is coursing through our veins. Revolution is inevitable. The
dream of ‘Sampoorna Kranti’ will not go waste. It will take
place. And this time, it will be irrepressible.” Øã ØæÎ ÚUãð ç·¤ Á×èÙ ·¤æ Øã ãSÌæ´ÌÚU‡æ â߇æü
ÁæçÌØô´ ·¤è ¥ôÚU Ùãè´ ã饿 ÕçË·¤ »æ´ß ·¤è ãè ׃Ø×
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ãñ ç·¤ ©Ù·¤è çSÍçÌ çÕ»Ç¸è Øæ âéÏÚUè ?
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Õè¿ ¹Ç¸æ Ìô ã´êÐ ÂÚU âᑚ Ìô Øã ãñ ç·¤ â´âæÏÙô´ ·¤è
·¤×è Ìô ÌÕ Öè Ùãè´ Íè, ÁÕ §â §Üæ·Ô¤ ×ð´ ·¤çÍÌ
Sߨ´âðßè â´SÍæ¥ô´ ·¤æ ×·¤Ç¸ÁæÜ Ùãè´ Èñ¤Üæ ÍæÐ çÈ
ÜãæÜ Ìô ã×ð´ »ýæ× Õ»éÜæ ·Ô¤ °·¤ Øéßæ ×éâãÚU ·¤æ ßã
â´ßæÎ ØæÎ ¥æÌæ ãñ ç·¤, Ò·¤Öè Ù ·¤Öè Ìô çÎÙ çÈ ÚUð»æ ãè,
ÎàæÚUÍ ×æ´Ûæè ·Ô¤ ã× ß´àæÁ ãñ´, ÌéÜâèßèÚU ·¤æ Üãê
ã׿ÚUè ÚU»ô´ ×´ð çÈ ÚUÌæ-ÌñÚUÌæ ãñ, ·ý¤æ´çÌ Ìô ãô»è ãè,
????? ?????? ??? ???? ????U ??? ?氻? ???U ??
ãé׿ ·Ô¤ ãô»æÐÓ
çÕãUæÚU
Devendra Kumar is a freelance journalist based in Ranchi Îðßð´Îý ·¤é׿ÚU SßÌ´˜æ ˜淤æÚU ãñ´ ¥õÚU ÚUæ´¿è ×ð´ ÚUãUÌð ãñ´U

JULY 2014
|
34
FORWARDPress
JAN MEDIA
ANIL CHAMADIA
omeone once asked me whether I could write a story on
a village lane being blocked. There was a reason why the
story needed to be told: Because of the blockade, women
who, for some reason, could not relieve themselves
before dawn had been forced to wait till well after sun-
set. One could only imagine the agony the women had
to go through for more than 12 hours. But, as a journal-
ist, the problem before me was finding a media organi-
zation that would give space to a story on the blocking of
a lane in one of the six lakh villages of the country.
¥çÙÜ ¿×çÇ¸Øæ
Ûæâð °·¤ ÕæÚU ÂêÀæ »Øæ Íæ ç·¤ €UØæ ×ñ´ ç·¤âè »æ´ß ·¤è
°·¤ »Üè ·Ô¤ Õ´Î ãôÙð ·¤è ÂêÚUè ÎæSÌæÙ ·¤ô çܹ â·¤Ìæ
ãê´Ð âᑚ ÂêÀÙð ·¤è ßÁã ÍèÐ ßã Øã ç·¤ Áô
×çãÜæ°´ âêÚUÁ ·Ô¤ çιÙð âð ÂãÜð ÜôÅUæ Üð·¤ÚU Ùãè´
çÙ·¤Ü ÂæÌè Íè´ ©‹ãð´ çȤÚU çÎÙÖÚU ¥ÂÙæ ÂðÅU âæÈ¤ ·¤ÚUÙð
·¤æ ×õ·¤æ Ùãè´ ç×Ü ÂæÌæ ÍæÐ ÉðÚU âæÚUè ×çãÜæ°´ ÚUôÁæÙæ
ãè ¥´ÏðÚUæ ãôÙð Ì·¤ Õð¿ñÙ ÚUãÌè Íè´Ð Üðç·¤Ù °·¤ ˜淤æÚU
·Ô¤ âæ×Ùð ç΀·¤Ì Øã Íè ç·¤ Àã Üæ¹ âð ’ØæÎæ »æ´ßô´
ßæÜð §â Îðàæ ×ð´ °·¤ »æ´ß ·¤è »Üè ·Ô¤ Õ´Î ãôÙð ·¤è
ÎæSÌæÙ ·¤ô â´¿æÚU ·Ô¤ ·¤õÙ âð ×æŠØ× ÌÚUãèÁ Îð´»ðÐ ãÚU
˜淤æÚU ÂÚU Øã ÎÕæß ãôÌæ ãñ ç·¤ ßã ÁÙâ´¿æÚU ·Ô¤
çÁÙ ×æŠØ×ô´ ·Ô¤ çܰ çÜ¹Ùæ ¿æãÌæ ãñ, ©‹ãð´ ßã çßáØ
Ââ´Î ¥æÙæ ¿æçã°Ð ˜淤æÚU ·¤è ç·¤âè Ù ç·¤âè
ÁÙâ´¿æÚU ×æŠØ× ÂÚU çÙÖüÚUÌæ ·¤ô ãè ˜淤æçÚUÌæ ·¤æ Ùæ×
çÎØæ ÁæÌæ ãñÐ
S
×é
Wanted: Writers who
open closed village roads
»æ´ßô´ ·Ô¤ Õ´Î ÚUæSÌô´ ·¤ô
¹ôÜÙð ·Ô¤ çܰ Üð¹·¤ ¿æçãU°
JOURNALISM IS ALL ABOUT A
JOURNALIST’S DEPENDENCE ON
ONE OR THE OTHER MEDIA
ORGANIZATION
˜淤æÚU ·¤è ç·¤âè ÁÙâ´¿æÚU
×æŠØ× ÂÚU çÙÖüÚUÌæ ·¤ô ãè
˜淤æçÚUÌæ ·¤æ Ùæ× çÎØæ ÁæÌæ ãñ

35
ȤæòÚUßÇüUUÂýðâ | 2014ÁéÜæ§üU
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Journalists have their hands tied. They have to ensure that whatev-
er they write is acceptable to the media organization they work for.
Journalism is all about a journalist’s dependence on one or the
other media organization.
Once again, I am faced with a similar question. Can I write a
story on a road in a village being closed? When, earlier, I was asked
to pen the story on the blockade of the lane I did not see it as the
blockade of one lane but as the blockade of thousands of lanes in
thousands of villages, condemning lakhs of women to distress.
Almost every event and incident is repeated across geographical
boundaries and time. This is not the story of the blocking of lanes.
This is a form of repression – just as Dalits are repressed by closing
pathways and roads. A road is not merely meant to get you from
one place to another. It is also the way through which new ideas
enter the village and old ideas are edged out.
When we were in school, we were taught that trains and vehicles
running on roads were a means of communication. India has pro-
gressed tremendously vis-à-vis the means of communication but
hardly any data is available on who has benefited from this
progress. How many gravel roads have reached the tolas at the
southern end of the villages? How many metalled roads?
Last month, I heard two stories of closure of roads in villages,
interestingly, both from journalists. That was because though they
had reached the capital of the news publications from the southern
tolasof their villages, whenever they went to their native places,
they were reminded that they came from the southern tolas that
haven’t seen a proper road since the beginning of time.
One of them wrote from his village, Simiridih (Post and Thana:
Warsaliganj, District: Nawada, Division: Gaya, State: Bihar-895130):
“Sir, there are around 200 houses in Simiridih, of which 60 are
inhabited by Dalits (Mushars and Chamars). The rest belong to the
Bhumihars. The path used by the Dalits passes near the house of
[the name of a person]. About four months ago, he built a wall and
blocked the way. He is a muscleman. The Dalits demonstrated right
from the block to the district levels. The block officer visited the vil-
lage. In his presence, it was decided that the Dalits will get a right of
way on a piece of government land close to that man’s land.
Accordingly, orders were issued that a road be constructed on that
land and financial allocation was also made. It was decided that the
construction would start in May. However, now, that person does
not want the construction of the road to go ahead because he has
illegally occupied that piece of government land too. The adminis-
tration is doing nothing. Once it starts raining, the Dalits will a face
serious problem. When the ground is dry, one can somehow nego-
tiate one’s way. But when it is pouring, you require a road. Where do
the Dalits go? Please do something.”
The second letter was almost the same, just the names of the vil-
lage and the state were different. It read: “Khaderu Baba! He is a
Dhobi by caste. Someone told him about my selection in the Indian
Institute of Mass Communication. He was told that after complet-
ing my degree in journalism, I would become more powerful than
the district collector. I was visiting my native place during the

JULY 2014
|
36
FORWARDPress
JAN MEDIA
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§âèçܰ çÜ¹æ »Øæ €UØô´ç·¤ ßãæ´ âð Îô çܹÙð ßæÜð çÙ·¤Ü ÂǸðÐ
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ãÍõÇ¸æ ©Ææ çÜØæÐ ¥ØŒÂÙ Ùð ¥ÂÙè ˆÙè ·¤è ÁæÙ Õ¿æ Üè €UØô´ç·¤
©â·¤è ÂèÆ ×ð´ Î× Õæ·¤è ÍæÐ Ù ÁæÙð ç·¤ÌÙè ÎæSÌæÙ ÚUæSÌô´ ×ð´ ÖÚUð ÂǸð
ãñ´Ð Üðç·¤Ù ©‹ãð´ ·¤õÙ çÜ¹ð»æ ? ·ñ¤âð ÚUæSÌð ÕÙð´»ð ? ·¤õÙ ÚUôÁæÙæ »æ´ß
·Ô¤ °·¤ Ù° Ùæ× ·Ô¤ âæÍ ÎSÌ·¤ Îð»æ ¥õÚU ÕÌæ°»æ ç·¤ 緤⠰·¤
ÃØçQ¤ Ùð 緤⠰·¤ â×êã ¥õÚU â׿Á ·Ô¤ ¿ÜÙð-çȤÚUÙð ß
¥æÙð-ÁæÙð ·Ô¤ ÚUæSÌð ÂÚU ¥ÂÙæ ãéU€·¤æ »æÇ¸ ÚU¹æ ãñÐ
Diwali vacations. One evening, he came to meet me. When there
was no one around, he told me softly, ‘Babu, I am told you study
at a very good place. Please persuade the DM saheb to get a road
built here.’ He probably felt that he had a right to ask me and I
had the power to force the DM’s hand.”
A road is not merely a thoroughfare for them. It is also a symbol
of self-assertion, of freeing themselves from the overbearing feu-
dalism. That his daughter’s bidai should take place at his doorstep
is the dream of every father. But for almost half of the residents of
the Khadesar village in the Deoria district of Uttar Pradesh it
remains just that – a dream. There is no way any vehicle can reach
their doorstep. It is worse when someone falls seriously ill.
Khaderu Baba had said that a road is very much there in govern-
ment maps but it not visible on the ground as the people living on
its flanks have encroached upon it. They consider it part of their
fields. There are narrow muddy pathways amid these fields that
the villagers have to use. When it rains, the situation takes a turn
for the worse. Sometimes, even the narrow pathways are blocked
with thorny bushes. The Dalit farmers who have to use these
pathways to reach their fields often get threats. They have to face
abuses or are sometimes even pressurized to do begar (forced
labour) to get access to their fields.
Only the Dalits and the women know the story of the roads. In
June 2013, in Kerala’s Pathanamthitta district, Sudha, the wife of a
nomadic tribal, Ayappan, fell ill. As no transport was available, he
trudged 40 kilometres, carrying his pregnant wife on his back. It
was raining heavily and pitch-dark as he crossed the forests of
Konni to reach the Pathanamthitta district hospital in the morn-
ing. Later, Sudha was shifted to Kottayam Medical College. She
was saved but the child died. In the Gehlaur village in the Gaya
district of Bihar, Dashrath Manjhi’s wife Phaguni Devi had to cross
a hill to fetch water. One day, she slipped and fell. The earthen
pitcher broke and she sustained serious injuries. His wife’s suffer-
ing made Dashrath Manjhi commit himself to a daunting task. He
spent more than two decades to accomplish it. Using only a chisel
and a hammer, he built a 365-foot-long and 30-foot-wide road,
cutting through the 27-foot-high hill, thus reducing an 80-kilome-
tre-long circuitous route to 3 kilometres.
In India, the sagas of the battles for roads are longer than the
stories of the wars kings and emperors fought. The predicament
of Warsaliganj and Khadesar’s residents became known as two
journalists happened to hail from these places. In Gehlaur, a new
road could be built because Dashrath Manjhi picked up the ham-
mer and the chisel. Ayappan could save his wife’s life because he
was strong enough to carry her on his back. But there are hun-
dreds of stories of roads (or lack of them) that have never seen the
light of the day. Who will write about them? How will these roads
be built? Who will knock on the door of society and media
day after day with stories of a group or a person blocking the
way of the community – literally, that is?
¥çÙÜ ¿×çÇ¸Øæ çã´Îè ·Ô¤ ßçÚUD ˜淤æÚU ãñ´ ¥õÚU ¥ÂÙð ×èçÇØæ çÚUâ¿ü ·Ô¤ çܰ Âýçâh ÚUãð ãñ´Ð §Ù çÎÙô´
ßð çã´Îè ¥õÚU ¥´»ýðÁè ×ð´ ×èçÇØæ ׿çâ·¤ ÒÁÙ ×èçÇØæÓ ß Ò׿â ×èçÇØæÓ ·¤æ â´ÂæÎÙ ·¤ÚU ÚUãð ãñ´
Anil Chamadiais a senior Hindi journalist, associated with media research.
Currently, he edits Jan Media and Mass Media, Hindi and English journals on media issues
A road is not merely meant get you from one place
to another. It is also the way through which new
ideas enter the village and old ideas are edged out
ÚUæSÌð »æ´ß ×ð´ ÃØç€Ì Øæ ÃØç€ÌØæð´ ·Ô¤ ¥æÙð-ÁæÙð ·¤æ °·¤
×æŠØ× ÖÚU ãè Ùãè´ ãñ ÕçË·¤ ßã »æ´ß ×ð´ °·¤ Ù° ÁèßÙ
¥õÚU °·¤ Ù§ü âæ×æçÁ·¤ â´ÚU¿Ùæ ·Ô¤ ƒæéâÙð ¥õÚU ÕæãÚU ¥æÙð
·¤æ °·¤ ÁçÚUØæ ãñ´U

37
ȤæòÚUßÇüUUÂýðâ | 2014ÁéÜæ§üU
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·¤è ÕéçÙØæÎè àæÌü ãñ ©â×ð´ ¥æçÎßæâè ÎàæüÙ ·Ô¤ Ìˆßæð´ ·¤æ ãôÙæÐ çÁâ âæçãˆØ ×ð´ Âý·¤ëçÌ ·¤è ÜØ-ÌæÜ ¥õÚU â´»èÌ
·¤æ ¥ÙéâÚU‡æ Ùãè´ ãô, â´Âê‡æü Áèß-Á»Ì ·¤è ¥ßãðÜÙæ ãô, Áô ÏÙÜôÜé ¥õÚU ÕæÁæÚUßæÎè çã´âæ ¥õÚU ÜæÜâæ
·¤æ Ù·¤æÚU Ùãè´ ·¤ÚUð, Áãæ´ âãæÙéÖêçÌ SßæÙéÖêçÌ ·¤è ÕÁæØ âæ×êçã·¤ ¥ÙéÖêçÌ ·¤æ ÂýÕÜ SßÚU ãUæð, ÁãUæ´ â´»èÌ Ù
ãô ¥õÚU Áô ×êÜ ¥æçÎßæâè Öæáæ¥ô´ ×ð´ Ùãè´ ÚU¿æ »Øæ ãô ßã ¥æçÎßæâè âæçãˆØ Ùãè´ ãñÐ âðç×ÙæÚU ×ð´ ¥æçÎßæâè
âæçãˆØ ·¤æ vz âê˜æèØ ÚUæ´¿è ƒæôá‡ææÂ˜æ Öè ÁæÚUè ç·¤Øæ »ØæÐ -·Ô¤°× çâ´ã ×é´ÇæBHOPAL: The BJP government of Madhya Pradesh
has decided to include the story of the struggle of
great Dalit-bahujan social reformer Jotiba Phule
and his wife Savitribai Phule in the school curricula.
In addition, a lesson based on the secrets of
achieving success in life, as enunciated by Jain saint
Tarun Sagar, will also be added to the curricula. The
stories of three personalities will figure in the cours-
es of classes 6 to 8. However, presently, it is not clear
as to which aspect of the Phule couple’s social
reformist movement will be highlighted. The
chairman of curriculum drafting committee,
Kumarvat, said that the decision was final and
would be implemented from this academic year. If
analysts are to be believed, the BJP government,
through this move, wants to expand its base among
the Dalits and OBCs. - Hussain Tabish
RANCHI: Scholars from all over the
country who took part in a two-day
seminar organized on 14-15 June
by Jharkhandi Bhasha Sahitya San-
skriti Akhada here were unanimous
in their view that unless elements
of Tribal philosophy are present in
it, no literature can qualify as Tribal
literature. The literature that does
not resonate with the rhythm of na-
ture, that has disdain for living
beings, that does not negate the
lust for money and violence for
capturing markets, that has no
place for sympathy and self-
realization and that has not been
written in an original Tribal
language, is not Tribal literature. A
15-point Ranchi declaration on
Tribal literature was also issued at
the seminar. -K.M. Singh Munda
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׊ØÂýÎðàæ ·Ô¤ S·¤êÜô´ ×ð´ ÂÉ¸æØæ Áæ°»æ Èé Üð δÂçÌ ·¤æ ¥æ´ÎæðÜÙ
Phules’ movement to be taught in MP schools
Tribal literature defined
¥æçÎßæâè âæçãˆØ ·¤ô ç·¤Øæ »Øæ ÂçÚUÖæçáÌ

