Sujay Rao Mandavilli Ethnography driven economic planning FINAL FINAL FINAL FINAL FINAL.pdf
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Sujay Rao Mandavilli Ethnography driven economic planning FINAL FINAL FINAL FINAL FINAL.pdf
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1
Extolling the virtues of ethnography in economic
planning and decision-making: Mainstreaming
“Econoethnography” in Anthropological Economics
Sujay Rao Mandavilli
Published in SSRN, May 2025
Abstract
The core, chief and central objective of this paper is to extol the virtues of ethnography or what we had
called “Econoethnography” in the realms of economic planning and economic decision making. It also
discusses and debates the need to mainstream “Econoethnography” in Anthropological Economics so
that it may be used by future researchers. We begin this paper by describing what both ethnography
and participant observation are, by drawing suitable reference to our previously published papers on
the subject, where we had discussed them at a great level of detail, and then explaining their various
uses of econoethnography for both economic planning and economic-decision making along with the
use of ethnography-revealed preferences also in economic planning and decision making. The various
types of econoethnography are also explored as discussed threadbare in our previously published paper
on Anthropological Economics, and its myriad and multiple benefits for economic science also explained
as it can greatly enrich the living human and economic experience, and open new vistas and horizons for
hundreds of millions of people all over the world. We believe that this endeavour and undertaking
would goad and encourage future researchers to use these techniques in future research for the benefit
of better and more well-rounded economic studies.
Extolling the virtues of ethnography in economic
planning and decision-making: Mainstreaming
“Econoethnography” in Anthropological Economics
Sujay Rao Mandavilli
Published in SSRN, May 2025
Abstract
The core, chief and central objective of this paper is to extol the virtues of ethnography or what we had
called “Econoethnography” in the realms of economic planning and economic decision making. It also
discusses and debates the need to mainstream “Econoethnography” in Anthropological Economics so
that it may be used by future researchers. We begin this paper by describing what both ethnography
and participant observation are, by drawing suitable reference to our previously published papers on
the subject, where we had discussed them at a great level of detail, and then explaining their various
uses of econoethnography for both economic planning and economic-decision making along with the
use of ethnography-revealed preferences also in economic planning and decision making. The various
types of econoethnography are also explored as discussed threadbare in our previously published paper
on Anthropological Economics, and its myriad and multiple benefits for economic science also explained
as it can greatly enrich the living human and economic experience, and open new vistas and horizons for
hundreds of millions of people all over the world. We believe that this endeavour and undertaking
would goad and encourage future researchers to use these techniques in future research for the benefit
of better and more well-rounded economic studies.
2
Introduction
The core, chief and central objective of this paper is to extol the virtues of ethnography or what we had
called “Econoethnography” in the realms of economic planning and economic decision making. It also
discusses and debates the need to mainstream “Econoethnography” in Anthropological Economics so
that it may be used by future researchers. We begin this paper by describing what both ethnography
and participant observation are, by drawing suitable reference to our previously published papers on
the subject, where we had discussed them at a great level of detail, and then explaining their various
uses of econoethnography for both economic planning and economic-decision making along with the
use of ethnography-revealed preferences also in economic planning and decision making. The various
types of econoethnography are also explored as discussed threadbare in our previously published paper
on Anthropological Economics, and its myriad and multiple benefits for economic science also explained
as it can greatly enrich the living human and economic experience, and open new vistas and horizons for
hundreds of millions of people all over the world. We believe that this endeavour and undertaking
would goad and encourage future researchers to use these techniques in future research for the benefit
of better and more well-rounded economic studies, and higher economic growth trajectories as well.
What is ethnography?
The term ‘Ethnography’ is a combination of two Greek words: ethnos which means folk or peoples and
grapho which means to write. Thus, Ethnography is a detailed narrative of communities and their
lifestyles with a view of long-term knowledge generation, and is also often described as a detailed and a
structured ‘portrait of a people’. Ethnography therefore seeks to provide a detailed and an accurate
account of or a group, community, society or culture. Ethnography also typically involves a prolonged
interaction with different communities, and is a systematic description of a contemporary culture
through extensive and intensive fieldwork in a wholly natural rather than in an experimental or an
artificial context or setting. Ethnographic studies typically focus or a particular community or group, and
specific cultural aspects of that group. The beginnings of Ethnography as a separate discipline can be
traced to the pioneer Ethnologist Gerhard Friedrich Muller during the Second Kamchatka expedition of
1733 to 1743. A standard definition of the term Ethnography is as follows “The term Ethnography refers
to a systematic study of different peoples and cultures. It is the study of people in naturally occurring
settings or ‘fields’ by means of methods which capture their social meanings and ordinary activities,
involving the researcher participating directly in the setting, if not also the activities, in order to collect
data in a systematic manner but without meaning being imposed on them externally.”
