sociology of aging.pdf This presentation is about introduction of ageism

This presentation is about introduction of ageism

1. Course Content:

1.Introduction
a. Ageism amd social gerontology

The Development of Social Gerontology.
b. The Demography of Aging.
c. The Biology and Epidemiology of Aging.
d. Variations in the Experience of Aging.

Aging and the Individual:
a. The psychology of Aging.
b. Work, Retirement and Leisure.

Social Theories of aging.

The Political Economy of Aging and Aging and Family:
a. Political power.
b. The Townsend movement.
c. Contemporary.
d. Organizations and political power.
e. The political attitude and voting behaviour of older.
f. The potential for conflict over the distribution of wealth.
g. Present family life style and nuclear family.
h. Aging and sexuality.

2. Social Problems and Older People,
a. Aging and deviant behaviour.
b. Housing and institutions.
c. Religion and aging.
d. Death and dying.

Aging and the Future:
a. Aging in a postindustrial society

Introduction:

Ageism as Ideology

In 1975, Butler coined the term, ageism. Both he and Maggie Kuhn recognized
ageism and its commonality with racism and sexism as a highly negative
attribution that provide the basis for discrimination. Ageism is manifested both
structurally and ideologically. Structurally, ageism influences the agenda setting,
formation, and implementation processes surrounding public policy. Ideologically,
ageism bolsters images of elders as undeserving persons who do not merit the
benefits (e.g., Social Security) that they have earned and paid into for decades
(Estes et al. 2009b). Maggie Kuhn campaigned against ageism through the Gray
Panthers (Estes and Portacolone 2009), showing that “[a]geism afflicts …
institutions serving older people with a deep, insidious paternalism … Ageism
infects us when we reject ourselves and despair our own powerlessness, wrinkled
skin and physical limitations” (Kuhn 1974).

In its contemporary form and at the collective structural level, ageism is the denial
of basic and civil rights of elders (Anti-Ageism Taskforce 2006). As evidenced by
more than three decades of attacks on American elders as greedy geezers, the
slander against older persons has garnered such media acceptance and promotion
that it qualifies as an ideology.

The Development of Social Gerontology

3. As I thought about this chapter and the occasion it presented to reflect on my years as a
sociologist and social gerontologist, two trends significant to my career repeatedly
surfaced. The first is the growing legitimization of aging as a topic of investigation, and
the second is the development of a research infrastructure supporting the study of
aging. I make no claim that these two represent the most significant developments. I
single them out only because of their personal importance and because of my belief
that they represent critical indicators of how the field of aging has evolved over the past
4 decades. In what follows, I will place these trends in an autobiographical context.

My Michigan Years: The Study of Aging in the Mid to Late 1960s

I have often been asked how I became interested in aging and what led to a career-long
interest in gerontology. (This question was especially prevalent when I was a younger
sociologist; it has tapered off somewhat in my older years as the apparent connection
between my personal biography and the field of study has become closer and as the
field has gained legitimacy.) I expect many people thought my response would have
something to do with warm, loving grandparents. I did have warm, loving grandparents,
but the answer to the question is quite different (and quite possibly a disappointment to
many people).

My interest in the sociology of aging dates precisely to a particular lecture in my first
semester as a graduate student at the University of Michigan in the fall of 1964. I was
enrolled in a course on population taught by the eminent demographer Ronald
Freedman. At one point in the course, he was discussing the end of the Baby Boom –
after all, it was 1964, the date generally acknowledged as the end of the baby boom era
in the United States – and he was pointing out the demographic implications. He noted
that the declining birth rate associated with the end of the Baby Boom would contribute
to population aging. Fewer births meant a shrinking base of the population pyramid and
a greater proportion of people at the older ages. Gains in life expectancy would also play
a role in population aging, as would the eventual flow of Baby Boom cohorts into the
older age strata, but declining fertility would be an early and critical component of the
aging of our population. However, it was his next comment that caught my attention.
Sociologists, he said, knew very little about aging. But between the lines he also
seemed to be suggesting that sociologists cared little about aging. (In retrospect, I
believe he was right on both scores.) And that was my “light bulb” moment! Something

4. in his spoken and unspoken words clicked, and a huge intellectual gap and challenge
presented itself.