Õý
VISHAL MANGALWADI
osmology: From Pessimism to Optimism
For millennia we were taught that the
cosmos began as Satyug (The Golden Age of
Truth) and degenerated into Treta (The Silver
Age), Dwapar (The Bronze Age) and Kaliyug
(The Dark Age of Iron). This pessimism was so
powerful that even our greatest sage, the
Buddha, could not turn our hopelessness into
optimism.
Buddha’s first noble truth was that life is
suffering. That dictum was understood to
mean that it is not possible to triumph over suf-
fering. The only way to escape suffering is to
close our eyes to it; to meditate on the bliss
within; escape life itself – that is, find nirvana or
liberation from life. Thankfully, that pessimism
is now dead. Even Buddhist thinkers try to find
optimism within their belief-system. The
impact of the Bible’s optimism has been so pro-
found that the Hindutva forces are fighting the
current, 2014 General Election, with a non-
Hindu promise to turn Congress’ Kaliyug into a
Gujarat-style golden age. They are offering the
hope of making India a land flowing with at
least (Amul) milk if not honey!
çßàææÜ ×¢»Üßæ¼è
±×æ‡Ç çß™ææÙ Ñ çÙÚUæàææßæÎ âð ¥æàææßæÎ ·¤è ¥ôÚU
âçÎØô´ âð ã×ð´ Øã ÕÌæØæ ÁæÌæ ÚUãæ ãñ ç·¤ âëçC ·¤è
àæéL¤¥æÌ âÌØé» âð ãé§üÐ ©â·Ô¤ ÕæÎ ¥æØæ ˜æðÌæ Øé»,
çÈ ÚU mæÂÚU ¥õÚU ¥´Ì ×´ð ·¤ÜØé»Ð Áãæ´ âÌØé» âˆØ ·¤æ
Sßç‡æü× ·¤æÜ Íæ ßãè´ ·¤ÜØé» ¥´Ï·¤æÚU ¥õÚU ¥âˆØ
·¤æ Øé» ãñÐ ÖæÚUÌèØô´ ×ð´ ÃØæ# çÙÚUæàææßæÎ §ÌÙæ »ãÚUæ Íæ
ç·¤ ã׿ÚUð Îðàæ ·Ô¤ ×ãæÙÌ× ÃØçQ¤ˆßô´ ×ð´ âð °·¤, Õéh
Öè ã׿ÚUè ¥âãæØÌæ ·Ô¤ Öæß ·¤ô ¥æàææßæÎ ×ð´ Ùãè´
ÕÎÜ â·Ô¤Ð
Õéh ·¤æ ÂýÍ× ×ãæÙ âˆØ Øã Íæ ç·¤ ÁèßÙ Îé¹ô´
âð ÂçÚUÂê‡æü ãñÐ §â·¤æ Øã ×ÌÜÕ Ü»æØæ »Øæ ç·¤ Îé¹ô´
ÂÚU çßÁØ Âýæ# ·¤ÚUÙæ â´Öß ãè Ùãè´ ãñÐ Îé¹ô´ âð ×éçQ¤
·¤æ °·¤ ãè ÌÚUè·¤æ ãñ ¥õÚU ßã ãñ ©Ùâð ¥ÂÙè ¥æ´¹ð´
×´êÎ ÜðÙæ, ÁèßÙ âð ãè ÎêÚU Öæ»Ùæ, ¥æ´ÌçÚU·¤ àææ´çÌ ·Ô¤
çܰ ŠØæÙ ·¤æ âãæÚUæ ÜðÙæ ¥õÚU ¥´ÌÌÑ çÙßæü‡æ Âýæ# ·¤ÚU
ÜðÙæÐ Øã Âýâ‹ÙÌæ ·¤æ çßáØ ãñ ç·¤ Øã çÙÚUæàææßæÎ
¥Õ ã׿ÚUð â׿Á âð Üé#ÂýæØ ãô »Øæ ãñÐ Øãæ´ Ì·¤ ç·¤
Õõh çß¿æÚU·¤ Öè ¥ÂÙð Ï×ü ·¤è ßñ¿æçÚU·¤è ×ð´
¥æàææßæÎ ·¤ô Éê´ÉÙð ·¤æ ÂýØæâ ·¤ÚU ÚUãð ãñ´Ð Õæ§üçÕÜ ·Ô¤
¥æàææßæÎ ·¤æ ¥âÚU §ÌÙæ »ãÚUæ ãñ ç·¤ çã‹Îéˆß ·¤è
Ìæ·¤Ìô´ Ùð ãæçÜØæ ¥æ×¿éÙæß, ·¤æ´»ýðâ ·Ô¤ ·¤ÜØé» ·¤ô
»éÁÚUæÌ-׿·¤æü S߇æüØé» ×ð´ ÕÎÜÙð ·Ô¤ »ñÚU-çã‹Îê ßæØÎð
ÂÚU ÜǸæÐ ©‹ãô´Ùð Üô»ô´ ×ð´ Øã ¥æàææ Á»æ§ü ç·¤ ßð ÖæÚUÌ
·¤ô °ðâæ Îðàæ ÕÙæ Îð´»ð Áãæ´ ¥»ÚU àæãÎ Ùãè´ Ìô ·¤× âð
·¤× (¥×êÜ) ÎêÏ ·¤è ÙçÎØæ´ Ìô Õãð´»è ãèÐ
JULY 2014
|
38
FORWARDPress
NATION
BUILDING
MAKING INDIA
A GREAT NATION
×ãUæÙ ÖæÚUÌ
·¤æ çÙ׿ü‡æPART
Öæ»13
Õæ§üçÕÜ Ùð ÖæÚUÌ ·¤ô ·ñ¤âð
çß·¤æâàæèÜ Îðàæ ÕÙæØæ
How the Bible made
India a developing nation
C

39
2014
ÁéÜæ§üU
ÚUæcÅþU
çÙ׿ü‡æ
ȤæòÚUßÇüUUÂýðâ |
The irony is that many upper-caste Hindus are hoping
that as prime minister, Narendra Modi, will become our
benevolent Hitler. They want him to have absolute power so
that he may replace our “British” democracy with Chinese-
style authoritarianism. This is an admission that our culture
lacks spiritual resources to renew Indian character. Are we
too corrupt to develop as a decent democracy?
Character: From Covetousness to Creativity
Why did Premchand condemn usury, exacting
debilitating interest from the poor, which was a
fundamental aspect of India’s economic culture? He did so
because the Bible condemns covetousness as sin. God
commands in Exodus 22:25, “If you lend money to any of my
people with you who is poor, you shall not be like a
moneylender to him, and you shall not exact interest from
him.”
The Jews knew that the tenth commandment, “You shall
not covet” (Exodus 20:17), did not require God’s people to re-
nounce the world and become ascetics. God wants to give
abundant life to his beloved. Therefore, that commandment
meant, “You shall not covet but create wealth.” In the parable
of the talents, the Lord Jesus himself justified using capital to
create capital (Matthew 25:14–30).
Transforming a covetous character into a creative one
required replacing the institution of moneylender with
banking. The Bank of Bombay, established in 1720, became
India’s first joint-stock bank. Banking, in turn, became a
means of turning our exploitative, stagnant economy into a
developing one.
Creating wealth requires work. The Bible’s God is a
worker. Creation did not spring from his meditation or
navel-gazing. The Bible’s very first chapter tells us that God
worked in order to create the world. Therefore, to work is
godly or God-likeness. That is why the apostle Paul, wrote in
the Bible that whoever does not work should not eat (2 Thes-
salonians 3:10).
Mahatma Gandhi had several reasons for advocating the
spinning wheel (charkha). One was a naïve opposition to in-
dustrialization. Another was an attempt to inject a Pauline
work ethic into India. Sociologist Max Weber, who argued
out that the biblical work ethic was the single most
important reason why the Protestant nations developed
more than the Roman Catholic ones, was Gandhi’s
contemporary. Through the charkha, Gandhi was trying to
bring into caste-conscious India the biblical idea of the
nobility of work.
Yet, few are likely put their hearts into creative work if a
culture gives them no right to own, enjoy, and share of their
free will what they create. The Hindu caste system had
denied property rights to the Indian masses. The Bible made
the difference.
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Culture: From Caste Privileges to Property Rights
God’s promise that He would give the land of Canaan to
Abraham’s descendants was realized through Moses’ succes-
sor Joshua. Along with Israel’s elders, Joshua allotted the land
to the Jewish tribes and families. God commanded the Jews
not to covet or steal their neighbours’ farms, vineyards,
homes, wives or cattle. If circumstances forced a Jew to “sell”
his land to someone, the sale was not final. At most he sold 49
years of crops. The seller and his extended family retained
the right to buy back his family inheritance at a price
reduced according to the number of years the buyer had
already benefited from the land. In the fiftieth year, the Year
of Jubilee, the land was to be returned to the original owners
for free.
God’s sixth commandment, “You shall not steal”, meant
that each person had a fundamental right to property of
which he could not be deprived without the due process of
law. Because this law was God’s word, not even a king could
steal a citizen’s property.
When most British rulers were coveting and robbing
Indian peasants, Bible-believing Christians such as Edmund
Burke, Charles Grant, Henry Dundas, William Wilberforce
and William Pitt recognized that land reform, conferring
secure property rights to cultivators, and affordable delivery
systems of justice were necessary first steps to make India a
developing nation.
This biblical battle to replace caste privileges with
institutionalized property rights has already taken two
centuries. We have not yet reached the point where Indian
culture can produce a Bill Gates. If Bill Gates was an Indian,
his intellectual property rights would have been ignored by
his own people.
The first step in institutionalizing property rights in the In-
dian countryside came in accordance with Pitt’s India Act of
1784. Lord Cornwallis, the then governor-general,
introduced a number of reforms. Charles Grant, inspired by
the Bible, hammered out many of these reforms with Henry
Dundas, the head of the East India Company at the time.
These reforms laid the foundation of “the Settlement” of the
revenue and land system of Bengal. It was the sort of thing
Moses’ successor Joshua had done for Israel.
Reforms and property rights did not work out smoothly.
Nor had Mosaic law and Joshua’s land allotment functioned
satisfactorily. Historian Percival Spear points out that for
practical reasons the “Settlements” had to be made with the
zamindars rather than with individual farmers. Initially, in
1789, a zamindar was responsible for an estate for ten years.
Later, Cornwallis began looking upon zamindars as
landlords with permanent land rights. They were to be the
government agents for keeping the countryside quiet, and in
return they were given security of tenure, as long as they
collected revenue from cultivators and paid their dues. But
JULY 2014
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40
FORWARDPress
NATION
BUILDING
Jotiba Phule knew the wickedness of Kulkarnis and
zamindars, Indian officials in British administrations.
That is why he wrote, “Now at least British government
should wake up and place at least one English or
Scottish preacher in each village, gifting him one plot
of tenantless land for his upkeep”
ÁôçÌÕæ Èé Üð ·¤éÜ·¤ç‡æüØô´ ¥õÚU Á×è´ÎæÚUô´ ·¤è ·¤éçÅUÜÌæ âð ßæç·¤È ÍðÐ ßð
Øã Öè ÁæÙÌð Íð ç·¤ çÕýçÅUàæ ÂýàææâÙ ×ð´ Áô ÖæÚUÌèØ ¥çÏ·¤æÚUè ·¤æ×
·¤ÚU ÚUãð ãñ´, ßð ç·¤ÌÙð ÎéC ß ÖýC ãñ´Ð Øãè ·¤æÚU‡æ ãñ ç·¤ ©‹ãô´Ùð ¥ÂÙè
ÂéSÌ·¤ ÒSÜðßÚUèÓ ×ð´ çܹæ, Ò·¤× âð ·¤× ¥Õ çÕýçÅUàæ âÚU·¤æÚU ·¤ô
Áæ»Ùæ ¿æçã° ¥õÚU ãÚU »æ´ß ×ð´ °·¤ ¥´»ýðÁ Øæ S·¤æòÅU ÂæÎÚUè ·¤ô ÚU¹Ùæ
¿æçã°Ð ©âð ©â·Ô¤ ÁèßÙØæÂÙ ·Ô¤ çܰ Á×èÙ ·¤æ °·¤ °ðâæ ÅU鷤Ǹæ
çÎØæ ÁæÙæ ¿æçã°, çÁâ ÂÚU ·¤ô§ü ׿ܻéÁæÚUè ÎðØ Ù ãôÓ

41
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çÙ׿ü‡æ
2014ÁéÜæ§üUȤæòÚUßÇüUUÂýðâ |
the corruption of our hearts “prevented the idyllic results of
Cornwallis’s hopes from being realized. The cultivator was to be
secure as long as he paid his dues to the zamindar. But there was
no way of determining exactly what these were. Because what
dues a farmer owed the government depended on the whims of
the zamindar, they became his secret weapon of exploiting the
poor. Newly established English courts were there for redress of
grievances, but they were out of a peasant’s reach and
understanding. So the peasant cultivation became in effect a
tenant-at-will of the zamindar.”
The intention behind Cornwallis’s scheme laid the
foundation of India’s development, even though its
implementation could not improve the land and cultivation.
The zamindars became the new nawabs, squeezing the revenue
out of the tenant. Spear notes that “[t]he great difficulty of the
Company was to know how much the countryside could safely
pay. This was the zamindar’s secret which they were disinclined
to share since their living depended on its exploitation.”
Permanent settlement failed because Indian landlords found it
more convenient to make their own lives in Calcutta more
comfortable and luxurious rather than contributing to
improving the lot of their fellowmen, the cultivators.
Nevertheless, that “Settlement” laid the foundation of the
concept of secure property rights at the grass roots – a first step in
building a developing society.
Noble Laureate Rabindranath Tagore was deeply conscious of
the fact that his zamindar family’s wealth came from the toiling
and starving masses. Therefore, he encouraged his son and son-
in-law to emulate Sam Higginbottom’s mission. He asked them
to make restitution for their family’s sin and serve farmers so that
agriculture would work for the cultivators.
Faith – the Ground of Hope
Failed reforms could have discouraged great men like Tagore
as well as well-intentioned British rulers. Just as today, the failure
of our socialist, democratic republic and its economy,
education, judiciary, administration and media is discouraging
many to such a point that highly educated Indians are willing to
give up freedom in favour of dictatorship. What then gave hope
to British and Indian reformers?
There are plenty of problems that can discourage the bravest
among us. What sustained the reformers’ faith in progress was
the Bible’s unique worldview. It inspired Mahatma Gandhi to
sing, “Lead kindly light amidst the encircling gloom . . . the
distant land I do not ask to see . . . one step enough for me.”
This, one of Gandhi’s favourite hymns, was written by a sick
and tearful Henry Newman, stranded in Italy in 1833. That was
the year in which Macaulay persuaded the British Parliament to
govern India in such a way that she may learn to govern herself
as a free nation. Newman called his poem The Pillar of Cloud.
That is a reference to the Bible’s saga of God’s pillar of cloud guid-
ing rebellious Jews out of slavery and wilderness into the§Ù âéÏæÚUô´ ·¤ô Üæ»ê ·¤ÚUÙæ ¥õÚU Üô»ô´ ·¤ô â´Âçžæ ·¤æ ¥çÏ·¤æÚU ÎðÙæ
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JULY 2014
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42
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Promised Land. Most of the reforms that Moses instituted
ended in terrible wickedness. Failure and sin brought
God’s judgment upon the Jews. Yet, divine judgments
upon human folly also offered hope of forgiveness and re-
newal based on national repentance.
Human wickedness corrupts every good law and
institution. That is why the Jews had to put their hope in a
living God, who loves us enough to forgive us; who is pow-
erful enough to transform our hearts; who promises to
abide with us and bless the nations through us. Men and
women who created modern India put their hope in the
living God and his power to transform our hearts. One can
learn that by reading Tagore’s poems, beginning with our
national anthem. Mahatma Jotiba Phule knew the
wickedness of Kulkarnis and zamindars, Indian officials
in British administrations. That is why he wrote in Slavery ,
“Now at least our [British] government should wake up
and place at least one English or Scottish preacher in each
village, gifting him one plot of tenantless land for his
upkeep, and assign him the task of preaching and submit-
ting to the government at least one report every year on
everything that happens in the village.”
Sam Higginbottom founded Asia’s best agriculture
institute on a theology of “The Gospel and the Plough”,
because he realized that without spiritual transformation,
education, science and technology could not make India
a developing nation:
“On one point in our discussion, the students [of
Economics] were unanimous. Methods of improving life
in the villages were not their business. Everything was the
fault of the government and all reform, therefore, was the
government’s responsibility. I pointed out to them that the
chief exploiters of the villager were the petty government
officials. They answered that the government should
appoint better men. I asked where the government could
secure these better men. The students were at a loss to
know.” (Sam Higginbottom, Farmer: An Autobiography,
p.76)
The Bible sustained the reformers’ slow and unsteady
progress towards turning India into a society where biblical
justice could replace Manusmriti, modern banking could
replace debilitating usury, development of vernaculars
could empower the aam admi, technology could free us
from caste-based slavery, women could be emancipated to
help pull our national “bullock cart”, education could be
universalized, a free press and free elections could check
power’s abuse. The next few articles will pursue the
Bible’s role in shaping some of these features of our de-
veloping nation.
çßàææÜ ×´»ÜßæÎè, °Ü°ÜÇè, ßæØ ¥æòÚU ßè Õñ·¤ßÇü ·Ô¤ Üð¹·¤ ãñ´ ß §ÜæãæÕæÎ, ©UžæÚUUÂýÎðàæ ×ð´ çSÍÌ
?ⰿ?????U?? (??? ?????????U?) ?? ?????? ????????? ?Ԥ ??????? ?????·? ??
Vishal Mangalwadi, LLD, the author of Why Are We Backward?,
is the honorary professor of Applied Theology in Sam Higginbottom
Institute of Agriculture, Technology, and Sciences, Allahabad

SANDEEP MEEL
he stratification of Indian society, done under the
guidelines provided by the Brahmanical social ideology,
was accompanied by an elaborate hypocrisy of
‘sacredness’, leaving no possibilities of ideological union
between Shudras, Ati-Shudras and OBCs. As the unity of
these three classes would have sounded the death knell of
the extant system, whenever movements fighting for
equality were launched in India, the Savarnas have tried
to smuggle the OBCs into their camp. The real danger was
the disintegration of Brahmanical Hindu religion and it
could be saved only by giving it a new veneer of faith and
religion.
Arya Samaj was an example of one such attempt,
which tried to disrupt the impending unity of the
Shudras, Ati-Shudras and OBCs in colonial India. That
T
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INDIAN LITERATURE BEGINS AND
ENDS WITH BAHUJAN LITERATURE.
SAVARNA LITERATURE IS MERELY AN
INSTRUMENT OF EXPLOITATION
·Ô¤ßÜ ÕãéÁÙ âæçãˆØ ãè ÖæÚUÌèØ
âæçãˆØ ãñU, â߇æü âæçãˆØ Ìô àæôá‡æ
·¤æ ©Â·¤ÚU‡æ ׿˜æ ãñ
XX
ȤæòÚUßÇüUUÂýðâ | 2014
43
ÁéÜæ§üU
âæçãˆØ
ÕãéÁÙ âæçãˆØ
çß×àæü
Besides Bahujan literature,
everything is pulp fiction
ÕãéUÁÙ âæçãUˆØ ·ð¤ ¥Üæßæ âÕ Üé»Îè
Bahujan
Literature
Discourse