According to a definition provided by Hammersley and Atkinson (2007), “Ethnography usually involves
the Ethnographer participating overtly or covertly in people’s daily lives for an extended period of time,
watching what happens, listening to what is said, and asking questions through formal and informal
interviews, collecting documents and artifacts, in fact, collecting whatever data is available, to throw
light on the issues that are the emerging focus of enquiry.” Another key feature of Ethnography is that
focuses not only on Participant Observation but also on appropriate relationship building. (Gupta and
Ferguson (1997). According to Bernard and Spencer (1996), the word Ethnography has two meanings,
Ethnography as product (Ethnographic writings) and Ethnography as process (Participant observation or
Introduction
The core, chief and central objective of this paper is to extol the virtues of ethnography or what we had
called “Econoethnography” in the realms of economic planning and economic decision making. It also
discusses and debates the need to mainstream “Econoethnography” in Anthropological Economics so
that it may be used by future researchers. We begin this paper by describing what both ethnography
and participant observation are, by drawing suitable reference to our previously published papers on
the subject, where we had discussed them at a great level of detail, and then explaining their various
uses of econoethnography for both economic planning and economic-decision making along with the
use of ethnography-revealed preferences also in economic planning and decision making. The various
types of econoethnography are also explored as discussed threadbare in our previously published paper
on Anthropological Economics, and its myriad and multiple benefits for economic science also explained
as it can greatly enrich the living human and economic experience, and open new vistas and horizons for
hundreds of millions of people all over the world. We believe that this endeavour and undertaking
would goad and encourage future researchers to use these techniques in future research for the benefit
of better and more well-rounded economic studies, and higher economic growth trajectories as well.
What is ethnography?
The term ‘Ethnography’ is a combination of two Greek words: ethnos which means folk or peoples and
grapho which means to write. Thus, Ethnography is a detailed narrative of communities and their
lifestyles with a view of long-term knowledge generation, and is also often described as a detailed and a
structured ‘portrait of a people’. Ethnography therefore seeks to provide a detailed and an accurate
account of or a group, community, society or culture. Ethnography also typically involves a prolonged
interaction with different communities, and is a systematic description of a contemporary culture
through extensive and intensive fieldwork in a wholly natural rather than in an experimental or an
artificial context or setting. Ethnographic studies typically focus or a particular community or group, and
specific cultural aspects of that group. The beginnings of Ethnography as a separate discipline can be
traced to the pioneer Ethnologist Gerhard Friedrich Muller during the Second Kamchatka expedition of
1733 to 1743. A standard definition of the term Ethnography is as follows “The term Ethnography refers
to a systematic study of different peoples and cultures. It is the study of people in naturally occurring
settings or ‘fields’ by means of methods which capture their social meanings and ordinary activities,
involving the researcher participating directly in the setting, if not also the activities, in order to collect
data in a systematic manner but without meaning being imposed on them externally.”
According to a definition provided by Hammersley and Atkinson (2007), “Ethnography usually involves
the Ethnographer participating overtly or covertly in people’s daily lives for an extended period of time,
watching what happens, listening to what is said, and asking questions through formal and informal
interviews, collecting documents and artifacts, in fact, collecting whatever data is available, to throw
light on the issues that are the emerging focus of enquiry.” Another key feature of Ethnography is that
focuses not only on Participant Observation but also on appropriate relationship building. (Gupta and
Ferguson (1997). According to Bernard and Spencer (1996), the word Ethnography has two meanings,
Ethnography as product (Ethnographic writings) and Ethnography as process (Participant observation or
3
fieldwork), and the former is derived from the latter. According to a definition provided by Agar
(1980:2): ”Ethnography is an ambiguous term, representing both a process and a product.” Both these
definitions underline the importance of the research report in communicating the findings of the study
to erudite, semi-erudite and specialized audiences and in the process of knowledge-building. According
to the Macmillan’s dictionary of Anthropology (1986), Ethnographic studies combine descriptive and
analytical elements but are centered on a specific culture or society and consider theoretical or
comparative generalization from the standpoint of the ethnographic example. Generation of the final
report and its use in knowledge building has always formed an important part of Ethnography. Wolcott
and others have also opined that the intent behind a study and the techniques used, rather than the
label itself would differentiate an ethnographic study from a non-ethnographic one. However, this
would in no way undermine the processes involved in an Ethnographic study.
The Greek neologism ‘ethnographia’ was however, first introduced by Johann Friedrich Schopperlin and
the German variant was introduced by A F Thilo in 1767. August Ludwig von Schlozer then introduced
this term into academia, albeit in a historical context. Thus term stuck, and its usage expanded over the
next two centuries as expeditions were launched to different corners of the world. The centrality of
Ethnography in Anthropology cannot be discounted. According to Michael Jackson (Things as they are,
1996, page 8), “For Anthropology, Ethnography remains vital, not because Ethnographic methods
guarantee certain knowledge of others, but because Ethnographic fieldwork brings us into direct
dialogue with others.” Ethnology, on the other hand, examines, interprets and analyzes the results of
ethnography, or the results gathered from the study of different societies, examines the meaning and
context of a culture’s customs and even synthesizes these results with data from other sub-fields of
Anthropology such as Archaeology. This is used to compare and contrast different societies to draw
inferences and make generalizations about society and culture as a whole. The term ethnology was first
used by Adam Franz Kollar in “Historiae ivrisqve pvblici Regni Vngariae amoenitates” published in Vienna
in the year 1783. It was defined as “the science of nations and peoples, or, that study of learned men in
which they inquire into the origins, languages, customs, and institutions of various nations, and finally
into the fatherland and ancient seats, in order to be able better to judge the nations and peoples in their
own times.”
The terms Ethnographer and Ethnologist are used to describe practitioners of Ethnography and
Ethnology respectively. There have been two major schools of Ethnography i.e. the British and the
Chicago school of Ethnography. The former was reflective of the emergence of ethnographic tradition in
Great Britain and is the older of the two schools. While the British school was indeed rooted in British
Social Anthropology and colonialism (The desire to understand cultures of colonies), it has of late shown
signs of breaking free from colonial yoke. The Chicago school of Ethnography originated in the
endeavours of the University of Chicago, and came of age towards the end of the Nineteenth Century.