From that lecture given by Professor Freedman on an autumn afternoon 45 years ago,
the seed that grew into my career-long interest in aging was planted.


The Demography of Aging

In the sociology of aging and life course, global aging is relatively a new issue; but it has
become an increasingly important subject since the early 1990s (Estes and Phillipson
2002). Many factors are contributing to population aging. The single most important
factor is the decline of fertility that is taking place in many countries around the globe
(Lloyd-Sherlock 2010). Another major factor is decline in mortality rates at all age levels,
a trend which translates into increases in life expectancy (Uhlenberg 2009). Because
people have come to live longer, including more disability-free years, population aging
can and should be viewed as a positive achievement associated with improved
healthcare, more government spending on social security, and other age-related social
welfare programs, as well as changes in lifestyle, such as less smoking and more
exercise (National Research Council 2001).

However, the unprecedented increase in the relative size of the older population has
also created major challenges for many countries around the world. It strains existing
systems of social and financial support for older people as the burdens of
intergenerational dependency increase. In addition to these demographic changes, the
trend toward ever-increasing economic globalization is in many countries transforming
existing social institutions including the social welfare policies that support older
people (Phillipson 2005). Population aging and economic globalization are two major
social forces that will be shaping social change around the world throughout the
twenty-first century. Research on global aging must give considerable attention to the
ways in which these two major social forces affect the lives of older people around the
world (Uhlenberg 2009).

The old-age dependency ratio is another important measure of population aging.
Calculated by dividing the number of people aged 65 years and older by that of those of
working age (aged 15–64 years), the old-age dependency ratio is an indicator of both the

5. formal and informal burdens of providing for an older population’s economic security
and well-being (Schulz and Binstock 2006). Globally, the ratio increased from about
8.5% in 1950 to about 10.9% in 2000, and it is projected to steadily increase to about
15.8% by 2025 and to 25.3% by 2050 (Organization for Economic Co-operations and
Development 2009a).

Two major determinants of global population aging are increasing life expectancy and
decreasing fertility (United Nations 2009b). Globally, the average life expectancy at birth
increased from 46.6 years for the 1950–1955 birth cohort to 66.4 for the 2000–2005
cohort. The figure is projected to further increase to 72.1 years for the 2025–2030 cohort
and to 75.5 for the 2050–2055 cohort. The world has also experienced an overall
decrease in fertility rates since the mid-twentieth century. The world’s total fertility rate
(average number of children born to each woman over the course of her lifetime) was
4.92 between 1950 and 1955 and the figure decreased to 2.67 between 2000 and 2005.
It is currently projected to fall to 2.21 between the years 2025 and 2030 and to 2.02
between the years of 2050 and 2055 (United Nations 2009a).

Generally, the process of population aging differs between the economically developed
and developing parts of the world (Lloyd-Sherlock 2010). In most developed countries,
European countries in particular, population aging began slowly during the late
nineteenth century as birth rates entered a phase of sustained decline and life
expectancies began to gradually increase. As of 2008, the percentages of older
population (age 65 and older) are highest for Japan (21.6%), Italy (20.0%), Germany
(20.0%), Greece (19.1%), and Sweden (18.3%) (United Nations 2009a).

The number and proportion of older people have also been growing in developing
regions of the world. By 2015, there will be more people aged 65 and over living in China
alone (132 million) than in all of Europe (128 million) (United Nations 2009a). As of
2008, some 62% of the world’s population resided in developing countries.


The Biology and Epidemiology of Aging

A second lens focuses on the aging process and draws heavily from the life course
perspective in order to understand how health variability plays out over time and
culminates in the older adult population. It is also concerned with health variability

6. among older adults, but emphasizes the life course processes leading to such
variability. There is a clear need for both approaches; each is a valued intellectual
endeavor with profound policy implications. Moreover, there is a need for integrative
analyses that identify points of convergence and divergence.

Although both perspectives are needed and will continue to flourish, one of the great
changes during the past three decades is a greater appreciation within sociology for the
second approach emphasizing the aging process. This perspective is not new to the
field of gerontology, but sociologists have played a critical role in promoting its utility.
This has been seen most clearly in sociological theories of age, aging, and the life
course (Elder 1974, 1998; Riley 1987; Settersten 2003). At the same time, the
proliferation of longitudinal data, coupled with methodological innovations to analyze
such data, has enabled a new and exciting genre of research on health and aging.