JULY 2014
|
44
FORWARDPress
LITERATURE
was because all the three classes were using their knowledge of
instruments of exploitation, acquired by them through
experience, to spread awareness and thus create a wider
consciousness of liberation. That was why it was essential for
Brahmanism to build structures of art, literature and land
relations that would continue to keep the society divided.
In the post-Independence India, this agenda was
implemented with an even greater alacrity. The Savarna littera-
teurs were feeling threatened by the growing popularity of Dalit
literature. They could also see the signs of an emerging OBC lit-
erature and a ‘great’ Hindi critic voiced this ‘pain’ of the Savarna
community by tossing comments like “No reservation in litera-
ture”. In fact, they were not fearful of OBC literature. What they
feared was the emerging new concept of ‘Bahujan literature’ in
which Dalit, women’s, tribal and OBC literature was included.
This concept had the potential to wipe out their carefully
crafted divisive strategy. And then, it would not have remained
confined to art and literature. It would have spread to all areas
of knowledge where the Bahujans were making their presence
felt. When the critics were shouting themselves hoarse, the first
battalion of OBCs was demolishing the outermost circle of the
Savarna domination of Indian academic institutions. They
were not only attacking the Savarna domination in terms of
numbers but they were also endeavouring to bring into public
domain the knowledge that was kept under wraps for
centuries. The pace at which Bahujan presence is growing in
the field of politics is much higher than in the arenas of
literature and art. That is because the Savaranas have had
almost a complete monopoly over publishing, criticism and
reading and writing. The fact that many authors wearing the
cloak of ‘progressivism’ too, ultimately, played the role of Savar-
na critics should not be mourned.
That is the reason why the concept of ‘Bahujans’, which was
relegated to the margins, is finding a place in the chronicles of
society. It was these so-called Progressives who glorified
Bhartendu Harishchandra and Mahadevi Verma instead of
Jotiba Phule and Savitribai Phule. What is even more
interesting is that workers, farmers and the proletariat were
never the concerns of these critics. Their caste identity
remained most important for them: art and progressivism
could wait. On the other hand, in the concept of Bahujans,
right from Buddha to Phule, the concerns of the farmers and
the workers have always found a central place. The seven notes
of music were created by Dalits and OBCs but while giving the
Savarna status of ‘Classical Music’, no one even bothered to tell
the world that it had been created by the Bahujans and it was
their intellectual property.
The entire level of consciousness in this ‘loot of knowledge’
has been created with Dwijs as its base. Therefore, it can safely
be concluded that the said Hindi critic must have been
primarily concerned with maintaining the dominance of
Dwijs. ·¤æðçàæàæ Íæ, €UØô´ç·¤ Øð ÌèÙô´ ãè àææðá‡æ ·¤è â´ÚU¿Ùæ¥ô´ â𠩈‹Ù
¥ÙéÖßÁ‹Ø ™ææÙ ·¤ô â´ßæÎ ·Ô¤ SÌÚU ÂÚU Üæ·¤Ú ×éçQ¤ ·¤è çßSÌëÌ
¿ðÌÙæ ·¤è ¥ôÚU Üð Áæ ÚUãð ÍðÐ §âçܰ Õýæ±×‡æ Ï×ü ·Ô¤ çܰ
ÁM¤ÚUè Íæ ç·¤ ßã ·¤Üæ, âæçãˆØ ¥õÚU Öê-â´Õ´Ïô´ ·¤è â´ÚU¿Ùæ¥ô´
·¤ô çßÖæÁÙ·¤æÚUè M¤Â ×ð´ SÍæçÂÌ ·¤ÚUðÐ
SßæÌ´˜æØôžæÚU ÖæÚUÌ ×ð´ Øã Âýßëçžæ Ì×æ× SÌÚUô´ ÂÚU Ìèßý »çÌ âð
ÕɸèÐ Áãæ´ ÎçÜÌ âæçãˆØ ·¤è ÕɸÌè Üô·¤çÂýØÌæ âð â߇æü
âæçãˆØ·¤æÚU ç¿´çÌÌ Íð, ßãè´ ©‹ãð´ Ò¥ôÕèâèÓ âæçãˆØ ·¤è ÎSÌ·¤
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Áæ ÚUãè ÒÕãéÁÙ âæçãˆØÓ ·¤è ©â ¥ßÏæÚU‡ææ âð Íæ çÁâ×ð´
ÎçÜÌ, S˜æè, ¥æçÎßæâè ¥õÚU ¥ôÕèâè ·¤ô àææç×Ü ç·¤Øæ »Øæ Íæ,
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¥æÏæÚU ×æÙ·¤ÚU ÚU¿æ »Øæ ãñÐ °ðâð ×ð´ çã‹Îè ·Ô¤ ©UÙ ¥æÜô¿·¤ ·¤è
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Áæ â·¤Ìè ãñÐ
ÁôçÌÕæ È éÜð ·¤æ Òç·¤âæÙ ·¤æ ·¤ôǸæÓ ÙæÅU·¤ ÖæÚUÌèØ
©Â×ãæmè ×ð´ ·¤ëá·¤ ß»ü ·¤è â×SØæ¥ô´ ·¤æ ÕðãÌÚUèÙ ÎSÌæßðÁ
·¤ãæ Áæ â·¤Ìæ ãñ, çÁâ×ð´ âæ×æçÁ·¤, ÚUæÁÙèçÌ·¤ ¥õÚU
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»ØæÐ

45âæçãˆØ
ȤæòÚUßÇüUUÂýðâ | 2014ÁéÜæ§üU
Jotiba Phule’s play Kisan Ka Koda is an excellent documentation of
the condition and problems of the peasants in the Indian
subcontinent. It is an accurate analysis of the dialectics of the
contemporary social, political and cultural ambience. But it was
deliberately ignored.
It is intriguing that the concept of ‘social equality’ did not find a
place in the teachings of any Indian thinker prior to Buddha. It was
systematically developed at the conceptual level by Phule. Now, the
question is, if the concept of ‘social equality’ does not exist even in a
cultural structure then how and why can the literature of that
cultural structure be considered ‘people’s literature’? In fact, it does
not even qualify to be called literature because it is status quoist. It
has no role to play in the development of society. Thus, Indian
literature begins and ends with Bahujan literature. Savarna literature
is merely an instrument of exploitation.
The stream of Bahujan literature is quite a long one. And it is also a
fact that if you subtract Bahujan literature from the so-called Hindi
literature, only pulp fiction will remain. The desperation and anxiety
of the critic referred to above can be understood. How can he
become a ‘great’ critic on the basis of this ‘pulp’, especially since all
his instruments of criticism are Savarna?
Another pertinent issue is that the assessments of Savarna
thinkers vis-à-vis the pace of social change have proved to be wide
off the mark. For instance, this critic insisted that it would take 100 to
200 years to free society from its well-entrenched mores and
prejudices. But the rise of political awareness among the Bahujans
and the quickened pace of cultural changes seems to have shortened
this time frame. If their understanding of society and its processes is
so flawed then wouldn’t it be legitimate to ask as to how far was the
so-called ‘Progressive’ movement influenced by Savarna
conservatism? °·¤ ×ãˆßÂê‡æü âᑚ Øã Öè ãñ ç·¤ ÖæÚUÌèØ â׿Á ×ð´
Òâæ×æçÁ·¤ â׿ÙÌæÓ ·¤è ¥ßÏæÚU‡ææ Õéh âð Âêßü ç·¤âè
çß¿æÚU·¤ ×ð´ çιæ§ü Ùãè´ ÎðÌè ãñÐ §âð ¥ßÏæÚU‡ææˆ×·¤ SÌÚU ÂÚU
Èé Üð Ùð çß·¤çâÌ ç·¤ØæÐ ¥Õ âᑚ Øã ãñ ç·¤ çÁâ
âæ´S·¤ëçÌ·¤ â´ÚU¿Ùæ ×ð´ Òâæ×æçÁ·¤ â׿ÙÌæÓ ·¤è ¥ßÏæÚU‡ææ
Ì·¤ Ùãè´ ãñ, ©â âæ´S·¤ëçÌ·¤ â´ÚU¿Ùæ ·Ô¤ âæçãˆØ ·¤ô ÒÁÙÌæ
·¤æ âæçãˆØÓ ·ñ¤âð ×æÙæ Áæ â·¤Ìæ ãñ ? ¥âÜ ×ð´ Ìô ©âð
ÒâæçãˆØÓ ãè Ùãè´ ·¤ãæ Áæ â·¤Ìæ, €UØô´ç·¤ ßã â׿Á
çß·¤æâ ×ð´ Øô»ÎæÙ ÎðÙð ·¤è ÕÁæØ ØÍæçSÍçÌßæÎè ãñÐ
???ܰ ???U??? ????? ?? ????U?? ?????? ?? ?? ????U?
ãôÌæ ãñÐ §ââð §ÌÚU Áô â߇æü Üð¹Ù ãñU ©âð Òàææðá‡æ ·¤æ
¥õÁæÚUÓ ·¤ãæ Áæ â·¤Ìæ ãñÐ
????? ?Ԥ ????? ??? ???U? ?? ???? ??? ?? ??緤?
×ÁðÎæÚU ÕæÌ Øã Öè ãñ ç·¤ ÕãéÁÙ âæçãˆØ ·¤ô çÙ·¤æÜ çÎØæ
Áæ° Ìô ÌÍæ·¤çÍÌ çã‹Îè âæçãˆØ ×ð´ ׿˜æ Üé»Îè Õ¿ð»èÐ Øãè´
ÂÚU ©Ù ¥æÜô¿·¤ ×ãôÎØ ·¤è ÀÅUÂÅUæãÅU â×Ûæè Áæ â·¤Ìè
ãñÐ ¥æç¹ÚU ßð §â ÒÜé»ÎèÓ ·Ô¤ ÕÜ ÂÚU ·ñ¤âð Ò×ãæÙÓ
¥æÜô¿·¤ ÕÙ â·¤Ìð ãñ´ ÁÕç·¤ ©Ù·¤è ¥æÜô¿Ùæ ·Ô¤ âæÚUð
¥õÁæÚU Ìô â߇æü ãñ´Ð Øã ×ãˆßÂê‡æü ãñ ç·¤ â߇æü ç¿´Ì·¤ô´ ·¤æ
â׿çÁ·¤ ÂçÚUßÌüÙ ·¤æ ¥æ·¤ÜÙ ãè »ÜÌ âæçÕÌ ãô »Øæ ãñÐ
Áñâæ ç·¤ §Ù ¥æÜô¿·¤ ·¤æ ·¤ãÙæ Íæ ç·¤ â׿Á ·Ô¤
Õh×êÜ â´S·¤æÚUô´ ·¤ô ¹ˆ× ·¤ÚUÙð ×ð´ âõ Îô-âõ âæÜ ·¤æ
âר Ü»ð»æÐ ÕãéÁÙ ·¤è ÚUæÁÙèçÌ·¤ ¿ðÌÙæ âð Üð·¤ÚU
âæ´S·¤ëçÌ·¤ ÂçÚUßÌüÙ ·¤è Ì×æ× ÕØæÚUô´ ·¤ô Îð¹Ùð ·Ô¤ ÕæÎ
çSÍçÌ ×ð´ ÕÎÜæß ãô ÚUãæ ãñ ¥õÚU Øã âר-âè׿ Öè »ÜÌ
âæçÕÌ ãô ÚUãè ãñÐ ÁÕ ©Ù·¤è âæ×æçÁ·¤ â×Ûæ ÂÚU §ÌÙæ
ÕÇ¸æ ¥æƒææÌ ãô ÚUãæ ãñ ÌÕ €UØæ Øã âᑚ çÕË·¤éÜ Ùãè´
ÂêÀæ ÁæÙæ ¿æçã° ç·¤ ©Ù·Ô¤ ÌÍæ·¤çÍÌ ÒÂý»çÌàæèÜÓ
¥æ´ÎôÜÙ ·Ô¤ Ì·¤æðZ ×ð´ ç·¤ÌÙè â߇æü M¤çÉßæçÎÌæ Íè ?
Sandeep Meel, a writer of short stories, has carved out a niche for himself through his
novel, dialogue-based style of storytelling. Besides editing a book Anna Se Lekar Arvind Tak,
he has also penned a book of children's stories in Rajasthani titled Batan Re Obri
Øéßæ ·¤ãæÙè·¤æÚU â´Îè ×èÜ Ùð ·¤Íæ Üð¹Ù ·Ô¤ ÿæð˜æ ×ð´ ¥ÂÙè ×õçÜ·¤ â´ßæÎÂÚU·¤
·¤Íæ-àæñÜè ·Ô¤ ·¤æÚU‡æ °·¤ ¥Ü» Âã¿æÙ ÕÙæØè ãñÐ Ò¥‹Ùæ âð Üð·¤ÚU ¥ÚUçß´Î
Ì·¤Ó àæèáü·¤¤ â´ÂæçÎÌ ÂéSÌ·¤ ·Ô¤ ¥çÌçÚU€UÌ ©Ù·¤è ÚUæÁSÍæÙè տܷ¤Íæ¥ô´ ·¤è
°·¤ ÂéSÌ·¤ ÒÕæÌæ´ ÚUUè ¥ôÕÚUèÓ àæèáü·¤ âð Öè Âý·¤æçàæÌ ãñ
ÚUæÁÙèçÌ ×ð´ çÁâ Ìèßý »çÌ âð ÕãéÁÙ ·¤è Öæ»èÎæÚUè Õɸ ÚUãè ãñ, ©ÌÙè àææØÎ âæçãˆØ ¥õÚU ·¤Üæ ×ð´
Ùãè´ ãñ €UØô´ç·¤ Øãæ´ ÂÚU Âý·¤æàæÙ ß ¥æÜô¿Ùæ âð Üð·¤ÚU âÂ?‡æü Â?Ù-Âæ?Ù ÂÚU â߇ææðZ ·¤æ
°·¤æçÏ·¤æÚU ÚUãæ ãñÐ §â×ð´ Öè ¥È âôâ Ùãè´ ãôÙæ ¿æçã° ç·¤ ÒÂý»çÌàæèÜÌæÓ ·¤æ ¿ôÜæ ÏæÚU‡æ ç·¤°
¥æÜô¿·¤ô´ Ùð ¥´ÌÌÑ â߇æü ¥æÜô¿·¤ ·¤æ È Áü ãè ¥Îæ ç·¤Øæ ãñ
The pace at which Bahujan presence is growing the field of politics is much higher
than in the arenas of literature and art. That is because the Savaranas have had almost
a complete monopoly over publishing, criticism and reading and writing. The fact that
many authors wearing the cloak of ‘progressivism’ too, ultimately, played the role of
Savarna critics should not be mourned

JULY 2014
|
46
FORWARDPress
DEBATE
ANAND TELTUMBDE
uring the colonial days, the first expression of the
resentment of the Untouchables was against their
exclusion from social processes. Barring Jotiba
Phule, who conceived their cause beyond
untouchability and included them within his
‘shudra-atishudra’ as a class that was exploited by
‘shetjis and bhatjis’, all other social reformers just
focused on this visible symptom of untouchability
and not the disease of caste per se. Post-Lucknow
Pact, the Congress acutely felt the need to keep
the Untouchables within its fold as Hindus lest
they lost their political share to Muslims. They,
therefore, began working on the issue of untouch-
ability. With the persistent efforts of Babasaheb
Ambedkar, particularly his forceful arguments in
the Round Table Conferences in 1931-32, the sep-
arate and special status of the Untouchables was
¥æÙ´Î ÌðÜÌé×Ǹð
ÂçÙßðçàæ·¤ ·¤æÜ ×ð´, ¥ÀêÌô´ ·Ô¤ ¥â´Ìôá ·¤æ ÂãÜæ
Âý·¤ÅUè·¤ÚU‡æ, âæ×æçÁ·¤ ÁèßÙ âð ©‹ãð´ ¥ÀêÌæ ÚU¹Ùð
·Ô¤ çßÚUôÏ ·Ô¤ M¤Â ×ð´ ã饿 ÍæÐ ¥çÏ·¤æ´àæ â׿Á
âéÏæÚU·¤ô´ Ùð ¥ÀêÌ ÂýÍæ ·Ô¤ §â Õýæs Üÿæ‡æ ÂÚU ¥ÂÙæ
ŠØæÙ ·Ô¤ç‹ÎýÌ ç·¤Øæ Ùæ ç·¤ §â·¤è ÁǸ ¥ÍæüÌ÷ ÁæçÌ
ÂÚUÐ ·Ô¤ßÜ ÁôçÌÕæ Èé Üð Ùð §â ÂýÍæ ·Ô¤ ÂèçǸÌô´ ·¤ô
°·¤ ß»ü (àæêÎý-¥çÌàæêÎý) ·Ô¤ M¤Â ×ð´ Îð¹æ çÁâ·¤æ
ÒâðÆ Áè ¥õÚU ÖÅ÷UÅU ÁèÓ àæôá‡æ ·¤ÚU ÚUãð ÍðРܹ٪¤
Âñ€UÅU ·Ô¤ ÕæÎ, ·¤æ´»ýðâ ·¤ô ¥ÀêÌô´ ·¤ô çã‹Îé¥ô´ ·Ô¤ M¤Â
×ð´ ¥ÂÙð âæÍ ÜæÙð ·¤è ¥æßàØ·¤Ìæ ×ãâêâ ãé§ü
€UØô´ç·¤ ©âð ÇÚU Íæ ç·¤ ¥‹ØÍæ ßð ×éâÜ׿Ùô´ âð ÁéǸ
Áæ°´»ðÐ §âçܰ ·¤æ´»ýðâ Ùð ¥ÀêÌô´ ·Ô¤ ×éÎ÷Îð ÂÚU ·¤æ×
???M? 緤??? ????????? ????Ƿ??U ?Ԥ ????U?
???????, ?????ᷤ?U v~xv-xw ?Ԥ ?????? ???????
×ð´ ©Ù·Ô¤ ÁôÚUÎæÚU Ì·¤æðZ ·Ô¤ È ÜSßM¤Â »ßÙü×ð´ÅU ¥æòÈ
§´çÇØæ °€UÅU v~xz ×ð´ ¥ÀêÌô´ ·¤ô Ò¥Ùéâêç¿Ì
ÁæçÌØô´Ó ·Ô¤ M¤Â ×𴠥ܻ Âã¿æÙ ¥õÚU ÎÁæü çÎØæ
¥æñD
Keeping alive the
caste goose that lays
golden eggs
ÁæçÌ ãñ âôÙð ·¤æ ¥´Çæ ÎðÙð
ßæÜè ×é»èü
¥æÚUÿæ‡æ ·¤æ §çÌãæâ àææâ·¤ ß»ü ·¤è ¥ßâÚUßæçÎÌæ ·¤è ÂôÜ ¹ôÜÌæ ãñ
A SHORT HISTORY OF RESERVATIONS UNRAVELS THE COLD
OPPORTUNISM OF THE RULING CLASSES