Its heyday lasted till the 1940’s, and is sometimes known as ‘Core Chicago ethnographies’. This school
was popularized by Robert Park, Ernest Burgess and their doctoral students, and produced vivid pictures
of urban life, with a local orientation and an understanding of human behaviour in the context of rapid
social change, amelioration or degeneration.
fieldwork), and the former is derived from the latter. According to a definition provided by Agar
(1980:2): ”Ethnography is an ambiguous term, representing both a process and a product.” Both these
definitions underline the importance of the research report in communicating the findings of the study
to erudite, semi-erudite and specialized audiences and in the process of knowledge-building. According
to the Macmillan’s dictionary of Anthropology (1986), Ethnographic studies combine descriptive and
analytical elements but are centered on a specific culture or society and consider theoretical or
comparative generalization from the standpoint of the ethnographic example. Generation of the final
report and its use in knowledge building has always formed an important part of Ethnography. Wolcott
and others have also opined that the intent behind a study and the techniques used, rather than the
label itself would differentiate an ethnographic study from a non-ethnographic one. However, this
would in no way undermine the processes involved in an Ethnographic study.
The Greek neologism ‘ethnographia’ was however, first introduced by Johann Friedrich Schopperlin and
the German variant was introduced by A F Thilo in 1767. August Ludwig von Schlozer then introduced
this term into academia, albeit in a historical context. Thus term stuck, and its usage expanded over the
next two centuries as expeditions were launched to different corners of the world. The centrality of
Ethnography in Anthropology cannot be discounted. According to Michael Jackson (Things as they are,
1996, page 8), “For Anthropology, Ethnography remains vital, not because Ethnographic methods
guarantee certain knowledge of others, but because Ethnographic fieldwork brings us into direct
dialogue with others.” Ethnology, on the other hand, examines, interprets and analyzes the results of
ethnography, or the results gathered from the study of different societies, examines the meaning and
context of a culture’s customs and even synthesizes these results with data from other sub-fields of
Anthropology such as Archaeology. This is used to compare and contrast different societies to draw
inferences and make generalizations about society and culture as a whole. The term ethnology was first
used by Adam Franz Kollar in “Historiae ivrisqve pvblici Regni Vngariae amoenitates” published in Vienna
in the year 1783. It was defined as “the science of nations and peoples, or, that study of learned men in
which they inquire into the origins, languages, customs, and institutions of various nations, and finally
into the fatherland and ancient seats, in order to be able better to judge the nations and peoples in their
own times.”
The terms Ethnographer and Ethnologist are used to describe practitioners of Ethnography and
Ethnology respectively. There have been two major schools of Ethnography i.e. the British and the
Chicago school of Ethnography. The former was reflective of the emergence of ethnographic tradition in
Great Britain and is the older of the two schools. While the British school was indeed rooted in British
Social Anthropology and colonialism (The desire to understand cultures of colonies), it has of late shown
signs of breaking free from colonial yoke. The Chicago school of Ethnography originated in the
endeavours of the University of Chicago, and came of age towards the end of the Nineteenth Century.
Its heyday lasted till the 1940’s, and is sometimes known as ‘Core Chicago ethnographies’. This school
was popularized by Robert Park, Ernest Burgess and their doctoral students, and produced vivid pictures
of urban life, with a local orientation and an understanding of human behaviour in the context of rapid
social change, amelioration or degeneration.
4
Ethnography has traditionally studied primitive cultures (A R Radcliffe Brown even referred to it as
“Descriptive accounts of non-literate peoples” after a meeting of teachers from Oxford and Cambridge),
even though it is becoming common to study advanced industrial societies as well, and societies closer
to the Ethnographers home territory. Evans Pritchard was supporter of the idea that Ethnography had
the study of primitive societies as its subject matter. Thomas Hylland Erikson (1995) also expressed
similar views but suggested that small scale societies, non-industrial societies and small and larger issues
facing societies could be included as well. John Beattie was of the view that other cultures had to be
studied to foster cultural understanding. In recent years, it has also become fashionable to study off-
beat themes such as street gangs and drug addicts, and the proportion of such studies has increased
greatly in recent years.
Even though professionals from various other fields carry out fieldwork, Anthropological fieldwork is
unique in many ways. It typically involves an in-depth and a multi-dimensional study involving fieldtrips
spread over protracted periods of time and often involving close relationships with the subjects studied.
These trips may last upto five years but usually involve breaks and vacations. British Ethnographic
studies have tended to be longer than American ones, though from the 1940’s, the two have tended to
converge. Thus, it is rightly said that the field is the laboratory of the Anthropologist, and just as a
scientist who observes phenomena under different experimental conditions, an Anthropologist observes
people under different social and cultural settings. An Ethnographer uses multiple approaches to further
his cause, and these may include a combination of several techniques such as Participant observation
technique, interviewing, review of literature, study of genealogies, pedigree analysis and deep historical
analysis. The use of multiple methods in Ethnography with the intent of cross-verification is referred to
as triangulation and may be of multiple types (Data triangulation), multiple investigators (Investigator
triangulation), and multiple methodological and theoretical frameworks (Theoretical and
Methodological triangulation).
An ethnographic study is also characterized by the careful choice of subjects, choice of locations, choice
of time, and preparation of schedules besides choice of appropriate methods. The full range of social
behaviour within the setting is also usually studied, given the fact that this can never be studied from a
distance. Ethnography is also characterized by thorough research and a meaningful analysis of results
that will lead to knowledge generation. Fieldwork is the most important component of any Ethnographic
study. Fieldwork may be defined as the study of people and their culture in their natural habitat. It is
also characterized by the prolonged residence of the investigator, his scientific and structured
observation of the society and his understanding of the inside view of the cultures studied along with
their perspectives and worldviews. Thus, fieldwork can not only provide a holistic view of the culture
studied, but also provide the Ethnographer with an immensely enriching, fulfilling and life-altering
experience.