In this chapter, I recognize and draw from both lenses but emphasize the second –
studying health processes over the life course. My aim is to highlight the scientific utility
of this perspective to better understand health inequality in later life while reviewing
some of the major findings during recent decades. Ultimately, I contend that greater
appreciation for life course processes of health will aid our understanding of the health
of older people, thereby enabling the design of more effective interventions.

Sociologists, demographers, and psychologists have drawn important conceptual
distinctions between individual, cohort, and population aging in order to better
understand inequalities in physical and mental health (Alwin et al. 2006; Sliwinski and
Mogle 2008). At the same time, a subfield of epidemiology known as “life course
epidemiology” has emerged that shares many conceptual frameworks and methods of
analysis with the life course sociological approach to health and aging (Kuh and Ben-
Shlomo 1997; Lynch and Smith 2005; Wadsworth 1997).

In epidemiology’s conceptualization of the interrelationships between host, agent, and
environment, there is a premium placed on identifying exposure to potential risks. What
is distinctive about life course epidemiology, however, is studying how these risks
accumulate over time. When does exposure to a risk first occur? For how long is the
host exposed to the risk? Once exposed to a risk, what mechanisms lead to
compromised health? These and related questions have led to a pursuit of important
periods of risk exposure that can be especially consequential to health. Although most
sociologists are skeptical of complex stage theories of human development, they

7. nevertheless recognize the importance of selected periods of the life course for shaping
health outcomes (Ferraro and Shippee 2009).

Part III — Social Diversity and Inequalities of Aging

Over the last 30 years, the field of aging has been the site of an exceptional growth of
research interest, yet it is only really within more recent social gerontology that the
many varied experiences of older people are being acknowledged and explored through
the intersection of race, ethnicity, sexuality, class, and, as many have argued, most
importantly, gender. This chapter will show the importance of recognizing the gender
dimension within the study of aging by exploring how using a “gendered eye,” or
adopting a “gender lens” (Calasanti and Slevin 2001) not only reveals neglected issues
for older people, but is also fundamentally important in thinking about the study of old
age at a time when the growth in the aging population is unprecedented.

The chapter commences by stepping back 30 years to reflect on theoretical approaches
to the study of aging and approaches that initially neglected gender. We then move on to
demonstrate how the contribution of feminist scholarship raised awareness of the need
to identify and address the neglected area of older women’s issues, and at the same
time neglecting older men’s issues (Thompson 1994). Next, we consider how this
approach ultimately evolved to take account of the interlinkages between age and
gender relations in recognition of the need to examine men’s and women’s experiences
relationally.

Emerging issues within this new era of age and gender relations are introduced in the
form of the changing nature of roles, relationships, and older people’s identity. The
following section focuses on the aging, gendered body through discussion of the
tension between aging identities and narratives of bodily decline as experienced
differently by men and women (Gullette 1997). Finally, the chapter concludes by
highlighting challenges for the future of aging for men and women, such as the growing
numbers of the oldest old, who are predominantly widowed women, implications for
unmarried or childless older men and women, and the policy implications of such
challenges.

Successful Aging: Activity or Disengagement or Both?

8. Theories of aging have a very short history compared to theories in other areas of
science. I arrived at Chicago after the start of the first big theoretical controversy in what
later came to be called the sociology of aging. In the previous decade, Robert
Havighurst and his students had collected survey data that linked “successful aging,”
indicated by high life satisfaction scores, to the maintenance of high levels of activity
and social engagement (Havighurst and Albrecht 1953). This came to be known as the
“activity theory” of aging. It became immediately popular with gerontological
practitioners working with the aged, because it justified what they had been doing to
keep elderly patients active.

Then to Chicago came two young and ambitious researchers, Elaine Cumming and Bill
Henry, who proposed exactly the opposite in their “disengagement theory of aging”
(Cumming and Henry 1961). The theory posited that biological, psychological, and
social withdrawals were universal, inevitable, and adaptive in preparing both the
individual and the society for eventual death. But disengagement theory clashed with
“activity theory,” which implicitly treated aging as a decrement to be “adjusted to” by
attempting to maintain as much as possible the activity levels of mid-life. This “keep
active!” theory of successful aging was much more consistent with American values of
individualism and autonomy than the disengagement perspective and was in keeping
with concrete applications, such as the development of senior citizens centers and
Leisure World housing developments.