47
recognized in the Government of India Act 1935 as
‘Scheduled Castes’. A massive exercise was carried out
all over India to identify castes on the basis of untouch-
ability for preparing this schedule before the 1937 elec-
tions in order to implement the provisions contained in
the Act. The provisions were in the political form, origi-
nally as reservations with separate electorates and
thereafter, as modified in the Poona Pact, reservations
in joint electorates. There were also preferment provi-
sions in the Act that mandated the state to take care of
the interests of the Untouchables. Accordingly, capable
people from among the Scheduled Castes were given
jobs in the government sector. When Dr Ambedkar
became the member of the viceroy’s executive council
in 1942, this preferment policy was converted into a
quota system by an executive order.
The important point to note here is that the evolu-
tion of the reservation system up to this point was con-
ceptually correct. Reservations were made an exception
to the general rule (nobody could have any dispute over
the Untouchables having lived through exceptional cir-
cumstances). But after the transfer of power, during the
writing of the Constitution, this exceptional provision
was extended to preserve the prevailing communal and
caste divisions in society lest they disappeared under
the force of ensuing changes in political economy. First,
the same set of provisions was extended to the Tribals
by creating a separate schedule for them. There were
alternatives: to combine the schedules or extend the
existing schedule for the Untouchables to include the
Tribals. By doing so, the caste factor could have been
diffused because although Tribals were backward, they
did not suffer the social stigma of untouchability like
the Untouchables. If the purpose of these schedules
were exactly the same, their separation did not make
sense except for keeping the untouchable castes as a
distinct category. Merging the Untouchables and the
Tribes would have at the minimum diluted the caste
stigma. Instead, the separation maintained the identity
of the Untouchables as a separate people. The utility of
this separation is illustrated by many communities
demanding their inclusion in Scheduled Tribes but not
in the Scheduled Castes. That would fetch them all the
benefits without the social stigma of being inferior. No
one would like to be a Scheduled Caste!
There was another problem with the schedule for
Tribes, which was the fluid criterion used for schedul-
ing the communities as Tribals. Unlike the
Untouchables, who were categorized into the schedule
on a concrete criterion of untouchability, there could
not be such a criterion for Tribals or for that matter, any
other people. The problem has manifested in the inclu-
»ØæÐ °€UÅU ·Ô¤ ÂýæßÏæÙô´ ·Ô¤ ¥ÙéM¤Â, âÙ÷ v~x| ·Ô¤ ¿éÙæß ·¤ÚUßæÙð ·Ô¤ çܰ
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»° ¥õÚU ©‹ãô´Ùð ¥æçÎßæçâØô´ ·Ô¤ çܰ çÙÏæüçÚUÌ ÜæÖô´ ß âéçßÏæ¥ô´ ÂÚU
°·¤æçÏ·¤æÚU Á׿ çÜØæÐ ãÚU ÚUæ’Ø ×ð´ ·¤× âð ·¤× °·¤ Øæ Îô °ðâð â×é뾯 ç×Ü
Áæ°´»ð, Áô âæ×æçÁ·¤-¥æçÍü·¤ ÎëçC âð ©‘¿ ÁæçÌØô´ ·Ô¤ â×·¤ÿæ ãñ´ ÂÚU´Ìé
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ȤæòÚUßÇüUUÂýðâ | 2014ÁéÜæ§üU
Õãâ

48
JULY 2014
|FORWARDPress
DEBATE
sion of certain undeserving communities into the schedule
that appear to have monopolized most benefits planned for
the Tribes. Every state has just one or two communities, which
otherwise are as advanced as even the upper castes, monopo-
lizing the benefits just by an accident of being included in the
schedule for Tribes.
The bigger mischief was played under Article 340 of the
Indian Constitution, which made it obligatory for the govern-
ment to promote the welfare of the OBCs. The Article said:
“The president may by order appoint a commission, con-
sisting of such persons as he thinks fit to investigate the condi-
tions of socially and educationally backward classes within the
territory of India and the difficulties under which they labour
and to make recommendations as to the steps that should be
taken by the union or any state to remove such difficulties and
as to improve their condition and as to the grants that should
be made, and the order appointing such commission shall
define the procedure to be followed by the commission. ... A
commission so appointed shall investigate the matters
referred to them and present to the president a report setting
out the facts as found by them and making such recommen-
dations as they think proper.”
To defend the Constitution, one may argue that the phrase
used in the Article is “socially and educationally backward
classes” and not “castes”. As a matter of fact, except in refer-
ence to the Untouchables, the Constitution does not use
“caste” anywhere. But everybody knew what was meant by the
“classes” in the Article. It would only be mapped by the castes.
This Article would constitute the arsenal of the ruling classes,
which could be opened at the opportune time. There were far
more pressing mandates of the Constitution to the ruling
classes. One such mandate, and the only one demanding its
fulfilment within a specified time period of a decade, was §ââð ÕÇ¸æ ¹ðÜ â´çßÏæÙ ·Ô¤ ¥Ùé‘ÀðÎ xy® ·Ô¤ ÁçÚU° ¹ðÜæ »Øæ,
çÁâ×ð´ âÚU·¤æÚU ·Ô¤ çܰ ¥‹Ø çÂÀǸæ ß»æðZ ·Ô¤ ·¤ËØæ‡æ ·¤ô ÂýôˆâæãÙ
ÎðÙæ ¥çÙßæØü ÕÙæØæ »ØæÐ ¥Ùé‘ÀðÎ ·¤ãÌæ ãñ Ñ ÒÖæÚUÌ ·Ô¤ ÚUæCþÂçÌ,
¥æÎðàæ ÁæÚUè ·¤ÚU, ÖæÚUÌèØ Öê-Öæ» ×ð´ âæ×æçÁ·¤ ß àæñÿæç‡æ·¤ ÎëçC âð
çÂÀǸð ß»æðZ ·¤è çSÍçÌ ¥õÚU ©Ù·Ô¤ ·¤æØü ×ð´ ¥æÙð ßæÜè â×SØæ¥ô´ ·Ô¤
¥ŠØØÙ ·Ô¤ çܰ °·¤ ¥æØô» ·¤è çÙØéçQ¤ ·¤ÚU â·ð´¤»ð, çÁâ·Ô¤ âÎSØ
°ðâð ÃØçQ¤ ãô´»ð Áô ç·¤ ©ÂÚUôQ¤ ·¤æØü ·Ô¤ çÙcÂæÎÙ ×ð´ âÿæ× ãô´Ð Øã
¥æØô» ©Ù ·¤Î×ô´ ·¤è çâÈ æçÚUàæ ·¤ÚU â·Ô¤»æ, Áô ·Ô¤‹Îý ¥Íßæ ç·¤âè
Öè ÚUæ’Ø ·¤ô §Ù â×SØæ¥ô´ ·¤ô ÎêÚU ·¤ÚUÙð ·Ô¤ çܰ ¥õÚU ©Ù·¤è çSÍçÌ
âéÏæÚUÙð ·Ô¤ çܰ ©ÆæÙð ¿æçã° ¥õÚU §â·Ô¤ çܰ ¥ÙéÎæÙ çΰ ÁæÙð
¿æçã°Ð §â ¥æØô» ·Ô¤ çÙØéçQ¤ ¥æÎðàæ ×ð´ ©â·Ô¤ mæÚUæ ¥ÂÙæ§ü ÁæÙð
ßæÜè Âýç·ý¤Øæ ·¤æ Öè çßßÚU‡æ ãô»æÐ..§â Âý·¤æÚU çÙØéQ¤ ¥æØô», ©âð
âæñ´Âð »° ׿×Üô´ ·¤æ ¥ŠØØÙ ·¤ÚUð»æ ¥õÚU ©â·Ô¤ mæÚUæ ÂÌæ Ü»æ° »°
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â×ÛæðÐÓ
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Òâæ×æçÁ·¤ ß àæñÿæç‡æ·¤ ÎëçC âð çÂÀǸð ß»æðZÓ Ùæ ç·¤ ÒÁæçÌØô´Ó ·¤æ
©UËÜð¹ ç·¤Øæ »Øæ ãñÐ ÂÚU´Ìé Øã âÖè ·¤ô ™ææÌ ãñ ç·¤ Øãæ´ Òß»üÓ ·¤æ
¥Íü €UØæ ãñÐ â´çßÏæÙ ×´ð Ìô ¥ÀêÌô´ ·Ô¤ â´ÎÖü ·Ô¤ çâßæØ, ÒÁæçÌÓ
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·¤æ °ðâæ Á¹èÚUæ Íæ, çÁâ·¤æ §SÌð×æÜ àææâ·¤ ß»ü, ©ÂØéQ¤ âר
¥æÙð ÂÚU ·¤ÚU â·¤Ìæ ÍæÐ àææâ·¤ ß»ü ·¤ô §ââð Öè ·¤ãè´ ¥çÏ·¤
??????? ????????U?? ????? ??? ??? ???? ?? ??? ???????U?-?? 緤
?????? ???? ???????U? ?? ???? ???????U? ?? ??? ??? ???????? ??
???U? 緤?? ???? ??, vy ??? ??? ??? ̷? ?Ԥ Տ??? ?Ԥ ?ܰ ??? ?
??????? ?????? ??? ???S??? ???ⷤ ߻? ?? ?? ???????U? ???
ÙÁÚ´UÎæÁ ·¤ÚU çÎØæ ÂÚU´Ìé ¥Ùé‘ÀðÎ xy® ·Ô¤ ÂçÚUÂæÜÙ ×ð´, ·¤éÀ ãè ßáæðZ
×ð´, w® ÁÙßÚUè v~zx ·¤ô ÒçÂÀǸð ß»æðZÓ ·¤è Âã¿æÙ ·¤ÚUÙð ·Ô¤ çܰ
·¤æÜðÜ·¤ÚU ¥æØô» ·¤è çÙØéçQ¤ ·¤ÚU ÎèÐ Øã SßæÖæçß·¤ Íæ ç·¤
âæ×æçÁ·¤ çÂÀǸðÂÙ ·Ô¤ ¥ŠØØÙ ·Ô¤ ÙÌèÁð ×ð´ ÁæçÌØæ´ âæ×Ùð ¥æ°´»èÐ
ßð âæ×Ùð ¥æ§ZU ÖèÐ ¥æØô» Ùð ©Ù ÁæçÌØô´ ·¤è Âã¿æÙ ·¤è Áô
Òàæñÿæç‡æ·¤Ó ÎëçC âð çÂÀǸè Íè´ ¥õÚU çÁÙ·¤æ âÚU·¤æÚUè âðßæ¥ô´, ÃØæÂæÚU,
ÃØßâæØ ß ©lô» ·Ô¤ ÿæð˜æô´ ×ð´ ¥Âðÿææ·¤ëÌ ·¤× ÂýçÌçÙçÏˆß ÍæÐ
???ⷤ ߻? ??? ???? ?? ???? ??Ϸ? ??????? ????????U?? ????? ??? ??? ???? ?? ??? ???????U?-?? 緤
?????? ???? ???????U? ?? ???? ???????U? ?? ??? ??? ???????? ?? ???U? 緤?? ???? ??, vy ??? ??? ???
̷? ?Ԥ Տ??? ?Ԥ ?ܰ ??? ? ??????? ?????? ??? ???S??? ???ⷤ ߻? ?? ?? ???????U? ??? ??ڴU??? ???U
çÎØæ ÂÚU´Ìé ¥Ùé‘ÀðÎ xy® ·Ô¤ ÂçÚUÂæÜÙ ×ð´, ·¤éÀ ãè ßáæðZ ×ð´, w® ÁÙßÚUè v~zx ·¤ô ÒçÂÀǸð ß»æðZÓ ·¤è Âã¿æÙ
·¤ÚUÙð ·Ô¤ çܰ ·¤æÜðÜ·¤ÚU ¥æØô» ·¤è çÙØéçQ¤ ·¤ÚU Îè
There were far more pressing mandates of the Constitution to the ruling classes. One
such mandate, and the only one demanding its fulfilment within a specified time period
of a decade, was regarding provision of free and compulsory education to all children
up to the age of 14. They ignored it but almost immediately paid heed to the Article 340
to set up Kalelkar Commission on 29 January 1953 to identify the “backward classes”

49
ȤæòÚUßÇüUUÂýðâ | 2014ÁéÜæ§üU
Õãâ
regarding provision of free and compulsory education to all chil-
dren up to the age of 14. They ignored it but almost immediately
paid heed to the Article 340 to set up Kalelkar Commission on 29
January 1953 to identify the “backward classes”. Naturally, in ref-
erence to their social backwardness, the castes would come into
the picture. They did, and the commission identified such castes
that were “educationally” backward and that were underrepre-
sented in the government service as well as in the fields of trade,
commerce and industry.
The Kalelkar commission submitted its report on 30 March
1955, identifying 2,399 castes or communities as backward and
of them 837 as the “most backward”. It inter alia recommended
undertaking caste-wise enumeration of population in the census
of 1961 and reservation of 70 per cent seats in all technical and
professional institutions for qualified students of backward
classes. Perhaps, the opportune time had not yet come and
therefore the report was rejected by the Central government on
the grounds that it had not applied any objective tests for identi-
fying the backward classes.
By the next decade, the changes in political economy
induced by the calibrated land reforms and the Green
Revolution would create a class of rich farmers out of the popu-
lous Shudra castes, wielding the baton of Brahmanism from the
upper castes in the vast rural India. These changes catalyzed
regional parties and made electoral politics (based on the first-
past-the-post-type elections, where a small group of votes also
make or unmake the outcome) increasingly competitive. The
rise of the backward castes and their regional parties slowly
spread through local self-governments to states, culminating in
the defeat of the Congress party in 1977 by the Janata Party,
which was a motley mixture of all these elements.
The Janata Party government established the second back-
ward classes commission on 1 January 1979, which came to be
known as the Mandal Commission, with a mandate to “identify
the socially or educationally backward”. The commission identi-
fied “other backward classes”, on eleven criteria, but necessarily
in terms of castes or religious communities comprising 54 per
cent of the total population (excluding SCs and STs) – 3,743 dif-
ferent castes and communities. The commission submitted its
report in December 1980 making several recommendations. A
decade later, in 1989, V.P. Singh, the prime minister at the time,
decided to open up this “can of castes” as part of his political
game plan. It immediately resulted in the nationwide protests
against reservations, which until then were confined to the SCs
and STs, who were reluctantly but largely reconciled. The stoking
of anger created comic waves on the streets: Although the reser-
vations were meant for the BCs, they seemed to be in the mood
to beat up the SCs, who foolishly rushed to defend “reserva-
tions”. Ultimately, reservations for OBCs were implemented in
government services in 1993 and in higher educational institutes
in 2008. Reservations emerged as a weapon in the hands of the
political parties, which began using them with impunity. ·¤æÜðÜ·¤ÚU ¥æØô» Ùð ¥ÂÙè ÚUÂÅU x® ׿¿ü, v~zz ·¤ô ÂýSÌéÌ
·¤è çÁâ×ð´ w,x~~ çÂÀǸè ÁæçÌØô´ ¥õÚU â×éÎæØô´ ·¤è Âã¿æÙ ·¤è »§ü
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zy ÂýçÌàæÌ âð ¥çÏ·¤ çÂÀǸð ß»ü Áô ·¤éÜ ç×Üæ·¤ÚU |{.z ÂýçÌàæÌ
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¥Íü Øã ·¤Îæç Ùãè´ ãñ ç·¤ §â Îðàæ ×ð´ °ðâð Üô» Ùãè´ ãñ´ Áô ¥ÀêÌô´