1
2
What is participant observation?
1
Presenting the ‘Structured and Annotated Participantdriven Appraisal’ technique in Ethnography: Towards the universal realization of
Multivocality in Ethnographic studies Sujay Rao Mandavilli ELK's International Journal of Social Science Vol 4, Number 4, 2018
2
Postulating ‘Ethnography of Enculturation’: A high-level overview of various social science research techniques that can be used to study
human enculturation processes Sujay Rao Mandavilli
Ethnography has traditionally studied primitive cultures (A R Radcliffe Brown even referred to it as
“Descriptive accounts of non-literate peoples” after a meeting of teachers from Oxford and Cambridge),
even though it is becoming common to study advanced industrial societies as well, and societies closer
to the Ethnographers home territory. Evans Pritchard was supporter of the idea that Ethnography had
the study of primitive societies as its subject matter. Thomas Hylland Erikson (1995) also expressed
similar views but suggested that small scale societies, non-industrial societies and small and larger issues
facing societies could be included as well. John Beattie was of the view that other cultures had to be
studied to foster cultural understanding. In recent years, it has also become fashionable to study off-
beat themes such as street gangs and drug addicts, and the proportion of such studies has increased
greatly in recent years.
Even though professionals from various other fields carry out fieldwork, Anthropological fieldwork is
unique in many ways. It typically involves an in-depth and a multi-dimensional study involving fieldtrips
spread over protracted periods of time and often involving close relationships with the subjects studied.
These trips may last upto five years but usually involve breaks and vacations. British Ethnographic
studies have tended to be longer than American ones, though from the 1940’s, the two have tended to
converge. Thus, it is rightly said that the field is the laboratory of the Anthropologist, and just as a
scientist who observes phenomena under different experimental conditions, an Anthropologist observes
people under different social and cultural settings. An Ethnographer uses multiple approaches to further
his cause, and these may include a combination of several techniques such as Participant observation
technique, interviewing, review of literature, study of genealogies, pedigree analysis and deep historical
analysis. The use of multiple methods in Ethnography with the intent of cross-verification is referred to
as triangulation and may be of multiple types (Data triangulation), multiple investigators (Investigator
triangulation), and multiple methodological and theoretical frameworks (Theoretical and
Methodological triangulation).
An ethnographic study is also characterized by the careful choice of subjects, choice of locations, choice
of time, and preparation of schedules besides choice of appropriate methods. The full range of social
behaviour within the setting is also usually studied, given the fact that this can never be studied from a
distance. Ethnography is also characterized by thorough research and a meaningful analysis of results
that will lead to knowledge generation. Fieldwork is the most important component of any Ethnographic
study. Fieldwork may be defined as the study of people and their culture in their natural habitat. It is
also characterized by the prolonged residence of the investigator, his scientific and structured
observation of the society and his understanding of the inside view of the cultures studied along with
their perspectives and worldviews. Thus, fieldwork can not only provide a holistic view of the culture
studied, but also provide the Ethnographer with an immensely enriching, fulfilling and life-altering
experience.
1
2
What is participant observation?
1
Presenting the ‘Structured and Annotated Participantdriven Appraisal’ technique in Ethnography: Towards the universal realization of
Multivocality in Ethnographic studies Sujay Rao Mandavilli ELK's International Journal of Social Science Vol 4, Number 4, 2018
2
Postulating ‘Ethnography of Enculturation’: A high-level overview of various social science research techniques that can be used to study
human enculturation processes Sujay Rao Mandavilli
5
The English term “Observation” refers to the act or process of watching an event carefully. While we do
see many things, situations in our routine life, these are not considered to be observations in the true
sense of the term because they are rather casual. There may not be any motive, purpose or objective
behind seeing. But observation is different from casual seeing; Observation is carried out rather
systematically and meticulously with a definite goal, purpose and objective in mind. Scientific
observation is one of the best scientific tools available in the social sciences to collect data for further
downstream research, and this technically is referred to the participant observation method. The data
obtained from observation the data is collected, analysed, processed and used for further analysis. All
the nuances and the intricacies of the event should be brought out, and the observation must be
unbiased and impartial without the observers own past experiences being allowed to cloud the
judgment. The concept of participant observation is so central and vital to some fields of the social
sciences, that it is said that the field is to the social science researcher what the lab is to the phycisist
and the chemist. However, participant observation is not commonly used in economics in spite of its
vast and humongous potential. It is our earnest endeavour to set right this anomaly. Participant
observation may be either active or passive depending on the level of interaction involved. It may also
be direct or indirect. Tape recorders and mobile phones may also be used for recording, but the doctrine
of informed consent must always be borne in mind.
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
What is econoethnography?
Ethnographic methods are increasingly been used in the study of economic systems particularly by those
with an Anthropological background, but they have not yet become mainstream in the field of
economics. Studies of economic systems, even when they have been carried out, have also traditionally
tended to focus on illiterate and so-called primitive societies. In most cases, such studies have only
formed a small portion of the total overall study, and were rather limited and descriptive in scope.