The two competing theories stirred up debate in the previously uncontroversial
sociology of aging; and this in turn led to healthy progress in the explicit development
and testing of concepts and theories over the next two decades (Maddox 1965; Lemon
et al. 1972; Longino and Cart 1982; Palmore 1968). Activity theory is still visible in
current advice about “successful aging.” In the best-seller of that name, Rowe and Kahn
(1998) argue that the key to aging successfully lies in “keeping active” in four ways:
active social engagement, active exercise, proactive diet, and avoiding disease. Critics
note three difficulties with their prescription: (1) It is based on the old activity theory
model (unfortunately never acknowledged or referenced), which had received little
empirical support over the previous three decades of research; (2) It assumes that
successful aging is under the control of an individual’s own efforts and initiative; (3) It
ignores social constraints and inequalities – race, poverty, gender, isolation – that could
make it structurally impossible to follow these prescriptions (Schmeeckle and Bengtson
1999).

Work, Retirement, and Leisure

9. Retirement is a unique phenomenon of modern industrial societies and has been
defined as withdrawal from the labor force and the cessation of paid employment
(Atchley 1976). It is also an important stage in the life course that reflects a major role
transition. The concept of retirement as we know it today did not exist prior to the
twentieth century. It emerged largely as a result of industrialization, urbanization, and
the institutionalization of age-graded labor markets (Kohli 1986). Historically, the
establishment of retirement was influenced by both economic and social factors,
including the need to make way for younger workers and the growing recognition of
older workers’ right to rest after a lifetime of labor.

Retirement has also been shaped by the development of social security systems and
employer-sponsored pensions, which provided the financial means for people to
withdraw from paid work. These systems have varied greatly across nations and have
reflected differing cultural and political contexts (Myles 1984).

In recent decades, however, retirement has become increasingly diverse and complex.
Factors such as longer life expectancy, improved health, and shifting labor market
dynamics have led to new patterns of work and retirement. Some older adults choose to
remain in or return to the workforce, often in part-time or flexible arrangements, while
others pursue voluntary activities or leisure pursuits.

Leisure, in turn, has taken on new meaning in later life. Rather than simply being a time
of rest, it has become a period for self-fulfillment, social participation, and personal
growth (Kelly 1993). The boundary between work and leisure has also blurred, as many
older adults engage in activities that combine aspects of both—such as volunteering,
mentoring, or pursuing hobbies that generate income.

Overall, the experience of retirement and leisure in later life is shaped by broader social,
economic, and policy contexts, as well as by individual factors such as gender, class,
and health status.


Social Theories of Aging

10. Social gerontology has been marked by the development of a number of theoretical
perspectives designed to explain the social aspects of aging and the relationships
between older people and society. Early theories such as disengagement theory
(Cumming and Henry 1961) proposed that aging involves a mutual withdrawal between
the individual and society, which is both natural and functional. This perspective
suggested that as people age, they gradually disengage from social roles and
relationships, thereby preparing for the eventual end of life and allowing society to
replace them with younger individuals.

In contrast, activity theory (Havighurst and Albrecht 1953) argued that successful aging
depends on maintaining roles, activities, and social interactions similar to those of
middle age. This view emphasized continued participation and engagement as key to
life satisfaction and well-being among older adults.

Later, continuity theory (Atchley 1971) built upon both perspectives, proposing that
individuals tend to maintain consistent patterns of behavior, values, and relationships
throughout life. Rather than radical withdrawal or constant activity, people seek
continuity in adapting to aging.

Other theoretical developments include the exchange theory (Dowd 1975), which
applies principles of social exchange to aging. It argues that relationships between
older adults and others are maintained when rewards and costs are balanced. As
resources such as income or physical ability decline, older individuals may lose
bargaining power, leading to reduced social interactions.

The subculture theory (Rose 1962) suggests that older people form their own social
world or subculture, bound together by shared experiences of aging, exclusion, and
common interests. This provides identity and support within an age-segregated society.