50
JULY 2014
|FORWARDPress
DEBATE
Any sane person can see that in a backward country like India,
where arguably more than 80 per cent population (by the govern-
ment’s reckoning, 22.5% SCs and STs, 54% BCs, which make up
76.5%; add to it another 5% of the poor of the excluded castes, all
of them not being upper castes, the tally goes up to 80.5%) can be
summarily termed backward, the criterion of backwardness can-
not be used for the exceptional measures such as reservations. It
is not to say that there are no people other than the Untouchables
who are not poorer or backward than them. There indeed are. And
the state bears definite responsibility towards them. It has policy
instruments to do such things and not reservations alone, which
are two-edged swords that need to be cautiously used. For exam-
ple, such a policy measure was indicated in the Constitution itself.
It was about providing free, compulsory and quality education to
all children through neighbourhood schools up to a certain age.
(The Constitution had prescribed free and compulsory education
up to the age of 14 years and did not elaborate in so many terms).
I feel that if the government had taken up this single issue in
the proper spirit and implemented this provision, there would not
have been even the need for reservations. If the government was
really concerned with the backwardness of the people, it would
have internalized the need to ensure that no child inherits the dis-
ability of their parents. Any woman that conceives a child would
be provided quality health care and proper diet by the state. She
would deliver the child in a healthy atmosphere and the child
after birth would be provided with proper diet followed by quality
education. If all children had got the same education through the
neighbourhood schools, they would have healthy socialization
and similar opportunity to realize their potential.
Instead of indulging in a plethora of so-called welfare schemes,
the government should have prioritized this programme. But it
summarily ignored it. Instead, when the circumstances compelled
it to do something in this regard, it changed the original mandate
of the Constitution itself and enacted the Right to Education Act,
which has only legitimized the multilayered education system
that evolved in the country under benign gaze of the government.
It determines the quality of education as per the socio-economic
standing of the parents, something akin to what Manu prescribed.
Here also it has mischievously unleashed the weapon of reserva-
tions to fool the lower castes and classes.
One should clearly see the ulterior motive of the ruling classes
in this brief history – that they would never let the goose of caste
die! It is testimony to the bankruptcy of Dalit politics on the other
hand that such issues do not even remotely concern it. Rather,
paradoxically, with the spread of education and ‘Ambedkarism’
among them, fewer and fewer among them believe that castes can
really be annihilated. âð Öè ¥çÏ·¤ »ÚUèÕ ¥õÚU çÂÀǸð ãô´Ð °ðâð Üô» ãñ´ ¥õÚU
???? ?? ?U?? ??? ?ٷԤ ???? ???????U? ??? ?U?? ?Ԥ ???
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°·¤ °ðâè ÎéÏæÚUè ÌÜßæÚU ãñ çÁâð ÕãéÌ âæßÏæÙèÂêßü·¤
§SÌð×æÜ ç·¤Øæ ÁæÙæ ¿æçã°Ð °ðâè ÙèçÌØæ´ €UØæ ãô â·¤Ìè ãñ´,
§â·¤æ °·¤ ©ÎæãÚU‡æ â´çßÏæÙ ×ð´ ãè çÎØæ »Øæ ãñÐ ßã ãñ âÖè
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¥æÚUÿæ‡æ ·Ô¤ Ùæ× ÂÚU Ùè¿è ÁæçÌØô´ ¥õÚU ß»æðZ ·¤ô Õðß·¤êÈ
ÕÙæÙð ·¤æ ·¤æ× ç·¤ØæÐ
Øã SÂC ãñ ç·¤ àææâ·¤ ß»ü ÁæçÌ ·¤æ ©‹×êÜÙ Ùãè´
¿æãÌæÐ ã׿ÚUð Îðàæ ·¤è ÎçÜÌ ÚUæÁÙèçÌ ·Ô¤ çÎßæçÜØðÂÙ ·¤æ
°·¤ âÕêÌ Øã ãñ ç·¤ §â ÌÚUã ·Ô¤ ×éÎ÷Îæð´ âð ©âð ·¤ô§ü ×ÌÜÕ
ãè Ùãè´ ãñÐ ÕçË·¤ çßÇ´ÕÙæ Ìô Øã ãñ ç·¤ ÎçÜÌô´ ·Ô¤ Õè¿
?????? ? ҥ???Ƿ??U???? ?Ԥ ?????U ?Ԥ ???-???, ???? ????
???Q???? ??? ??? ???U?? ?? ?U?? ?? ?? ?? ?????? ???U??
ãñ´ ç·¤ ÁæçÌ ·¤æ ©‹×êÜÙ ãô â·¤Ìæ ãñÐ
Anand Teltumbde is a management professional, writer, civil rights activist and
political analyst. He has authored many books (translated widely in most Indian
languages) on various issues relating to peoples' movements, with particular
emphasis on the Left and Dalits, and is a noted scholar on the subject
¥æÙ´Î ÌðÜÌé×Çð ÃØæßâæçØ·¤ ÂýÕ´Ï·¤, Üð¹·¤, Ùæ»çÚU·¤ ¥çÏ·¤æÚU ·¤æØü·¤Ìæü ß ÚUæÁÙñçÌ·¤
çßàÜðá·¤ ãñ´Ð ©‹ãô´Ùð ÁÙæ´ÎôÜÙô´, çßàæðá·¤ÚU ßæ× °ß´ ÎçÜÌ ¥æ´ÎôÜÙô´, ÂÚU ·¤§ü ÂéSÌ·Ô¤´
çܹè ãñ´, (çÁÙ·¤æ ¥Ùð·¤ ÖæÚUÌèØ Öæáæ¥ô¡ ×ð´ ¥ÙéßæÎ ãô ¿é·¤æ ãñ) ¥æñÚU ßð §â çßáØ ·Ô¤
çßàæðá™æ ׿Ùð ÁæÌð ãñ´

MUSAFIR BAITHA
here is nothing surprising about the fierce contro-
versy currently raging over the new Navayana edi-
tion of Ambedkar’s booklet Annihilation of Caste
(AoC) in the cyberspace, including blogs and
Facebook, as well as in magazines and newspa-
pers. The introduction of the book has been
penned by celebrity writer Arundhati Roy. If the
intervention of the high-profile writer in the dis-
course is the fire, the Dalit intellectuals, by ques-
tioning her motives, are adding fuel to it. Needless
to say, the more controversial the book becomes,
the more it will sell, sending the cash registers of
the publisher jingling.
A sermon running into 200 pages as introduc-
tion to a 60-page booklet cannot be justified by
any stretch of the imagination. This is akin to
adding 200 gm alloy to 60 gm pure gold.
Arundhati has also written many books. Is the
preface of any of her books thrice the length of the
book proper? There is a colloquial saying, “Ek
Aane Ka Murga, Nau Aane Ka Masala” (One anna
chicken, nine anna spices). The blind supporters
×éâæçȤÚU ÕñÆæ
??Ƿ??U ??? ???S̷?? ?????????? ???Ȥ ???S?U
(ÁæçÌ ·¤æ çßÙæàæ) ·Ô¤ Ù° ÙßæØÙ â´S·¤ÚU‡æ ·¤ô
Üð·¤ÚU Áô çßßæÎ âæ§ÕÚU SÂðâ, ŽÜæò», ÈÔ¤âÕé·¤
âçãÌ Â˜æ-Âç˜æ·¤æ¥ô´ ×ð´ ãô ÚUãæ ãñ, ©â×ð´ ¥¿´çÖÌ
·¤ÚUÙð ߿ܿ ·¤éÀ Öè Ùãè´ ãñÐ ÂéSÌ·¤ ·¤è Öêç×·¤æ
?????? ??繷?? ?L????? ?U??? ?? ?ܹ? ??? ???U
§â Âýçâh Üðç¹·¤æ ·¤è ÂéSÌ·¤ ×ð´ àææçŽÎ·¤-
©ÂçSÍçÌ ·¤ô Ò¥æ»Ó ×æÙæ Áæ° Ìô ÎçÜÌ Õõçh·¤ô´
mæÚUæ ÚUæòØ ·¤è ×´àææ ÂÚU âᑚ ¹Ç¸æ ·¤ÚUÙæ ÒƒæèÓ ·¤æ
·¤æ× ·¤ÚUÌæ çιæ§ü Îð ÚUãæ ãñÐ §ââð ÂéSÌ·¤ ·¤è
Ò·¤èçÌüÓ Èñ¤Üð»è ¥õÚU Âý·¤æàæ·¤ ·¤æ ÃØæßâæçØ·¤ çãÌ
ÕðãÌÚU âÏ â·Ô¤»æÐ {® ÂëDô´ ·¤è ܃æé-ÂéSÌ·¤ ·¤è
Öêç×·¤æ ×ð´ w®® ÂëDô´ ·¤æ Öæá‡æ ÛææÇ¸Ùæ ç· âè Ì·¤ü
âð ©ç¿Ì Ùãè´ ÆãÚUæØæ Áæ â·¤ÌæÐ Øã {® ·Ô¤ âôÙð
×ð´ w®® ·Ô¤ ÅUÜãð ·¤ô Èð´¤ÅU, çßàæéh ÂýÎêá‡æ Èñ¤ÜæÙð
·¤æ ׿×Üæ ãñÐ
€UØæ ¥L¤´ÏçÌ ·¤è ¹éÎ ·¤è ç·¤âè ÂéSÌ·¤ ×ð´
°ðâè ¥â´ÌéçÜÌ Öêç×·¤æ ãñ, çÁâ×ð´ ÂéSÌ·¤ âð çÌ»éÙð
àæŽÎ Öêç×·¤æ ×ð´ ãô´ ? °·¤ ·¤ãæßÌ ãñ ç·¤ Ò°·¤
¥æÙð ·¤æ ×黿ü, Ùõ ¥æÙð ·¤æ ×âæÜæÐÓ ÎçÜÌ-
ÕãéÁÙ ÌÕ·¤ô´ ·¤è ¥ôÚU âð §â·¤æ çßÚUôÏ ãôÙð ÂÚU
¥æT
51
ȤæòÚUßÇüUUÂýðâ | 2014ÁéÜæ§üU
ÕãUâ
Tail longer than the body
???U??U ?? ??? ???U
WHO HAS THE RIGHT TO SPEAK AND WRITE ON
BAHUJANS – ONLY THOSE WHO HAVE EXPERIENCED
THE PAIN OR EVEN THOSE WHO ARE SENSITIVE TO
AND SYMPATHIZE WITH THEIR PAIN? THERE CAN BE
NO CLEAR-CUT ANSWER TO THIS QUESTION
¥æç¹ÚU âæçãˆØ ×ð´ ÕãéÁÙ ·Ô¤ çܰ ÕôÜÙð, çܹÙð ·¤æ
¥çÏ·¤æÚU 緤ⷤô ãñ ? ØæÙè €UØæ SßæÙéÖêçÌ °ß´
âãæÙéÖêçÌ ·Ô¤ ¹æ´¿ð ×ð´ Õh ·¤ÚU·Ô¤ §â âᑚ ·¤ô Îð¹æ
Áæ â·¤Ìæ ãñ ? ©žæÚU ãæ´ ×ð´ Öè ãñ ¥õÚU Ùæ ×ð´ Öè

JULY 2014
|
52
FORWARDPress
DEBATE
of Arundhati are dishing out the clichéd attack-on-freedom-of-
expression argument to counter the Dalit-bahujan opposition
to her piece. My brother, you are misconstruing the democrat-
ic right of informed criticism as an attack on the freedom of
expression! What is objectionable about any social organiza-
tion or body of intellectuals saying that they don’t agree with
what someone has written or said?
Arundhati has led many an agitation demanding that the
rights of tribals be protected and that the persons displaced by
dams be given their due. Doesn’t she have the moral responsi-
bility of not making irresponsible statements? Yes, Ambedkar
had indeed burnt the Manusmiriti. But he was not burning a
book. He was merely registering his symbolic protest to an
inhuman set of values. How can you term any act wrong with-
out giving due consideration to the objectives behind it?
In her bulky introduction, Arundhati writes that, “coinci-
dentally”, Ambedkar could find no place in Richard
Attenborough’s Gandhi. But she puts this only as a fact. She
does not criticize it. She finds it only “coincidental”, though she
does give us a handle to criticize the lapse by referring to the
fact that the film was partly funded by the Government of
India. Just think, what sort of film is this in which there is not a
single scene of Gandhi and Ambedkar coming face-to-face?
But she doesn’t want to waste even a few words of her 200-
page piece on criticizing this major omission.
She has written a lot about Gandhi, trying to prove that he
stood taller than Babasaheb. It seems that her primary objec-
tive is to draw commercial mileage from the global image of
Gandhi. Saffron journalist Arun Shourie had deliberately tried
to belittle Ambedkar by writing Worshipping False Gods (1997).
Arundhati also seems to be doing exactly that. And that is why,
in the written explanation she has proffered in the wake of the
controversy, she seems to be on the defensive. Like typical
Savarna and Leftist intellectuals, she brands the Bahujan intel-
lectuals criticizing her as incompetent, incapable, aggressive
and even terrorists. Ambedkar’s book is a reproduction of the
speech he was to deliver at an event organised by Arya Samaji
Jat-pat Todak Mandal in 1936. When the organizers read his
speech, their commitment to breaking the shackles of caste
fizzled out. They could not digest Ambedkar’s sharp, no-holds-
barred assault on the caste system. As a via media, it was ¥L¤´ÏçÌ ÚUæòØ °ß´ ©Ù·Ô¤ ¥´Ï-â×Íü·¤ ßãè çÂÅUæ-çÂÅUæØæ ÚUæ» ¥ÜæÂ
ÚUãð ãñ´ ç·¤ Øã ¥çÖÃØçQ¤ ·¤è SßÌ´˜æÌæ ÂÚU ã×Üæ ãñÐ Öæ§ü, ¥æÂ
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¥æÜô¿Ùæ ×ð´ ¹¿ü ·¤ÚUÙæ Ùãè´ ¿æãÌè´ ?
§â Öêç×·¤æ ×ð´ »æ´Ïè ·Ô¤ ÕæÚUð ×ð´ ÅUô·¤ÚUè ÖÚU ÕæÌð´ çܹ·¤ÚU ß
©Ù·¤ô ÕæÕæâæãðÕ ÂÚU ÖæÚUè ÕÌæÙð ×ð´ ¥L¤´ÏçÌ ·¤æ ×êÜ ŠØðØ »æ´Ïè ·Ô¤
ßñçàß·¤ ·¤Î ·¤ô ÂéSÌ·¤ ·Ô¤ çß™ææÂÙ ·Ô¤ çܰ ÂýØô» ·¤ÚUÙð ·¤æ ãñÐ
˜淤æÚU ¥L¤‡æ àæõÚUè mæÚUæ ÒßÚUçàæç´» ȤæòËâ »æòÇ÷âÓ (v~~|)
?ܹ???U ????Ƿ??U ??? ??????? ???U ??? ?ι??? ??? ????? 緤??
»Øæ, ·¤× ·¤ÚU·Ô¤ ¥æ´·¤Ùð ·¤æ ÂýØˆÙ ç·¤Øæ »ØæÐ Øãæ´ ¥L¤´ÏçÌ Öè
âæØæâ Øãè ·¤ÚU ÚUãè Ü»Ìè ãñ´, ·¤æÚU‡æ ç·¤ çßßæÎ ·Ô¤ ÂçÚUÂýðÿØ ×ð´ ©Ù·¤æ
Áô çÜç¹Ì SÂCè·¤ÚU‡æ ¥æØæ ãñ ©â×ð´ ßð ¥Ùð·¤ ÕæÚU Õ¿æß ·¤è ×éÎýæ ×ð´
¥æÌè çιÌè ãñ´Ð â߇æü °ß´ ßæ×´Íè ÕéçhÁèçߨô´ ·¤è ÌÚUã, ©Ù·¤è
¥æÜô¿Ùæ ×ð´ ×é¹ÚU ãé° ÕãéÁÙ ÕéçhÁèçߨô´ ·¤ô ßð çÂÅUð-çÂÅUæ° ÉÚUðü ÂÚU
¥ÿæ×, ¥Øô‚Ø, ¥æR¤æ×·¤ ¥õÚU ¥æÌ´·¤è Ì·¤ ÕÌæÙð ·¤æ â´·Ô¤Ì ÀôǸ
?U?? ??? ???? ?U??, ?? ??S̷? ??? ??׻??, ????Ƿ??U ??? ?? ????
ãñ Áô ©‹ãð´ ¥æØü â׿Á âð ÂýÖæçßÌ ÒÁæÌ-Âæ´Ì ÌôǸ·¤ ×´ÇÜÓ ·Ô¤ ×´¿
âð âÙ÷ v~x{ ×ð´ ÎðÙæ ÍæÐ ÂÚU §â ¿ðü ·¤ô ÁÕ ¥æØôÁÙ ·Ô¤
¥çÏ·¤æçÚUØô´ Ùð Âɸæ Ìô ÁæÌ-Âæ´Ì ÌæðǸÙð ·Ô¤ ©Ù·Ô¤ §ÚUæÎð ·¤ô Ü·¤ßæ ׿ÚU
??? ???U ????Ƿ??U ??? ??? ???U ??? ?? ?? ??? ??? ״?? ??
?? ??? ?U?S?? ??????? 緤 ???? ??? ????Ƿ??U ???? ????U-???U ???U
ÙÚU× ÕÙæ Îð´ ÂÚ´UÌé ÕæÕæâæãðÕ ·¤ô ¥ÂÙð Öæá‡æ âð °·¤ àæŽÎ Öè ÁæçÌ
·¤è ÌÚUÈ¤ÎæÚUè ×ð´ ˆØæ»Ùæ ×´ÁêÚU Ù ÍæÐ
A SERMON RUNNING INTO 200 PAGES AS INTRODUCTION TO A 60-PAGE
BOOKLET CANNOT BE JUSTIFIED BY ANY STRETCH OF THE IMAGINATION. THIS
IS AKIN TO ADDING 200 GM ALLOY TO 60 GM PURE GOLD
{® ÂëDô´ ·¤è ܃æé-ÂéSÌ·¤ ·¤è Öêç×·¤æ ×ð´ w®® ÂëDô´ ·¤æ Öæá‡æ ÛææÇ¸Ùæ ç·¤âè Ì·ü¤ âð
©ç¿Ì Ùãè´ ÆãÚUæØæ Áæ â·¤ÌæÐ Øã {® ·Ô¤ âôÙð ×ð´ w®® ·Ô¤ ÅUÜãð ·¤ô Èð´¤ÅU, çßàæéh
ÂýÎêá‡æ Èñ¤ÜæÙð ·¤æ ׿×Üæ ãñ