Ethnography has also evolved into other streams, such feminist, critical, salvage, post-modernist etc.,
but very little has been done to develop ethnography from the standpoint of non-western, emic
perspectives. From our perceptive, fieldwork must become central to Anthropological Economics, and
indeed economics itself, and policy formulation, and outcomes determined by it. Auto-ethnography is
however beginning to take off in many parts of the world to a slow but steady start. TN Madan’s study
of Kashmiri Pundits, and DN Majumdar’s study of Himalayan polyandry spring readily to mind, but these
studies did not primarily address economic systems. Other studies by Andre Beteille and Karin Kapadia
in South India, and FG Bailey in Eastern India, have addressed caste and class, but have not studied
economic systems extensively. Jan Breman has studied Agrarian relations in South Gujarat between the
Anavil Brahmins and the Dublas, and the Hali system, but this comprises only one aspect of the study of
3
Clifford, James; Marcus, George E. (1986). Writing culture: the poetics and politics of ethnography. Berkeley: University of California Press
4 Geertz, Clifford (1973). The Interpretation of Cultures. New York: Basic Books.
5
Harris, Marvin (1997). Culture, People, Nature: An Introduction to General Anthropology (7th ed.). Boston: Allyn & Bacon
6
Salzmann, Zdeněk (1993). Language, culture, and society: an introduction to linguistic anthropology. Boulder, CO: Westview Press
7
Shweder, Richard A.; LeVine, Robert A., eds. (1984). Culture Theory: essays on mind, self, and emotion. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press
8
Dixon, Adam; Liu, Ying; Setchi, Rossi (2016). "Computer-Aided Ethnography in Engineering Design". Volume 7: 28th International Conference on Design Theory and
Methodology
9 Fetterman, D. (2009) Ethnography: Step by Step, Third edition, Thousand Oaks CA, Sage.
10 Marcus, George E. & Michael Fischer. Anthropology as Cultural Critique: An Experimental Moment in the Human Sciences. (1986). Chicago: University of Chicago Press
The English term “Observation” refers to the act or process of watching an event carefully. While we do
see many things, situations in our routine life, these are not considered to be observations in the true
sense of the term because they are rather casual. There may not be any motive, purpose or objective
behind seeing. But observation is different from casual seeing; Observation is carried out rather
systematically and meticulously with a definite goal, purpose and objective in mind. Scientific
observation is one of the best scientific tools available in the social sciences to collect data for further
downstream research, and this technically is referred to the participant observation method. The data
obtained from observation the data is collected, analysed, processed and used for further analysis. All
the nuances and the intricacies of the event should be brought out, and the observation must be
unbiased and impartial without the observers own past experiences being allowed to cloud the
judgment. The concept of participant observation is so central and vital to some fields of the social
sciences, that it is said that the field is to the social science researcher what the lab is to the phycisist
and the chemist. However, participant observation is not commonly used in economics in spite of its
vast and humongous potential. It is our earnest endeavour to set right this anomaly. Participant
observation may be either active or passive depending on the level of interaction involved. It may also
be direct or indirect. Tape recorders and mobile phones may also be used for recording, but the doctrine
of informed consent must always be borne in mind.
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
What is econoethnography?
Ethnographic methods are increasingly been used in the study of economic systems particularly by those
with an Anthropological background, but they have not yet become mainstream in the field of
economics. Studies of economic systems, even when they have been carried out, have also traditionally
tended to focus on illiterate and so-called primitive societies. In most cases, such studies have only
formed a small portion of the total overall study, and were rather limited and descriptive in scope.
Ethnography has also evolved into other streams, such feminist, critical, salvage, post-modernist etc.,
but very little has been done to develop ethnography from the standpoint of non-western, emic
perspectives. From our perceptive, fieldwork must become central to Anthropological Economics, and
indeed economics itself, and policy formulation, and outcomes determined by it. Auto-ethnography is
however beginning to take off in many parts of the world to a slow but steady start. TN Madan’s study
of Kashmiri Pundits, and DN Majumdar’s study of Himalayan polyandry spring readily to mind, but these
studies did not primarily address economic systems. Other studies by Andre Beteille and Karin Kapadia
in South India, and FG Bailey in Eastern India, have addressed caste and class, but have not studied
economic systems extensively. Jan Breman has studied Agrarian relations in South Gujarat between the
Anavil Brahmins and the Dublas, and the Hali system, but this comprises only one aspect of the study of
3
Clifford, James; Marcus, George E. (1986). Writing culture: the poetics and politics of ethnography. Berkeley: University of California Press
4 Geertz, Clifford (1973). The Interpretation of Cultures. New York: Basic Books.
5
Harris, Marvin (1997). Culture, People, Nature: An Introduction to General Anthropology (7th ed.). Boston: Allyn & Bacon
6
Salzmann, Zdeněk (1993). Language, culture, and society: an introduction to linguistic anthropology. Boulder, CO: Westview Press
7
Shweder, Richard A.; LeVine, Robert A., eds. (1984). Culture Theory: essays on mind, self, and emotion. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press
8
Dixon, Adam; Liu, Ying; Setchi, Rossi (2016). "Computer-Aided Ethnography in Engineering Design". Volume 7: 28th International Conference on Design Theory and
Methodology
9 Fetterman, D. (2009) Ethnography: Step by Step, Third edition, Thousand Oaks CA, Sage.
10 Marcus, George E. & Michael Fischer. Anthropology as Cultural Critique: An Experimental Moment in the Human Sciences. (1986). Chicago: University of Chicago Press
6
economics systems of a region, and cannot be called multifaceted. MN Srinivas has studied the culture
of the people of Coorg, Jonathan Parry has studied and the economics of the death business in Benares,
Serena Nanda studied the Hijras of India, but these cannot again be called multi-faceted. Other relevant
studies have included a study in community and rural development in North India by SC Dube, a study of
resource management among the arctic people’s by Fikret Berkes, a study of occupational patterns
among the Bakkarwals by Aparna Rao, and a study of Tolai economic growth by Scarlett Epstein, but
these have studied one or a few aspects of traditional economies only, and were therefore restricted in
scope.