More recent approaches, such as the political economy of aging (Estes 1979), focus on
the structural factors—economic, political, and institutional—that shape the
experience of aging. This theory views aging not just as an individual process but as one
influenced by power relations, social class, and public policy.

11. Similarly, feminist and critical gerontology challenge traditional assumptions by
highlighting inequalities related to gender, race, and class in the aging process
(Calasanti and Slevin 2001; Phillipson and Walker 1987). These perspectives emphasize
that aging experiences are socially constructed and influenced by broader systems of
inequality.

Together, these theories illustrate the diversity of approaches within social gerontology
and the ongoing effort to link individual experiences of aging with larger social
structures.


The Political Economy of Aging

The political economy of aging emerged as a critical framework in the 1970s,
challenging functionalist and individualistic approaches to aging. It emphasizes the
structural determinants of aging, particularly the role of the state, economy, and class
relations in shaping the lives of older people (Estes 1979; Phillipson 1982). According to
this approach, aging cannot be understood apart from the broader socio-economic and
political context within which it occurs.

From this perspective, public policies and institutional arrangements reflect the
interests of dominant groups, often resulting in the marginalization of older people. The
political economy framework highlights how social security systems, health care, and
retirement policies are influenced by capitalist priorities and power relations, rather
than solely by humanitarian concerns.

Older people’s social position is thus seen as a product of historical and structural
forces rather than individual choices. The theory calls for examining how economic
restructuring, privatization, and welfare retrenchment affect the aging population and
the intergenerational distribution of resources.


Political Power

12. Political power among older people varies according to class, gender, and social status.
While older citizens often possess voting strength due to their numbers, this does not
always translate into real political influence. Policy decisions affecting pensions,
healthcare, and welfare frequently reflect broader political agendas rather than the
direct power of the elderly electorate.

The concept of “gray power” has been used to describe the potential collective political
influence of older adults, yet in many societies, older people remain politically
underrepresented and dependent on advocacy organizations to voice their interests.


The Townsend Movement

Peter Townsend’s work in the 1970s was foundational to understanding aging and
inequality. His research on poverty and social exclusion demonstrated that many older
people were marginalized not because of personal failings but due to structural
inequalities within capitalist societies (Townsend 1979).

Townsend and others in the critical gerontology tradition argued that aging should be
analyzed as part of the wider political economy, focusing on how welfare systems
reproduce inequality and dependency among the aged. His ideas contributed
significantly to the development of policies advocating for social rights and the
redistribution of resources.


Organizations and Political Power

Organizations such as pensioner unions, advocacy groups, and senior citizens’
associations play a crucial role in mobilizing older people and influencing public policy.
In many countries, the growth of such organizations has led to greater awareness of age
discrimination and the need for inclusive social policies.

13. However, the effectiveness of these organizations often depends on their ability to
operate independently from government control and to represent diverse groups of
older people. The emergence of international networks, such as the International
Federation on Ageing, has further strengthened global advocacy for older persons’
rights.


Political Attitude and Voting Behaviour of Older People

Older adults are often seen as a politically active segment of society, with high voter
turnout compared to younger cohorts. Their voting behavior tends to be shaped by
factors such as income security, health policy, and intergenerational equity.

While some studies suggest that older voters lean toward conservative parties seeking
stability, others find significant variation based on education, gender, and class. The
portrayal of older voters as a unified political bloc (“the gray vote”) oversimplifies the
diversity of interests and ideologies within this population.


Conflict Over the Distribution of Wealth

The political economy of aging highlights the potential for intergenerational conflict over
the distribution of economic resources. As public expenditures on pensions and
healthcare increase, debates often emerge about the “burden” of aging populations.

Critical scholars reject this framing, arguing that such narratives divert attention from
systemic inequalities and the concentration of wealth among the elite. They emphasize
that the issue is not old versus young, but the unequal distribution of resources within
capitalist economies.


Present Family Lifestyle and the Nuclear Family

14. Changes in family structures have profoundly influenced the experience of aging. The
shift from extended to nuclear family systems, urbanization, and women’s increased
participation in the workforce have altered patterns of intergenerational support.