53
ȤæòÚUßÇüUUÂýðâ | 2014ÁéÜæ§üU
suggested that Ambedkar tone down his speech but Ambedkar was not
ready to drop or add even a word favouring the perpetuation of the caste
system.
It should be remembered that it was only after the non-Bahujans stopped
considering literature untouchable – even if unwillingly, grudgingly or out of
sympathy – and started writing about Dalit literature that their fortunes
changed. Their interaction with society increased and their canvas widened.
But don’t think that they took up this ‘philanthropic’ work, which was against
their interests, for nothing. Just see, how the Dwijs are milking government
institutions, colleges, universities and research bodies in the name of
research, study and discourse on Dalits. It is they who are skimming the
cream. Even in this field, the leadership is in the hands of the Dwijs. The
OBCs are only the followers. There are inherent dangers in the Dwijs being in
leading positions. They would like to make the literature toothless by depriv-
ing it of its sharpness, mettle, orientation and exclusiveness. History tells us
how the progressive, humanistic and intellectual elements of Kabir Panth
and Buddhism and Jainism were effaced by the infiltrator Dwijs.
Just out of curiosity, this writer scanned the Patna editions of some
newspapers of 15 April 2014 for news relating to celebrations of Ambedkar’s
birth anniversary. The outcome was revealing. It seemed that only sociopo-
litical organizations of Bahujans celebrated Ambedkar Jayanti. There was
no news item regarding the celebration of Ambedkar Jayanti by members
of the Dwij castes and their organizations. On the other hand, the Dwijs
celebrate the birth anniversaries of not only Gandhi but also non-Dwij
Sardar Patel with great fanfare.
The Hindi newspapers often greet the minority community members
on their festivals as representatives of Hindus or the majority community.
The attitude of journalists reporting on the Arundhati Roy controversy is
similar. They present Roy’s views as their own while those differing with her
are described as “thinkers”. It is clear from the style of their writing that
they consider the alternative viewpoint as the ‘other view’. In other words,
there is an undercurrent of familiarity for Arundhati’s arguments and an
undertone of hostility towards those with opposing arguments.
ã× ØæÎ ÚU¹ð´ ç·¤ ÁÕ »ñÚU-ÕãéUÁÙ Ùð ÎçÜÌ âæçãˆØ
·¤ô ¥ÀêÌ ×æÙÙæ Õ´Î ç·¤Øæ, ¥‹Ø×ÙS·¤-¥Ù×Ùð-
âãæÙéÖêçÌ ×ð´ ãè âãè, ©â ÂÚU çÜ¹Ùæ-ÂÉ¸Ùæ àæéM¤
ç·¤Øæ, ÌÖè ©Ù·Ô¤ ¥‘Àð çÎÙ ¥æ°Ð ÕæÌ Õɸè, ÏæÚU
Õɸè, â´ßæÎ ÕÉ¸æ ¥õÚU, Øã ÌØ ãñ ç·¤ ©‹ãô´Ùð âð´Ì ×ð´ §â
ÒSß-¥çãÌ·¤æÚUè °ß´ ÂÚU·¤ËØæ‡æ·¤æÚUèÓ ·¤æØü ×ð´ ãæÍ Ùãè´
Ü»æØæÐ âÚU·¤æÚUè â´SÍæÙô´, ·¤æòÜðÁô´, çßàßçßlæÜØô´,
àæôÏ â´SÍæÙô´ ×ð´ ÎçÜÌ àæôÏ, ¥ŠØØÙ, çß×àæü ¥æçÎ ·Ô¤
Ùæ× ÂÚU Îðç¹° çmÁô´ ·¤è ç·¤ÌÙè ¿æ´Îè ãñÐ ¥çÏ·¤æ´àæ
×æÜ ßð ãè ¿ÅU·¤ÚU ÚUãð ãñ´Ð §â ÿæð˜æ ×ð´ Öè ÎçÜÌ-çÂÀǸð
ãæçàæ° ÂÚU ãè ãñ´Ð ¥Ù騿Øè ·¤è Öêç×·¤æ ×ð´ ãè ãñ´,
¥»é¥æ§ü ÂÚU çmÁô´ ·¤æ ãè ·¤ŽÁæ ãñÐ çmÁô´ ·¤è
ÙðÌëˆß·¤æÚUè Öêç×·¤æ ·Ô¤ ¥ÂÙð ¹ÌÚUð ãñ´Ð ßð ¿æãð´»ð ç·¤
ÎçÜÌ Üð¹Ù ·¤è ˆßÚUæ, ÌðÁ, ÏæÚU ß °€Uâ€UËØéçâßÙðâ
·¤ô ¹ˆ× ·¤ÚU ©âð ٹδÌçßãèÙ ·¤ÚU ÎðÐ §çÌãæâ »ßæã
ãñ ç·¤ ·¤ÕèÚU´Í, Õõh Ï×ü, ÁñÙ Ï×ü ¥æçÎ ·Ô¤
Âý»çÌàæèÜ, ׿ÙßÌæßæÎè, ÕéçhßæÎè ̈ßô´ ·¤ô çmÁô´ Ùð
©Ù×ð´ ƒæéâ·¤ÚU ×çÅUØæ×ðÅU ç·¤ØæÐ
??ⴻ???, ????Ƿ??U ?ش?? ??? ???? ?Ԥ
â׿¿æÚU ÁæÙÙð ·Ô¤ çܰ §Ù ´çQ¤Øô´ ·Ô¤ Üð¹·¤ Ùð
çÎÙæ´·¤ vz ¥ÂýñÜ, w®vy ·Ô¤ ·¤éÀ ¥¹ÕæÚUô´ ·Ô¤ ÂÅUÙæ
â´S·¤ÚU‡æ ·¤è ÀæÙÕèÙ ·¤è Ìô ÚUô¿·¤ Ì‰Ø ãæÍ Ü»ðÐ
·Ô¤ßÜ ÕãéÁÙ â×é뾯 âð ÁéǸð ÚUæÁÙñçÌ·¤-âæ×æçÁ·¤
ⴻ???? m??U? ?? ????Ƿ??U ?ش?? ??? ???? ??? ???U?
ÂɸUÙð ·¤ô ç×Üè´Ð çmÁ ÁæçÌØô´, Á׿Ìô´ ß â´»ÆÙô´ mæÚUæ
????Ƿ??U ?ش?? ??? ???? ??? ????? ???U ??? ???
ÁÕç·¤ çmÁ »æ´Ïè ãè Ùãè´ ÕçË·¤ »ñÚU-çmÁ âÚUÎæÚU ÂÅUðÜ
âð ÁéǸð â׿ÚUôãô´ ·¤æ ¥æØôÁÙ çmÁ â´»ÆÙô´ mæÚUæ ÕǸð
Âñ׿Ùð ÂÚU Ìæ×Ûææ× ·Ô¤ âæÍ ç·¤Øæ ÁæÌæ ÚUãæ ãñÐ
???? ???? ?????U ???? ????ط??? ?Ԥ ????????
?ٷ??U ????ط??? ?Ԥ ???-?????U?? ??U ???? ???U
àæéÖ·¤æ×Ùæ ÃØQ¤ ·¤ÚUÌð ãñ´, ©âè ÌÚUã âð ¥¹ÕæÚUô´ ·Ô¤
çÚUÂôÅUüÚU ¥L¤´ÏçÌ ÚUæòØ ·¤è ÌÚUȤ âð â׿¿æÚU ÕÙæÌð çιÌð
ãñ´Ð ÁÕ ßð ¥L¤´ÏçÌ ·¤è ÕæÌ ·¤ÚUÌð ãñ´ Ìô ¥ÂÙæ ÕÙæ·¤ÚU
·¤ãÌð ãñ´, ¥õÚU ÁÕ ¥L¤´ÏçÌ ·Ô¤ ×Ì âð ¥Ü» çß¿æÚUô´
·¤ô âæ×Ùð ÚU¹Ìð ãñ´ Ìô ÒÎçÜÌô´ ·Ô¤ çß¿æÚUÓ, Ò©Ù·Ô¤
çß¿æÚUÓ Áñâð ÂÚUæØðÂÙ ·¤æ ÕôÏ ·¤ÚUæÙð ßæÜð Áé×Üô´ ·¤æ
§SÌð×æÜ ·¤ÚUÌð ãñ´Ð ÎêâÚUð àæŽÎô´ ×ð´, ¥L¤´ÏçÌ ·Ô¤ çܰ
¥ÂÙæÂæ ·¤æ Öæß °ß´ çßÚUôÏè ×Ì ¥Íßæ SßÚU ·Ô¤ çܰ
ÎéÚUæß ßæÜð â´ÕôÏÙÐ
§âè ¥æâ´» ×ð´ ÂýàÙ Èð´¤ÅUæ Áæ â·¤Ìæ ãñ ç·¤ ¥æç¹ÚU
âæçãˆØ ×ð´ ÕãéÁÙ ·Ô¤ çܰ ÕôÜÙð, çܹÙð ·¤æ ¥çÏ·¤æÚU
緤ⷤô ãñ ? ØæÙè €UØæ SßæÙéÖêçÌ °ß´ âãæÙéÖêçÌ ·Ô¤
¹æ´¿ð ×ð´ Õh ·¤ÚU·Ô¤ §â âᑚ ·¤ô Îð¹æ Áæ â·¤Ìæ ãñ
? ©žæÚU, ãæ´ ×ð´ Öè ãñ ¥õÚU Ùæ ×ð´ ÖèÐ SÂC ãñ ç·¤ â¿
·¤è ÕéçÙØæÎ ·Ô¤ M¤Â ×ð´ ¥ÙéÖß ·¤æ ·¤ô§ü ×é·¤æÕÜæ Ùãè´
ãô â·¤ÌæÐ ÎêâÚUè ¥ôÚU, âãæÙéÖêçÌ ·¤è ¥çÖÃØçQ¤ ·¤æ
Öè ¥ÂÙæ ×ãˆß ãñÐ âæçãˆØ ×ð´ ÒÂÚU·¤æØæ-ÂýßðàæÓ ·¤è
ÏæÚU‡ææ ·¤æ ¥æˆØ´çÌ·¤ ×ãˆß ãñÐ ç·¤âè ÎêâÚUð ÃØçQ¤
¥Íßæ âýæðÌæð´ âð Âæ° ™ææÙ ¥Íßæ ÂÚU-¥ÙéÖß ·¤ô ¥ÂÙð
·¤Üæ-·¤õàæÜ âð çÙ¹æÚU·¤ÚU ãè ¥çÏ·¤æ´àæ âæçãˆØ çܹæ
»Øæ ãñÐ Øã Öè ¥ÙéÖß ·¤ô ÕÚUÌÙð ·¤æ °·¤ ©ÎæãÚU‡æ ãñÐ
ÕãUâ
Just like the run-of-the-mill Dwij and Leftist anti-Dalit writers,
Arundhati has raised the petty objection that if non-Dalits cannot
write about Dalits then how can any non-Mahar Dalit write on
Ambedkar, who was a Mahar. Clearly, this famous writer
harbours the same biases about Dalit literature as the ordinary
Dwij writers. These writers and their diehard supporters can
never concede that there can be any shortcoming in what the
Dwijs are writing about Dalits and that their works are anything
short of the absolute truth
¥L¤´ÏçÌ ÚUæòØ Ùð ¥æ× çmÁ ¥Íßæ ßæ× â´S·¤æÚU ·Ô¤ ÎçÜÌ çßÚUôçÏØô´ ·¤è ÌÚUã
¥ÂÙè ¥æÜô¿Ùæ ×ð´ °·¤ çÀÎýæ‹ßðá‡æ Øã ÚU¹æ ãñ ç·¤ ÁÕ ·¤ô§ü »ñÚUÎçÜÌ ç·¤âè
???? ?Ԥ ???U? ?? ??? ?ܹ ⷤ?? ?? ????Ƿ??U ?? ????U ??, ?ٷԤ ???U? ??
×ãæÚUô´ ·Ô¤ ¥Üæßæ ¥‹Ø ·¤ô§ü ÎçÜÌ çܹÙð ·¤æ ·ñ¤âð ¥çÏ·¤æÚUè ãô â·¤Ìæ ãñ ?
âæÈ¤ ãñ, ¥æ× çmÁ Üð¹·¤ô´ ·Ô¤ Áô Âêßü»ýã ÎçÜÌ Üð¹Ù ·Ô¤ ÂýçÌ ãñ, ßãè §â
?????? ??繷?? ?Ԥ ???? ?? ?? ?? ?U?? ??? ?? ???U ?ٷԤ ???U ??????
Øã ·¤Ì§ü Ùãè´ ×æÙ â·¤Ìð ç·¤ ÎçÜÌô´ ·Ô¤ ÕæÚUð ×ð´ ã׿ÚUè çmÁ ÂýçÌÖæ Áô
·¤Ü×Õh ·¤ÚU ÚUãè ãñ ©â×ð´ ·¤ô§ü ¹ôÅU ãô â·¤Ìè ãñ

54
JULY 2014
|FORWARDPress
DEBATE
A related issue here is, who has the right to speak and write on Bahujans
– only those who have experienced the pain or even those who are sensitive
to and sympathize with their pain? There can be no clear-cut answer to this
question. The importance of personal experience can never be overempha-
sized. At the same time, expression of sympathy cannot be wished away
either. In literature, the capacity to step into someone else’s shoes is of para-
mount importance. Most literature has been written on the basis of experi-
ence or knowledge obtained from other persons or any other source.
Diaries, autobiographies, travelogues and reportage are based on one’s own
experience and on the reality. On the other hand, poetry, stories and novels
are a mixture of the experience of oneself as well as of others, information
obtained verbally or through the written word and imagination.
Literature based on reality is being written but its credibility is low. That is
because from the mass of our experience, we include or omit things based on
our convenience and our leanings. We distort facts, too. Thus, basically, litera-
ture is based on imagination. The biggest advantage of fictional writing is that
no one can seek any evidence for the details mentioned in it. On the other hand,
writings based on experience or reality can be questioned. If you say anything
that is unpalatable or libelous against someone, you may be in for trouble.
Evidences can be sought, you can get entangled in court cases and your rela-
tions may turn sour.
Incidentally, just like the run-of-the-mill Dwij and Leftist anti-Dalit writers,
Arundhati has raised the petty objection that if non-Dalits cannot write about
Dalits then how can any non-Mahar Dalit write on Ambedkar, who was a
Mahar. Clearly, this famous writer harbours the same biases about Dalit litera-
ture that are harboured by the ordinary Dwij writers. These writers and their
diehard supporters can never concede that there can be any shortcoming in
what the Dwijs are writing about Dalits and that their works are anything
short of the absolute truth. Moreover, they are unwilling to give non-Dalits the
right to pick holes in their writings. The same mindset was at the root of the
ideological clash between Gandhi and Ambedkar.
As far as acceptance or otherwise of non-Dalits in Dalit literature is
concerned, the fact is that a major part of Dalit literature has been penned
by non-Dalits and they include both Dwijs and OBCs. Ambedkarite ideol-
ogy is the foundation stone of Dalit literature and Ambedkarite ideology
includes all humanistic thoughts and ideologies and their proponents. Did
Dalit literature not accept Buddha, who was a Dwij? Does it not accept
Karl Marx and Rahul Sankrityayan? Some writings of many a Dwij writer
like Premchand, Nirala, Muktibodh and Nagarjun are unanimously
accepted as part of Dalit literature even though all of them were Dwijs.
Without Bahujan personalities like Kabir, Raidas, Phule and Periyar – and,
in modern times, Rajendra Yadav, Prem Kumar Mani, Ramanika Gupta,
Rajendra Prasad Singh and Chauthiram Yadav – Dalit literature and Dalit
consciousness cannot even be imagined. Just flip through any Dalit maga-
zine and you will find Dalit, OBC and Dwij writers sharing the space.
If Dalit literature gives more importance to self-experience and insists that
it is its axis, its inner soul, while sympathy forms its periphery and inte-
gral part of it, why should anyone have any objection to it?
ÇæØÚUè, Øæ˜ææ-ßëžææ´Ì, ¥æˆ×·¤Íæ, çÚUÂôÌæüÁ Áñâè ÂýæØÑ Sß-
¥ÙéÖß °ß´ ØÍæÍü ÂÚU ¥æÏæçÚUÌ çßÏæ¥ô´ âð ¥Ü» ·¤çßÌæ,
·¤ãæÙè, ©Â‹Øæâ Áñâè ßëãžæÚU çßÏæ¥ô´ ×ð´ Áô Üð¹Ù ©ÂÜŽÏ ãñ´,
ßð ¥ÂÙð-ÂÚUæØð ·Ô¤ ¥ÙéÖßô´, çÜç¹Ì-×õç¹·¤ çßçßÏ ÁæÙ·¤æçÚUØô´
×ð´ ·¤ËÂÙæ ·¤æ ÂéÅU ç×Üæ·¤æÚU ãè ÚU¿ð ÁæÌð ãñ´Ð
âæçãˆØ ×ð´ ØÍæÍü ¥æÏæçÚUÌ çßÏæ¥ô´ ×ð´ Üð¹Ù ÁM¤ÚU ãô ÚUãæ ãñ ÂÚU
©â·¤è çßàßâÙèØÌæ ÕãéÌ Ùãè´ ãñÐ ã× ¥ÂÙð ¥ÙéÖßô´ ·¤æ, ¥ÂÙè
âéçßÏæ °ß´ ÚUæÁÙèçÌ ¥ÙéâæÚU, ÀôǸ-·¤Ç¸ Öè ·¤ÚUÌð ãñ´, ¥õÚU ÌôǸ-
×ÚUôǸ ÖèÐ ¥ÌÑ âæçãˆØ ×êÜÌÑ ·¤ËÂÙæÁèßè ãè ãôÌæ ãñÐ ·¤ËÂÙæ ·Ô¤
Ùæ× ÂÚU çܹÙð ·¤æ âÕâð ÕǸæ ÜæÖ Øã ãñ ç·¤ ©â×ð´ ¥æÙØ Ì‰Øô´,
ßæÎ-çßßæÎô´ ·Ô¤ çܰ ·¤ô§ü Âý׿‡æ Ùãè´ ×æ´»æ Áæ â·¤ÌæÐ ÁÕç·¤
¥ÙéÖß ¥Íßæ Ì‰Ø ¥æÏæçÚUÌ Üð¹Ù ·¤ô ·¤ô§ü Öè Áæ´¿-ÂÚU¹ ÂÚU
¥æÚUôçÂÌ ·¤ÚU â·¤Ìæ ãñÐ ¥çÂýØ, ÂýçÌ·¤êÜ, ¥ß׿ÙÙæÁ‹Ø ̉Øô´ ·Ô¤
¥´·¤Ù ÂÚU ƒæ×æâæÙ ׿ â·¤Ìæ ãñ, Âý׿‡æ ׿´»ð Áæ â·¤Ìð ãñ´, ·¤ôÅUü-
·¤¿ãÚUè ·¤æ ¿€·¤ÚUU Ü» â·¤Ìæ ãñÐ çÚUàÌô´-ÙæÌô´ ×ð´ ÎÚUæÚU ¥æ â·¤Ìè ãñÐ
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ÚU¹æ ãñ ç·¤ ÁÕ ·¤ô§ü »ñÚUÎçÜÌ ç·¤âè ÎçÜÌ ·Ô¤ ÕæÚUð ×ð´ Ùãè´ çܹ
ⷤ?? ?? ????Ƿ??U ?? ????U ??, ?ٷԤ ???U? ?? ????U?? ?Ԥ ?????
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¥æ× çmÁ Üð¹·¤ô´ ·Ô¤ Áô Âêßü»ýã ÎçÜÌ Üð¹Ù ·Ô¤ ÂýçÌ ãñ, ßãè §â
?????? ??繷?? ?Ԥ ???? ?? ?? ?? ?U?? ??? ?? ???U ?ٷԤ ???U
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???? ??? ??? ????Ƿ??U??? ??? ??? ??ٷ??U ???? ?? ????
âæÚUð ׿ÙßßæÎè çß¿æÚU °ß´ çß¿æÚUÏæÚUæ°´ °ß´ ©Ù·Ô¤ Âôá·¤ ¥æ ÁæÌð
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Ìô ÎçÜÌ âæçãˆØ ß ¿ðÌÙæ ·¤è ·¤ËÂÙæ Öè Ùãè´ ·¤è Áæ â·¤ÌèÐ
·¤ô§ü Öè Âý×é¹ ÎçÜÌ âæçãçˆØ·¤ Âç˜æ·¤æ ©ËÅUæ ·¤ÚU Îð¹ ÜèçÁ°,
©â×ð´ ¥æÂ·¤ô ÎçÜÌ, ¥ôÕèâè °ß´ çmÁ Üð¹·¤ô´ ·¤è ÚU¿Ùæ°´ âæÍ-
âæÍ ç×Üð´»èÐ
ÎçÜÌ âæçãˆØ ×ð´ ØçÎ ÁôÚU Îð·¤ÚU Øã ·¤ãæ ÁæÌæ ãñ ç·¤
âãæÙéÖêçÌ ·¤è ¥Âðÿææ Øãæ´ SßæÙéÖêçÌ ·¤æ ¥çÏ·¤ ×ãˆß ãñ, ¥õÚU
Øãè §â âæçãˆØ ·¤æ ×êÜ SßÚU ãñ, ÏéÚUè ãñ ¥õÚU âãæÙéÖêçÌ ©â·¤è
¥æßàØ·¤ ÂçÚUçÏ, ©â·¤æ ÁM¤ÚUè ãæçàæØæ-çãSâæ Ìô
§â Ì‰Ø ·¤ô ¿æÙð ×ð´ ç·¤âè ·¤ô €UØô´ ÂÚUðàææÙè ãôÙè
¿æçã° ?
Musafir Baitha is a Dalit Hindi poet. A collection of his poems has been published under the ti-
tle Bimar Manas Ka Geh. The topic of his research project was Hindi Kee Dalit Atmakatha. He
has been writing on topical issues in different journals
çã´Îè ·Ô¤ ÎçÜÌ ·¤çß ×éâæçÈÚU ÕñÆæ ·¤æ ·¤çßÌæ â´»ýã ÒÕè׿ÚU ׿Ùâ ·¤æ »ðãÓ
Âý·¤æçàæÌ ãñÐ Òçã´Îè ·¤è ÎçÜÌ ¥æˆ×·¤ÍæÓ ÂÚU àæôÏ ç·¤Øæ Íæ ÌÍæ çßç֋٠˜æ-
Âç˜æ·¤æ¥ô´ ×ð´ â×æçØ·¤ çßáØô´ ÂÚU Üð¹Ù Öè ·¤ÚUÌð ãñ´