11
Nonetheless, some very notable studies have been carried out till date, other than the study carried out
by the American Anthropologist Oscar Lewis on the Culture of poverty through works such as “Five
families” (1959), “The children of the Sanchez” (1961), “La Vida” (1966), and “A death in the Sanchez
family” (1969). A famed Indian Anthropologist, Tarak Chandra Das studied the agricultural practices and
economic life of the Chiru tribe of North East India in 1937. This was a notable attempt to study their
economic practices against the backdrop of their culture. Another Anthropologist, Robert McNetting
studied the Koyfars, a group of sedentary farmers and analysed their economic practices with respect to
their culture and the market economy. Netting also carried out research on the German speaking Alpine
community of Torbel in Switzerland. This study explored the tripartite relationship between culture,
economy, and natural resources. Another study by Madhav Gadgil and Kailash Malhotra analysed seven
hereditary caste groups in Maharashtra, India and the relationship between their occupation, their
culture and available resources, with special emphasis on exchange of produce. Another Anthropologist
Harold Conklin did a pioneering study on the slash and burn cultivation of the Hanunoo tribe of the
Philippines, and contrasted it with similar systems elsewhere. Daromir Rudnyckyi has analysed how
Indonesian Muslims working in the Krakatau Steel Company created a spiritual to enhance the Islamic
values of workers.
Econoethnography would therefore, represent an economic portrait of a people. It would represent a
study of economic activity usually tied to culture, through prolonged and systematic fieldwork. Anything
based on Anthropological concepts and ratified through wellconceptualized fieldwork, is likely to remain
relatively constant over space and time than anything based on speculation or conjecture. Thus, from
our perspective, economic ethnography can be divided into the following types, and each of them can
impact policy formulation in turn:
1. Study of specific aspects of culture with a view of understanding their impact on social and
economic development (may include study of its strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and
threats besides salient features, proclivities etc.)
2. Study of culture in general with a view of understanding its impact on social and economic
development (may include study of its strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats besides
salient features, proclivities etc.)
3. Study of some aspects of an economy or a study of some of its economic systems
11
Introducing Anthropological Economics: The quest for an Anthropological basis for Economic theory, growth models and policy development
for wealth and human welfare maximization Sujay Rao Mandavilli ELK Asia Pacific Journal of Social Sciences Volume 6, Issue 3 (April –June 2020)
economics systems of a region, and cannot be called multifaceted. MN Srinivas has studied the culture
of the people of Coorg, Jonathan Parry has studied and the economics of the death business in Benares,
Serena Nanda studied the Hijras of India, but these cannot again be called multi-faceted. Other relevant
studies have included a study in community and rural development in North India by SC Dube, a study of
resource management among the arctic people’s by Fikret Berkes, a study of occupational patterns
among the Bakkarwals by Aparna Rao, and a study of Tolai economic growth by Scarlett Epstein, but
these have studied one or a few aspects of traditional economies only, and were therefore restricted in
scope.
11
Nonetheless, some very notable studies have been carried out till date, other than the study carried out
by the American Anthropologist Oscar Lewis on the Culture of poverty through works such as “Five
families” (1959), “The children of the Sanchez” (1961), “La Vida” (1966), and “A death in the Sanchez
family” (1969). A famed Indian Anthropologist, Tarak Chandra Das studied the agricultural practices and
economic life of the Chiru tribe of North East India in 1937. This was a notable attempt to study their
economic practices against the backdrop of their culture. Another Anthropologist, Robert McNetting
studied the Koyfars, a group of sedentary farmers and analysed their economic practices with respect to
their culture and the market economy. Netting also carried out research on the German speaking Alpine
community of Torbel in Switzerland. This study explored the tripartite relationship between culture,
economy, and natural resources. Another study by Madhav Gadgil and Kailash Malhotra analysed seven
hereditary caste groups in Maharashtra, India and the relationship between their occupation, their
culture and available resources, with special emphasis on exchange of produce. Another Anthropologist
Harold Conklin did a pioneering study on the slash and burn cultivation of the Hanunoo tribe of the
Philippines, and contrasted it with similar systems elsewhere. Daromir Rudnyckyi has analysed how
Indonesian Muslims working in the Krakatau Steel Company created a spiritual to enhance the Islamic
values of workers.
Econoethnography would therefore, represent an economic portrait of a people. It would represent a
study of economic activity usually tied to culture, through prolonged and systematic fieldwork. Anything
based on Anthropological concepts and ratified through wellconceptualized fieldwork, is likely to remain
relatively constant over space and time than anything based on speculation or conjecture. Thus, from
our perspective, economic ethnography can be divided into the following types, and each of them can
impact policy formulation in turn:
1. Study of specific aspects of culture with a view of understanding their impact on social and
economic development (may include study of its strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and
threats besides salient features, proclivities etc.)
2. Study of culture in general with a view of understanding its impact on social and economic
development (may include study of its strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats besides
salient features, proclivities etc.)
3. Study of some aspects of an economy or a study of some of its economic systems
11
Introducing Anthropological Economics: The quest for an Anthropological basis for Economic theory, growth models and policy development
for wealth and human welfare maximization Sujay Rao Mandavilli ELK Asia Pacific Journal of Social Sciences Volume 6, Issue 3 (April –June 2020)
7
4. Comprehensive study of a region’s economy (may include study of its strengths, weaknesses,
opportunities and threats besides salient features, proclivities etc.)