In traditional societies, older adults often lived with extended families and held
authority within the household. In contrast, the modern nuclear family tends to
emphasize independence, sometimes leading to isolation among older people.
Nevertheless, family remains a crucial site of emotional and financial support, with
many older adults continuing to provide childcare, advice, and household
contributions.




Aging and Sexuality

For many years, sexuality in later life was ignored or stigmatized in both research and
public discourse. Contemporary gerontology, however, recognizes sexuality as an
important aspect of well-being and identity across the life course.

Aging does not eliminate sexual desire or intimacy, although physical, psychological,
and social factors may alter its expression. Myths that portray older adults as asexual
reflect ageist stereotypes rather than biological reality. Maintaining sexual health and
expression in later life is increasingly viewed as integral to quality of life and positive
aging.

Social Problems and Older People

Aging and Deviant Behaviour

15. Older adults, like other age groups, may engage in behaviors that are labeled as deviant,
though the forms and meanings of such behavior differ. Sociological perspectives
emphasize that deviance in old age often reflects structural and social conditions rather
than individual pathology. For example, poverty, inadequate healthcare, and social
isolation may contribute to behaviors perceived as deviant, such as neglect, hoarding,
or substance abuse.
At the same time, older people may be victims rather than perpetrators of deviance,
including elder abuse and neglect, which are now recognized as serious social
problems. These issues reveal the ways in which aging intersects with social
inequalities and institutional failures rather than simply reflecting personal deviance.


Housing and Institutions

Housing is central to quality of life in old age. As people age, the suitability, affordability,
and accessibility of housing become major issues. In many industrial societies, older
adults prefer to age in place, maintaining independence within their own homes.
However, factors such as declining health, low income, and lack of family support may
necessitate institutional care.
Residential institutions, from assisted-living facilities to nursing homes, provide
essential services but have been criticized for depersonalization and loss of autonomy.
Contemporary policy trends emphasize community-based care and “aging in place”
programs that support independence and social participation.


Religion and Aging

Religion and spirituality often take on greater importance in later life, providing
meaning, comfort, and social connection. Studies show that older adults frequently
report higher levels of religious participation and belief than younger people.
Religion may influence coping with loss, illness, and mortality, offering frameworks for
understanding aging and death. Faith communities also provide social support
networks that reduce isolation. However, the role of religion varies by culture, gender,
and personal history.

16. Death and Dying

Death is a universal experience but is socially and culturally constructed in different
ways. Sociological approaches to death and dying examine how societies manage
mortality through rituals, institutions, and moral meanings.
In modern societies, death has become increasingly medicalized, often occurring in
hospitals rather than at home. This shift has led to debates about the quality of dying,
palliative care, and the right to die. Aging populations have heightened attention to end-
of-life issues, including advance directives and ethical questions surrounding
euthanasia.
For older adults, awareness of mortality can shape life priorities, relationships, and
attitudes toward legacy. The study of death and dying thus remains central to
understanding the final stage of the life course



Aging in a Postindustrial Society

In the postindustrial era, societies are increasingly characterized by technological
innovation, service-based economies, and changing labor markets. These
transformations have profound implications for aging populations. Traditional life
course patterns—education, work, retirement—are becoming less rigid, with extended
working lives and continuous learning now common features.

Older adults are no longer seen solely as dependents but as active participants in
economic and social life. Many continue to work beyond traditional retirement ages,
whether for financial necessity, personal fulfillment, or social engagement. Advances in
healthcare and digital technology have expanded opportunities for active aging,
enabling older people to maintain autonomy and participation longer than previous
generations.

17. At the same time, postindustrial societies face new challenges, including growing
inequalities in income, health, and access to digital resources. Technological change
can either empower or marginalize older people, depending on education, class, and
policy support. Moreover, global migration, family restructuring, and the privatization of
welfare systems have transformed intergenerational relationships and caregiving
arrangements.

The postindustrial condition thus presents both opportunities and risks for aging
populations. While longevity and technological progress can enhance quality of life,
they also require rethinking social policy, employment structures, and definitions of
productivity and citizenship. The sociology of aging in the twenty-first century must
therefore address how to create inclusive, equitable societies that value the
contributions and rights of older people in a rapidly changing world.