Marrying someone
from abroad
çßÎðàæ ×ð´ ÚUãÙð ßæÜð
âð çßßæã
ear Dadu,
You will be astonished to hear, but I hope pleas-
antly so, that my uncle has been approached by a
family whose son is abroad, for a possible match
for me.
I don’t know whether to be excited or nervous
and don’t know whether to be happy or upset!
On the one hand, it would be great to live
abroad (though I don’t know much about life there
beyond what one sees on TV and in movies).
On the other hand, I don’t like the idea of being
so far from everyone I know here.
What do you think?
Love,
Anoushka
Dear Anoushka,
That is great news! Even if you and/or he don’t
like each other, or there is some other reason for
the matter not to be taken forward, I am pleased
that at least such a proposal has come!
You are right about the pros and cons of marry-
ing someone abroad.
Yes, it could be exciting to live abroad – there is
more freedom and there are more opportunities.
Generally speaking, there is a higher standard of
living, a cleaner and less stressful environment,
D
Ø ÎæÎê,
¥æÂ·¤ô Øã ÁæÙ·¤ÚU ¥æà¿Øüç×çŸæÌ
¹éàæè ãô»è ç·¤ ×ðÚUð °·¤ ¥´·¤Ü, âð ×ðÚUð
ßñßæçã·¤ â´Õ´Ï ·Ô¤ çܰ, °·¤ °ðâð
ÂçÚUßæÚU Ùð â´Â·¤ü SÍæçÂÌ ç·¤Øæ ãñ,
çÁâ·¤æ ÜǸ·¤æ ¥×ðçÚU·¤æ ×ð´ ÚUãÌæ ãñÐ
×éÛæð Ùãè´ ÂÌæ ç·¤ §â ¹ÕÚU âð ×éÛæð
ÚUô׿´ç¿Ì ãôÙæ ¿æçã° Øæ ¥æàæ´·¤æ»ýSÌ,
¹éàæ ãôÙæ ¿æçã° Øæ ÂÚðàææÙÐ
°·¤ ¥ôÚU ×éÛæð Ü»Ìæ ãñ ç·¤ çßÎðàæ ×ð´
ÚUãÙæ ÕãéÌ ×ÁðÎæÚU ãô»æ (Ølç ×ñ´ ßãæ´
·¤è çÁ´Î»è ·Ô¤ ÕæÚUð ×ð´ Áô ×ñ´Ùð ÅUèßè ¥õÚU
çÈ Ë×ô´ ×ð´ Îð¹æ ãñ, ©ââð ’ØæÎæ ·¤éÀ
Ùãè´ ÁæÙÌè)Ð ÎêâÚUè ¥ôÚU, ×éÛæð Øã
âô¿·¤ÚU ÕéÚUæ Ü» ÚUãæ ãñ ç·¤ ×ñ´ ¥ÂÙð
ÂçÚUç¿Ìô´ âð §ÌÙè ÎêÚU ¿Üè Á檤´»èÐ
¥æÂ §â ÕæÚUð ×ð´ €UØæ âô¿Ìð ãñ´U ?
âÂýð×,
¥Ùéc·¤æ
çÂýØ ¥Ùéc·¤æ,
Øã °·¤ àææÙÎæÚU ¹ÕÚU ãñÐ ¥»ÚU Ìé×
ÎôÙô´ °·¤ ÎêâÚUð ·¤ô Ââ´Î Ù Öè ·¤ÚUô Øæ
ç·¤âè ¥õÚU ·¤æÚU‡æ âð ׿×Üæ ¥æ»ð Ù Õɸ
Âæ°, ÌÕ Öè ×éÛæð §â ÕæÌ ·¤è Âýâ‹ÙÌæ ãñ
ç·¤ ·¤× âð ·¤× °ðâæ ÂýSÌæß ¥æØæ Ìô! Ìé×
Æè·¤ ·¤ãÌè ãô ç·¤ çßÎðàæ ×ð´ ÚUãÙð ßæÜð
ç·¤âè ÃØçQ¤ âð àææÎè ·¤ÚUÙð ·Ô¤ È æØÎð ¥õÚU
Ùé·¤âæÙ ÎôÙô´ ãñ´Ð
çÂý
55
ȤæòÚUßÇüUUÂýðâ | 2014ÁéÜæ§üU
¼æ¼ âð ÂÀð´Uêêêê

JULY 2014
|
56
FORWARDPress
ASK “DADU”
and a better context in which to bring up children – though
one faces the challenge of how to keep the children in touch
with our country and culture. Naturally, you may have a little
more money and so be able to afford to travel back to visit
friends and relatives, but there is more pressure on your time
when you are in another country, because the pace of life is
much faster.
Morever, after about six months, the excitement of discovery
and learning about all the new things abroad gives way to a
feeling of homesickness and one starts missing one’s friends
and relatives. The novelty wears off, and one can start getting
depressed. Fortunately, nowadays, telephone calls and Skype
video conversations are inexpensive and easy, and that helps
counter homesickness and depression. But those are no sub-
stitute for having local friends.
So if your parents and you do decide to go ahead with this
proposal, it is essential that you prepare to make friends with
the local people in the country to which you are going. That
means improving your English, specially your conversational
English, to a level where you can make friends with local peo-
ple. I am assuming that you are likely to go to an English-
speaking country, but if you are going to a country where the
native language is something other than English, then you will
be well advised not only to improve your English but also to
learn the local language. That is because you must know the
local language to make friends with the local people but also in
order to find your way about and deal with the local bureau-
cracy, while English is the language of international life.
Unfortunately, I have seen too many Indians abroad stick
only to other Indians. Of course, that is natural and necessary
to a certain extent, as people of other nationalities are less
acquainted with our customs and traditions, and cultural dif-
ferences do make understanding more difficult. On the other
hand, friendships with local people abroad are also exciting
and enriching, and help one to utilise local opportunities to
best advantage.
Most of the above applies whether one is going abroad as a
spouse or is going abroad by oneself. If you are going as a
spouse, you should be aware that you may not be allowed to
work for some time unless you obtain permission to do so –
therefore that possibility is unlikely to exist till you learn the
local language and are able to get any necessary permissions.
You should also be aware that, unfortunately, there are situa-
tions where a wife is abandoned by her husband. In fact, this
happens so often that our Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs
(MOIA) has published booklets for guidance in such situations.
I haven’t been able to discover how to get hold of these, but
please make sure that your parents (and you!) get and read the
MOIA pamphlet ‘Thinking of the marriage of your daughter
with an NRI?’, which highlights precautions for parents to take
before entering into a marriage with a non-resident Indian
(NRI, that is, an Indian citizen who lives abroad). Further, theçÙSâ´Îðã, çßÎðàæ ×ð´ ÚUãÙæ ×ÁðÎæÚU ãô
â·¤Ìæ ãñ-ßãæ´ Ìé× ’ØæÎæ SßÌ´˜æ ÚUãô»è ¥õÚU
???? ????? ????U ?? ?????? ???????,
çßÎðàææð´ ×ð´ ÁèßÙSÌÚU ã׿ÚUð Îðàæ âð ÕðãÌÚU ãñ,
ßãæ´ ·¤æ ßæÌæßÚU‡æ ¥çÏ·¤ âæÈ -âéÍÚUæ ß
·¤× ÌÙæßÂê‡æü ãñ ¥õÚU ßãæ´ Õ‘¿ô´ ·Ô¤
ÜæÜÙ-ÂæÜÙ ·¤è ÕðãÌÚU âéçßÏæ°´ ©ÂÜŽÏ
ãñ´Ð Ølç Øã Öè âãè ãñ ç·¤ ßãæ´ ÚUãÙð
ßæÜô´ ·Ô¤ çܰ Õ‘¿ô´ ·¤ô ©Ù·Ô¤ Îðàæ ß
©â·¤è â´S·¤ëçÌ âð ÁôǸð ÚU¹Ùæ °·¤ ÕǸè
¿éÙõÌè ãôÌè ãñÐ SßæÖæßÌÑ, ÁÕ Ìé× çßÎðàæ
?? ?U???? ?? ?????U? ??? ??Ǹ? ????? ????
ãô»æ ¥õÚU Ìé× âר-âר ÂÚU ÖæÚUÌ ¥æ·¤ÚU
¥ÂÙð ÎôSÌô´ ¥õÚU çÚUàÌðÎæÚUô´ âð ç×Ü â·¤ô»èÐ
??U??? ?? ?? ? ?? 緤 ?????U? ??? ??U
ÕãéÌ ÎÕæß ãô»æ €UØô´ç·¤ çßÎðàææð´ ×ð´ çÁ´Î»è
??? ?U???U ????U? ???? ??? ????? ?? ???? ???
ãñÐ
ÎêâÚUè ÕæÌ Øã ç·¤ ÁÕ Ìé× ßãæ´ Âãé´¿ô»è
Ìô ֻܻ Àã ×ãèÙð Ì·¤ Ìô ÕãéÌ ¹éàæ
???U ?U????? ?U????? ???? ٧? ???? ????
¥õÚU ·¤ÚUÙð ·¤ô ç×Ü´ð»è ÂÚU´Ìé §â·Ô ÕæÎ,
???U?-???U?, ???? ???U ??? ??? ????? ܻ???
???? ????? ???U ??U??????U?? ?? ???U ?U??? ????
¹ÜÙð Ü»ð»æÐ ÙØæÂÙ ÁËÎ ãè ¹ˆ× ãô
Áæ°»æ ¥õÚU Ìé× ©Îæâ ÚUãÙð Ü»ô»èÐ
âõÖæ‚Øßàæ, §Ù çÎÙô´ ÅUðÜèÈ ôÙ ¥õÚU S·¤æ§üÂ
·Ô¤ ÁçÚU° ÕæÌ¿èÌ âSÌè ¥õÚU ¥æâæÙ ãô
??? ?? ???U ?? ????U?? ?? ?? ???? ???U ???
ØæÎ ¥æ°, Ìé× ƒæÚUßæÜô´ Øæ ¥ÂÙð ÎôSÌô´ âð
ÕæÌ ·¤ÚU â·¤Ìè ãôÐ ÂÚU´Ìé ØæÎ ÚU¹ô,
SÍæÙèØ çטæô´ ·¤æ ·¤ô§ü çß·¤Ë Ùãè´ ãñÐ
???ܰ, ??? ??? ???U ?????U? ?????߷?
?? ??S??? ??? S?跤??U ???U?? ?? ?? ?????U?
çܰ Øã ¥æßàØ·¤ ãô»æ ç·¤ çÁâ Îðàæ ×ð´
Ìé× Áæ¥ô»è, ßãæ´ SÍæÙèØ çטæ ÕÙæÙð ·¤è
?????U? ???U?? ?ⷤ? ??? ???? 緤 ????
¥ÂÙè ¥´»ýðÁè, çßàæðá·¤ÚU ÕôÜ¿æÜ ·¤è
¥´»ýðÁè ·¤ô §ÌÙæ âéÏæÚUÙæ ãô»æ ç·¤ Ìé×
SÍæÙèØ Üô»ô´ âð çטæÌæ ·¤ÚU â·¤ôÐ ×ñ´ Øã
×æÙ·¤ÚU ¿Ü ÚUãæ ãê´ ç·¤ Ìé× ç·¤âè °ðâð Îðàæ
?? ????? ??? ??? ??? ???? ??????? ????
ÂÚU´Ìé ¥»ÚU Ìé× ç·¤âè °ðâð Îðàæ ×ð´ Áæ ÚUãè ãô
çÁâ·¤è ×êÜÖæáæ ·¤ô§ü ÎêâÚUè ãñ Ìô ÕðãÌÚU
Øã ãô»æ ç·¤ Ìé× ¥´»ýðÁè ·Ô¤ ¥Üæßæ ©â
SÍæÙèØ Öæáæ ·¤ô Öè âè¹ ÜôÐ SÍæÙèØ
Öæáæ ·¤è ÁæÙ·¤æÚUè, çטæ ÕÙæÙð ·Ô¤ çܰ Ìô
ÁM¤ÚUè ãñ ãè, ßã §âçܰ Öè ÁM¤ÚUè ãñ Ìæç·¤
Ìé× àæãÚU ×ð´ ÖÅU·¤ ÁæÙð ÂÚU ç·¤âè âð ÚUæSÌæ
ÂêÀ â·¤ô Øæ SÍæÙèØ ¥çÏ·¤æçÚUØô´ âð
ÕæÌ¿èÌ ·¤ÚU â·¤ôÐ ¥´»ýðÁè ·¤æ ™ææÙ §âçܰ
ÁM¤ÚUè ãñ €UØô´ç·¤ ßã ¥´ÌÚUæüCþèØ Öæáæ ãñÐ

57
ȤæòÚUßÇüUUÂýðâ | 2014ÁéÜæ§üU
MOIA booklet, ‘Marriages to Overseas Indians’, appar-
ently has useful information on safeguards, legal reme-
dies and whom to approach in case of such problems.
Again, I have not been able to discover how to get hold
of these but please make enquiries at the Indian
Embassy as well as through women’s support organisa-
tions if that becomes necessary.
I am sorry to raise such negative possibilities but
being prepared for the worst is always a good basis for
hoping for the best.
In your case, I am going to do more than hope. I am
going to pray that, whether you marry someone abroad
or in India, you will find marriage helping you to
indeed fulfil your dreams and aspirations, as your
name indicates.
Love,
Øã ÎéÖæü‚ØÂê‡æü ãñ ç·¤ çßÎðàææð´ ×ð´ ÚUãÙð ßæÜð ÖæÚUÌèØ,
·Ô¤ßÜ ÖæÚUÌèØô´ âð â´Â·¤ü-â´Õ´Ï ÚU¹Ìð ãñ´Ð ·¤éÀ ãÎ Ì·¤
Øã SßæÖæçß·¤ ¥õÚU ¥æßàØ·¤ ãñ €UØô´ç·¤ ÎêâÚUð ÚUæCþô´ ·Ô¤
Üô» ã׿ÚUè ÂÚU´ÂÚUæ¥ô´ ¥õÚU ÚUèçÌ-çÚUßæÁô´ âð ßæç·¤È Ùãè´
ãôÌð ¥õÚU âæ´S·¤ëçÌ·¤ çßçÖ‹ÙÌæ¥ô´ ·Ô¤ ·¤æÚU‡æ, ã×ð´ °·¤
ÎêâÚUð ·¤ô â×ÛæÙæ ×éçà·¤Ü ãôÌæ ãñÐ ÎêâÚUè ¥ôÚU, SÍæÙèØ
Üô»ô´ âð ÎôSÌè ã×ð´ ÚUô׿´¿ Ìô ÎðÌè ãè ãñ ©ââð ã×ð´ ·¤§ü
Ù§ü ¿èÁð´ âè¹Ùð ·¤ô Öè ç×ÜÌè ãñ´Ð ã×ð´ Øã Öè ÂÌæ
¿ÜÌæ ãñ ç·¤ ßãæ´ ã׿ÚUð çܰ ·¤õÙ-âð Ù° ×õ·Ô¤ ©ÂÜŽÏ
ãñ´Ð
ª¤ÂÚU Îè »§ü ÕæÌô´ ×ð´ âð ¥çÏ·¤æ´àæ ©Ù ÎôÙô´ ãè
çSÍçÌØô´ ×ð´ Üæ»ê ãôÌè ãñ´ ÁÕ Ìé× ¥·Ô¤Üð Øæ ˆÙè ·Ô¤ M¤Â
×ð´ çßÎðàæ Áæ¥ôÐ ¥»ÚU Ìé× ßãæ´ ÚUãÙð ßæÜð ç·¤âè ÃØçQ¤
??? ??? ?Ԥ M?? ?? ??? ?? ?U?? ?? ?? ???? ?? ???
???? ???? 緤 ???? ???? ??? ̷? ??? ???? ???U?? ???
????? ??? ????? ???? ??Ԥ ?ܰ ???? ??Ϸ???U? ??
¥Ùé×çÌ ÜðÙè ãô»è ¥õÚU ÁÕ Ì·¤ Ìé× SÍæÙèØ Öæáæ Ùãè´
?? ???? ?? ̷? ???? ????? ???? ????? ??? ??????
ÕãéÌ ·¤× ãô»èÐ
???? ?? ?? ???? ???? 緤 ??????????, ???????? ?? ?U???
ßæÜð ÂçÌØô´ mæÚUæ ¥ÂÙè ÂçˆÙØæð´ ·¤ô ÀôǸ ÎðÙð ·¤è ƒæÅUÙæ°´
¥æ× ãñ´Ð ÕçË·¤ Øð §ÌÙè ¥æ× ãñ´ ç·¤ ã׿ÚUð Îðàæ ·Ô¤ Âýßæâè
ÖæÚUÌèØ ×æ×Üð ·Ô¤ ×´˜ææÜØ Ùð §â ÌÚUã ·¤è ÂçÚUçSÍçÌØô´ âð
çÙÂÅUÙð ·Ô¤ çܰ ÂéçSÌ·¤æ¥ô´ ·¤æ Âý·¤æàæÙ ç·¤Øæ ãñÐ ×éÛæð Øã
Ùãè´ ÂÌæ ç·¤ Ìé× Øð ÂéçSÌ·¤æ°´ ·¤ãæ´ âð Âýæ# ·¤ÚU â·¤Ìè ãô
??U??? ?? ??????? ???U?? 緤 ??? ???U ?????U?
¥çÖÖæß·¤, Âýßæâè ÖæÚUÌèØ ×´˜ææÜØ mæÚUæ Âý·¤æçàæÌ °·¤
ÂéçSÌ·¤æ çÁâ·¤æ àæèáü·¤ ãñ Ò€UØæ ¥æÂ ¥ÂÙè ÜǸ·¤è ·¤è
àææÎè ç·¤âè ¥Âýßæâè ÖæÚUÌèØ âð ·¤ÚUÙð ·¤è âô¿ ÚUãð ãñ´ ?Ó
Éê´É çÙ·¤æÜô ¥õÚU ©âð ŠØæÙ âð ÂɸôÐ §â×ð´ ¥Âýßæâè
ÖæÚUÌèØô´ (¥ÍæüÌ÷ ßð ÖæÚUÌèØ Ùæ»çÚU·¤ Áô çßÎðàæ ×ð´ ÚUãÌð
ãñ´) âð çßßæã ·Ô¤ Âêßü ÕÚUÌè ÁæÙð ßæÜè âæßÏæçÙØô´ ¥õÚU
·¤ô§ü â×SØæ ©UˆÂ‹Ù ãôÙð ÂÚU ©ÂÜŽÏ ·¤æÙêÙè ÂýæßÏæÙô´ ·Ô¤
ÕæÚUð ×ð´ ÕÌæØæ »Øæ ãñÐ §â×ð´ Øã Öè ÕÌæØæ »Øæ ãñ ç·¤
â×SØæ ·¤è çSÍçÌ ×ð´ ç·¤ââð â´Â·¤ü SÍæçÂÌ ·¤ÚUÙæ
¿æçã°Ð Ìé× ÖæÚUÌèØ ÎêÌæßæâ Øæ ç·¤âè ×çãÜæ â´»ÆÙ ·Ô¤
ÁçÚU° Øã ÂéçSÌ·¤æ Âýæ# ·¤ÚU â·¤Ìè ãôÐ
×éÛæð ¹ðÎ ãñ ç·¤ ×ñ´ §â ÌÚUã ·¤è Ù·¤æÚUæˆ×·¤
â´ÖæßÙæ¥ô´ ·Ô¤ ÕæÚUð ×´ð ÕæÌ ·¤ÚU ÚUãæ ãê´ ÂÚU´Ìé Øã ØæÎ ÚU¹ô
緤 ??? ??? ?? ???? ???? ???? ??? ???? ???U??
¿æçã° ßãè´ ã×ð´ âÕâð ÕéÚUð ·Ô¤ çܰ ÌñØæÚU Öè ÚUãÙæ ¿æçã°Ð
?????U? ????? ?? ?? ?Ԥ?? ?? ????? ?? ??? ??M????
ç·¤ âÕ ·¤éÀ Æè·¤-Ææ·¤ ÚUãð ÕçË·¤ ×ñ´ §üàßÚU âð Øã ÂýæÍüÙæ
Öè ·¤M´¤»æ ç·¤ Ìé× ¿æãð Îðàæ ×ð´ ÚUãÙð ßæÜð ç·¤âè ÖæÚUÌèØ
?? ????? ???U? ?? ?????? ?? ?U??? ???? ??, ?????U? ????
???U ?????U? ???淤???水 ???U? ???, ???? 緤 ?????U?
Ùæ× âð ÁæçãÚU ãñÐ
âÂýð×,
ÎæÎê
Dadu
“¼æ¼ê ” °·¤¤ÖæÚUÌèØ ¿æ¿æ ãñ´U çÁ‹ãUô´Ùð ÖæÚUÌ ¥õÚU çß¼ðàæ ×ð´ àæñÿæç‡æ·¤,
ÃØæßâæçØ·¤ ¥õÚU âæ¢S·¤ëçÌ·¤ ÿæð˜æô´ ×ð´ çÙßæâ ¥õÚU ·¤æØü ç·¤Øæ ãñUÐ ßð çßSÌëÌ
âæ×æçÁ·¤, ¥æçÍü·¤ ¥õÚU âæ¢S·¤ëçÌ·¤¤×égô´ ÂÚU ¥æÂ·¤ð¤ ÂýàÙô´ ·¤æ Sßæ»Ì ·¤ÚUÌð ãñ´U
“Dadu”is an avuncular Indian gentleman who has lived and worked
in both India and overseas in the academic, business and cultural fields.
He welcomes your questions on broad social, economic and cultural issues
¼æ¼ âð ÂÀð´Uêê êê