5. Comprehensive study of a region’s economy in relation to a wider global context, and a study of
its interrelationship with other economic system
Thus, econonoethnography would be the basis of an emic approach to economic planning, in addition to
a natural integration with extraneous considerations, and must be the key input into grassroots planning
as well.
Other types of econoethnography that we propose include:
Perpetual econoethnography: Per this approach, a culture is studied in perpetuity to understand the
nature of changes in society better, and at times use it as a yardstick to study other cultures better. Such
studies cannot be carried out by single teams, and a proper handover mechanism must be formulated
from time to time. This type of econoethnography may be particularly useful to identify long-term
cultural orientation, as well as changes to trends over a period, and can be particularly useful to bring
about policy changes from time to time.
Microeconoethnography: This comprises the study of an individual, or a group of individuals with a view
to drawing generalizations or inferences about a culture. This approach must be accompanied by an
appropriate sampling strategy to draw meaningful conclusions and generalizations.
Macroeconoethnography: This comprises the study of a culture as a whole, of which a study of
individuals may or may not form a part.
Functional econoethnography: Includes the study of one or more functions of a culture.
Lifecycle econoethnography: Follows the human lifecycle approach, and traces human activities from
the cradle to the grave. For this approach, a suitable sampling strategy must be formulated, and the
lives of a spectrum of ordinary citizens studied.
Extrapolated econoethnography: Tries to extrapolate inferences about a culture from a study of a few
aspects of a culture, or a few individuals by drawing generalizations.
In addition, econoethnography could also be long term (even perpetual) and short term, based open or
hidden observations (the latter is normally not preferred), direct and indirect observations, or involved
versus semi-helicopter approaches. Most techniques of standard ethnography can be carried forward
with minimal modification. For example, tape recorders and audio-visual aids can be used, and local
assistants employed. (Lewis 1961) (Powdermaker 1962) multi-disciplinary teams may also be used, each
well-versed with one aspect of the local culture, or with one branch of economics.
What is planning?
Planning refers to the very important process of critical thought regarding a sequential step of activities
that ar required in order to achieve a set or a desired goal, and is a key indicator of mature human
4. Comprehensive study of a region’s economy (may include study of its strengths, weaknesses,
opportunities and threats besides salient features, proclivities etc.)
5. Comprehensive study of a region’s economy in relation to a wider global context, and a study of
its interrelationship with other economic system
Thus, econonoethnography would be the basis of an emic approach to economic planning, in addition to
a natural integration with extraneous considerations, and must be the key input into grassroots planning
as well.
Other types of econoethnography that we propose include:
Perpetual econoethnography: Per this approach, a culture is studied in perpetuity to understand the
nature of changes in society better, and at times use it as a yardstick to study other cultures better. Such
studies cannot be carried out by single teams, and a proper handover mechanism must be formulated
from time to time. This type of econoethnography may be particularly useful to identify long-term
cultural orientation, as well as changes to trends over a period, and can be particularly useful to bring
about policy changes from time to time.
Microeconoethnography: This comprises the study of an individual, or a group of individuals with a view
to drawing generalizations or inferences about a culture. This approach must be accompanied by an
appropriate sampling strategy to draw meaningful conclusions and generalizations.
Macroeconoethnography: This comprises the study of a culture as a whole, of which a study of
individuals may or may not form a part.
Functional econoethnography: Includes the study of one or more functions of a culture.
Lifecycle econoethnography: Follows the human lifecycle approach, and traces human activities from
the cradle to the grave. For this approach, a suitable sampling strategy must be formulated, and the
lives of a spectrum of ordinary citizens studied.
Extrapolated econoethnography: Tries to extrapolate inferences about a culture from a study of a few
aspects of a culture, or a few individuals by drawing generalizations.
In addition, econoethnography could also be long term (even perpetual) and short term, based open or
hidden observations (the latter is normally not preferred), direct and indirect observations, or involved
versus semi-helicopter approaches. Most techniques of standard ethnography can be carried forward
with minimal modification. For example, tape recorders and audio-visual aids can be used, and local
assistants employed. (Lewis 1961) (Powdermaker 1962) multi-disciplinary teams may also be used, each
well-versed with one aspect of the local culture, or with one branch of economics.
What is planning?
Planning refers to the very important process of critical thought regarding a sequential step of activities
that ar required in order to achieve a set or a desired goal, and is a key indicator of mature human
8
behaviour. Planning is generally based on long-term foresight, and is an acquired and a cultivated art
requiring a great deal of precision and practice. It also requires a great deal of logic, vision and foresight,
and these are not qualities that all humans will intrinsically possess; therefore, planning is a highly
specialized art and a technique as well. An important aspect of planning is forecasting. Forecasting aims
to predict what the future might look like, and the two must naturally go hand in hand at all times.
Planning is also related to visionary and strategic skills, and such skills are perennially in short supply;
such skills may not always be taught in classrooms, they must be achieved by individuals largely driven
by their own volition. Planning is required in many aspects of daily and quotidian activity, (both for
routine activities and contingencies) and is in some ways, an intrinsic part of everyday life. It is also
mandatorily required in many professions such as management and business not to speak of national
and political leadership, and leaders are required to possess planning skills to a considerable degree. The
efficacy and efficaciousness of planning can be established too, by means of suitably devised
checkpoints and holistic evaluation programs. Course-corrections can then be suitably initiated and
made. The key aspects of planning are that it is objective-driven, goal-oriented and is focused on
achieving specific objectives and outcomes. It requires breaking up major tasks into smaller tasks and
proposing timelines. It is also forward-looking, involving anticipating the future and making decisions to
realize it. It also requires decision making, and involves selecting the best course of action among
differing and different alternatives. It is also a continuous process and is a foundation for many other
functions. Planning can be broadly categorized into four main types: strategic planning (used to set
broad goals), tactical planning (used to implement strategic plans), operational planning (emphasizes
day to day aspects of planning), and contingency planning (identifies roadblocks and risks. These types
are used to achieve different goals and at different levels within an organization, or any other form of an
entity.