JULY 2014
|
58
FORWARDPress
FAMILY
IN SOME CHILDREN DEPRESSION IS INTERNALIZED AND IT
EVENTUALLY COMES OUT FULL BLAST IN THE FORM OF
DISRUPTIVE BEHAVIOUR AND ANGER OUTBURSTS
·¤§ü Õ‘¿ð ¥ÂÙð ¥ßâæÎ ·¤ô Á’Õ ·¤ÚU ÜðÌð ãñ´ ¥õÚU ¥´ÌÌÑ ßã »éSâð
¥õÚU çߊߴⷤ ÃØßãæÚU ·Ô¤ M¤Â ×ð´ Âý·¤ÅU ãôÌæ ãñ
DIVYA ZACHARAIAH
ill the 1980s depression was thought of as a
malady occurring exclusively in adults. Since
then there has been overwhelming research
and evidence that proves otherwise. The
American Academy of Child and Adolescent
Psychiatry defines depression as an illness
when the feelings of depression persist and
interfere with a child or adolescent’s ability
to function. In some children depression is
internalized and it eventually comes out full
blast in the form of disruptive behaviour and
anger outbursts. This masked depression is
always the most difficult to diagnose.
Interestingly, among children below 10
years it is more often the boys who are
depressed rather than the girls. There are
many causes of depression but the three
major ones all come under the jurisdiction
of parenting. The best news of course is that
childhood depression has a 100 per cent
cure rate.
çÎÃØæ Á·¤æçÚUØæ
Ù÷ v~}® ·Ô¤ Îàæ·¤ Ì·¤, Øã ×æÙæ ÁæÌæ Íæ ç·¤ ¥ßâæÎ,
°·¤ °ðâæ ÚUô» ãñ Áô çâÈü ߨS·¤ô´ ·¤ô ãôÌæ ãñÐ ÕæÎ ×ð ãé°
¥Ùéâ´ÏæÙ âð Øã ÕæÌ »ÜÌ âæçÕÌ ãé§üÐ ¥×ðçÚU·¤æ ·¤è ÕæÜ
ß ç·¤àææðÚU ×Ùôç¿ç·¤ˆâæ ¥·¤æÎ×è, ¥ßâæÎ ·¤ô °·¤ °ðâè
Õè׿ÚUè ·Ô¤ M¤Â ×ð´ ÂçÚUÖæçáÌ ·¤ÚUÌè ãñ ÁÕ ©Îæâè, ç·¤âè
Õ‘¿ð Øæ ç·¤àææðÚUU ·¤æ SÍæØè Öæß ÕÙ ÁæÌæ ãñ ¥õÚU ©â·Ô¤
·¤æØü ·¤ÚUÙð ·¤è ÿæ×Ìæ ·¤ô ÂýÖæçßÌ ·¤ÚUÙð Ü»Ìæ ãñ, ·¤§ü Õ‘¿ð
¥ÂÙð ¥ßâæÎ ·¤ô Á’Õ ·¤ÚU ÜðÌð ãñ´ ¥õÚU ¥´ÌÌÑ ßã »éSâð
¥õÚU çߊߴⷤ ÃØßãæÚU ·Ô¤ M¤Â ×ð´ Âý·¤ÅU ãôÌæ ãñÐ §â ÌÚUã
·Ô¤ ßðá ÕÎÜð ãé° ¥ßâæÎ ·¤ô Âã¿æÙÙæ âÕâð ·¤çÆÙ ãôÌæ
ãñÐ
Øã çÎÜ¿S ãñ ç·¤ Îâ âæÜ âð ·¤× ©×ý ·Ô¤ Õ‘¿ô´ ×ð´,
ÜǸ緤Øô´ ·¤è ¥Âðÿææ ÜǸ·¤ô´ ·Ô¤ ¥ßâæÎ»ýSÌ ãôÙð ·¤è
â´ÖæßÙæ ¥çÏ·¤ ãôÌè ãñÐ ¥ßâæÎ ·Ô¤ ·¤§ü ·¤æÚU‡æ ãñ´ ÂÚU´Ìé
???? ?? ??? ??? ?? ???U ?? ??? ??? ?մ? ????-???? ??
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âT
Depression in
children
Õ‘¿ô´ ×ð´ ¥ßâæÎ

59ÂçÚUßæÚU
Why does the demon rage?
a. Marital disharmony
Parents beware! We might be the reason our little
or big darlings are not as happy as we want them to
be. If we bicker and blame and declare war against
our spouses our children in the meanwhile, often
oblivious to us, lock themselves in prison walls of
self-condemnation and guilt. A life sentence of
depression is the only verdict.
b. Learning disabilities and different learn-
ing styles
The present school systems in India overlook
children in these categories. Unfortunately, these
children are a majority. Children as young as 2 are
forced to read and write and teenagers are so
stressed out as they are shoved aboard express trains
of competitive exams they care less to do.
c. Sexual abuse.
Statistics reveal that one out of seven children is
sexually abused. Abused children slip into deep
depression as justice and protection are not deliv-
ered by embarrassed parents since the abuser is
almost always a trusted person. Or the child is fright-
ened into silence by the perpetuator of the crime.
Parents take action
a. Strive to give children a bigger picture for
their lives
More than 70 years ago, Dr Hans Selye, the
world’s premier stress researcher, began to consider
the problem of stress in earnest when he noticed his
own young children and their friends seemed to be
drifting unsure of what to do with their lives
—one of
the most stressful situations possible. The antidote
he recommended was teaching our children the life
principle of “altruistic egoism”, that is looking out for
oneself by being necessary to others. Without this a
rudderless youngster will resort to various degrees of
self-hurting including suicide. Others will run to
drugs and alcohol to fill up meaningless lives.
b. Teach them to say thanks, an all-time
cure for low moods
Dr Tim LaHaye believes that children who are
taught by parents to be thankful to God first and also
to their parents are well on their way to depression
free living. Teach them early to give thanks for family,
food, health, shelter and friendship. There will
always be a child with a temperament that naturally
entangles oneself in the web of constant complain-
ing. This malady must be cut at the root constantly
by the parent as soon as the weed of complaining
appears.
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çÕÙæ, Øéßæ ãôÌæ տܷ¤, Sߨ´ ·¤ô Ùé·¤âæÙ Âãé´¿æÙð ßæÜð ·¤æ× ·¤ÚU
â·¤Ìæ ãñ, çÁÙ×ð´ ¥æˆ×ãˆØæ Öè àææç×Ü ãñÐ ·¤éÀ ¥‹Ø Õ‘¿ð ¥ÂÙð
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Ü»Ìð ãñ´Ð
ȤæòÚUßÇüUUÂýðâ | 2014ÁéÜæ§üU
Two to five per cent of children suffer from
depression which if untreated always results in
the child becoming a full-blown depressive.
Here’s the good news—childhood depression
has a 100 per cent cure rate!
Îô âð Âæ´¿ ÂýçÌàæÌ Õ‘¿ð ¥ßâæÎ ·¤æ âæ×Ùæ ·¤ÚUÌð ãñ´
¥õÚU ¥»ÚU ©Ù·¤æ âר ÂÚU §ÜæÁ Ù ãô Ìô ßð ¥ßâæÎ
·Ô¤ ÚUô»è ÕÙ ÁæÌð ãñ´UÐ ¥‘Àè ¹ÕÚU Øã ãñ ç·¤ §ÜæÁ âð
àæÌ-ÂýçÌàæÌ Õ‘¿ð ¥ßâæÎ×é€Ì ãô ÁæÌð ãñ´U

60FAMILY
JULY 2014
|FORWARDPress
c. Love and unconditional acceptance
The greatest rejection a child can face is the rejection by
his own parents. I once heard the true story of a young girl
who was rather dusky in complexion as compared to her
younger sister who was much lighter by Indian standards.
The mother disowned her older one and told acquaintances
that she was a servant maid. Dr Ross Cambell author of How
to Really Love Your Childadvocates eye contact, physical
contact and focused attention to communicate to your child
how much you love him or her. And THE greatest way to
ensure your child’s enhanced feeling of security, confidence
and acceptance is a loving and respectful relationship with
your spouse.
Treatment options for the depressed child
Psychotherapy or talk therapy has by far been the most
effective in treating the depressed child. Under talk therapy
we have cognitive therapy, behavioural therapy and what Dr
John White, psychiatrist and author of the book The Masks of
Melancholy, calls grief work. Talk therapy in a nutshell essen-
tially helps a child deal with negative thinking and distorted
interpretations of their world. Leading researcher Dr Paul
O’Callaghan in his work among sexually abused children of
the Democratic Republic of Congo was immensely success-
ful as he used psychotherapy. Children were encouraged to
draw pictures of their traumatic experiences and were
encouraged to talk about their feelings in individual sessions.
The use of antidepressants in children is widely debated.
The US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) warns against
its use among children citing severe side effects. However,
antidepressants are still used in very severe cases of depres-
sion in children.
Parents are often the last to recognize depression in their
children and the frustrations of dealing with a depressed
child may compound the difficulty before they become fully
aware of it. I hope this article will help some parent some-
where recognize a depressed child and help them over-
come their depression.
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¥ßâæÎ âð ×éQ¤ ·¤ÚU â·ð´¤»ðÐ
THE greatest way to ensure your child’s enhanced
feeling of security, confidence and acceptance is a
loving and respectful relationship with your spouse
¥ÂÙð Õ‘¿ð ×ð´ âéÚUÿææ, ¥æˆ×çßàßæâ ¥õÚU Sßè·¤æØüÌæ ·¤è ÖæßÙæ
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?Ԥ ??? ???????? ?մ? ??? ? ??? ?ⷤ? ???? ???U?? ???
Dr Divya Zachariah is a writer and life coach, and resides with her husband
and two children in Bangalore
Çæò. çÎÃØæ Á·¤æçÚUØæ Üð¹·¤ ß Üæ§È ·¤ô¿ ãñ´ ¥õÚU ¥ÂÙð ÂçÌ ¥õÚU Îô Õ‘¿ô´ ·Ô¤ âæÍ Õð´»ÜéL¤U
×ð´ ÚUãÌè ãñ´

RAMESH THAKUR
here are many communities in the country that are
dependent on others for survival. The Banjaras (gypsies)
are one of them. They survive by doing street shows
(tamasha). In the process, they have made themselves a
spectacle (another meaning of the word 'tamasha'), with
no present and no future. This is the stark reality of the life
of the gypsy Bhils, living in the metropolis of Delhi. To earn
a few coins, they have to whip themselves till the eyes of
the spectators well up with tears. Though the government
has launched many welfare schemes for the gypsies, they
have yet to benefit from them. Whatever little is supposed
to have been done for them remains only on paper.
T
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·¤è ¥æ´¹ð´ »èÜè Ù ãô Áæ°´Ð ·¤ãÙð ·Ô¤ çܰ âÚU·¤æÚU ·Ô¤ Âæâ
·¤ËØæ‡æ·¤æÚUè ØôÁÙæ°´ ãñ´, Üðç·¤Ù §Ù ØôÁÙæ¥ô´ ·¤æ ÜæÖ
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ã饿 ãñ ßã ·¤æ»Á Ì·¤ ãè âèç×Ì ÚUãæ ãñÐ
Îð
No country for
the Banjarasthe Banjaras
§â Îðàæ ·Ô¤ Ùãè´ ãñ´ Õ´ÁæÚUð §â Îðàæ ·Ô¤ Ùãè´ ãñ´ Õ´ÁæÚUð ?
61â׿Á
ȤæòÚUßÇüUUÂýðâ | 2014ÁéÜæ§üU

The Banjaras can be seen presenting their “shows” at markets and
intersections in Delhi. A woman beats a drum while a man hits
himself with a whip till blood starts oozing out of his body. The
sharper the sound of the whip swishing through the air, the bigger the
applause from the crowd surrounding them. As soon as the show is
over, people start laughing. When the performers seek money from
the onlookers, some abuse them, others threaten them and a few
throw some coins at them. After a whole day’s work, these Banjaras
earn anything between Rs 40 and Rs 70. And their ‘show’ is not limited
to whipping. They also gash their hands with iron spikes and the
people seem to enjoy watching the blood dripping from their hands.
After seeing their ‘show’, all our claims of development ring hollow.
The fruits of development haven’t reached those who need and
deserve them the most. Literacy among the Banjaras is nil. They do
not send their children to schools. One reason for this is that their kids
start earning by the time they turn 3; they beg on streets and sell news-
papers. The second reason is that they are nomads.
They are beset with a host of problems. They don’t have BPL cards.
They have no permanent residence. Nobody seems to be bothered
about them. It is as if they are not citizens of India.
They describe themselves as Bhil Telugus and mainly hail from Ma-
harashtra. Besides Delhi, they are also found in places like Lucknow,
Bhopal and Bareilli. They mostly live in small tents made of bamboo,
polythene and dried grass. Even basic facilities are not available to
them
—not even water.
On the move for much of the year, they live in Delhi for three
months around Holi and for another three months around Diwali.
They say that they cannot do any work except performing on the
streets. People do not give any work to them and treat them as
untouchables.
Deprived of the right to vote
According to Balkishan Renke, who headed a commission
appointed to study the state of tribes, the Central government has no
scheme for the welfare of the Banjaras. Therefore the state
governments have become arbiters of their fate. In the first and the
third five-year plans, funds were set aside for them but for some
reason, they could not be spent. Hence, they were removed from the
Union list.
The Kaka Kalelkar Commission had said that some communities
are even more backward than the SCs, STs and OBCs. Special
provisions needed to be made for them. According to an organization
called Muktidhar, the population of Banjaras in the country is more
than 100 million. They neither have ration cards nor the right to vote.
A provision of around Rs 5 billion is made for the welfare of SCs and
STs in the country annually but none for the Banjaras. They do not
form even one per cent of the government and private sector
workforce in the country. From time to time, there have been
demands to include them in the SC category.
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Ramesh Thakur is a senior reporter with India’s leading
Hindi newspaper DAINIK JAGRAN
ÚU×ðàæ Ææ·¤éÚU Îðàæ ·Ô¤ ¥»ý‡æè çã´Îè â׿¿æÚU ˜æ ÒÎñçÙ·¤ Áæ»ÚU‡æÓ ×ð´ ÕÌõÚU âèçÙØÚU
çÚUÂôÅUüÚU ·¤æØüÚUÌ ãñ´Ð
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