12
13
14
What is economic planning?
Economic planning refers to the general and wide-ranging process where different governments or
planning authorities set the stage for or influence major economic decisions, though the mechanism of
an elaborate planning process. Economic planning is particularly important in what we may call centrally
planned economies or dirigist economies where many if not most economic activities are pre-
determined by the state. Planning is relatively much less important in the laissez-faire approach that
relies heavily on market forces. However, even in case of a laissez-faire economy, economists must plan
heavily for human capital development, education, and pedagogy, among other factors. This is where
the importance of anthropological economics kicks in. Planning must still continue and be continued,
though it will in all likelihood, be on a different place. Economic planning typically involves and includes
directing and managing the economy, setting economic goals, targets and objectives, and generally
allocating resources towards the attainment of specific goals, in order to achieve goals such as specific
12
Pløger, John (2001). "Public Participation and the Art of Governance". Environment and Planning B: Planning and Design. 28 (2): 219–241
13
Allmendinger, Phil; Gunder, Michael (2005). "Applying Lacanian Insight and a Dash of Derridean Deconstruction to Planning's 'Dark Side'". Planning
Theory. 4: 87–112
14
Gunder, Michael (2003). "Passionate Planning for the Others' Desire: An Agonistic Response to the Dark Side of Planning". Progress in Planning. 60 (3): 235–
319
behaviour. Planning is generally based on long-term foresight, and is an acquired and a cultivated art
requiring a great deal of precision and practice. It also requires a great deal of logic, vision and foresight,
and these are not qualities that all humans will intrinsically possess; therefore, planning is a highly
specialized art and a technique as well. An important aspect of planning is forecasting. Forecasting aims
to predict what the future might look like, and the two must naturally go hand in hand at all times.
Planning is also related to visionary and strategic skills, and such skills are perennially in short supply;
such skills may not always be taught in classrooms, they must be achieved by individuals largely driven
by their own volition. Planning is required in many aspects of daily and quotidian activity, (both for
routine activities and contingencies) and is in some ways, an intrinsic part of everyday life. It is also
mandatorily required in many professions such as management and business not to speak of national
and political leadership, and leaders are required to possess planning skills to a considerable degree. The
efficacy and efficaciousness of planning can be established too, by means of suitably devised
checkpoints and holistic evaluation programs. Course-corrections can then be suitably initiated and
made. The key aspects of planning are that it is objective-driven, goal-oriented and is focused on
achieving specific objectives and outcomes. It requires breaking up major tasks into smaller tasks and
proposing timelines. It is also forward-looking, involving anticipating the future and making decisions to
realize it. It also requires decision making, and involves selecting the best course of action among
differing and different alternatives. It is also a continuous process and is a foundation for many other
functions. Planning can be broadly categorized into four main types: strategic planning (used to set
broad goals), tactical planning (used to implement strategic plans), operational planning (emphasizes
day to day aspects of planning), and contingency planning (identifies roadblocks and risks. These types
are used to achieve different goals and at different levels within an organization, or any other form of an
entity.
12
13
14
What is economic planning?
Economic planning refers to the general and wide-ranging process where different governments or
planning authorities set the stage for or influence major economic decisions, though the mechanism of
an elaborate planning process. Economic planning is particularly important in what we may call centrally
planned economies or dirigist economies where many if not most economic activities are pre-
determined by the state. Planning is relatively much less important in the laissez-faire approach that
relies heavily on market forces. However, even in case of a laissez-faire economy, economists must plan
heavily for human capital development, education, and pedagogy, among other factors. This is where
the importance of anthropological economics kicks in. Planning must still continue and be continued,
though it will in all likelihood, be on a different place. Economic planning typically involves and includes
directing and managing the economy, setting economic goals, targets and objectives, and generally
allocating resources towards the attainment of specific goals, in order to achieve goals such as specific
12
Pløger, John (2001). "Public Participation and the Art of Governance". Environment and Planning B: Planning and Design. 28 (2): 219–241
13
Allmendinger, Phil; Gunder, Michael (2005). "Applying Lacanian Insight and a Dash of Derridean Deconstruction to Planning's 'Dark Side'". Planning
Theory. 4: 87–112
14
Gunder, Michael (2003). "Passionate Planning for the Others' Desire: An Agonistic Response to the Dark Side of Planning". Progress in Planning. 60 (3): 235–
319
9
developmental indicators and economic prosperity. These activities may often be repeated iteratively,
and in a continuous fashion in the interests of continuity and maximal efficacy.
According to the noted economist H.D Dickenson, “Economic Planning is the making of major economic
decisions, what and how much is to be produced and to whom it is to be allocated by the conscious
decisions of a determining authority on the basis of a comprehensive survey of economic system as a
whole.” There are many different types of economic planning that may depend on their distinct
procedures and approach. The level of centralization or decentralization in decision-making also
naturally depends on the specific type of planning mechanism that is employed. An economy that is
primarily based on planning is referred to as a planned economy. Examples of such economies were the
erstwhile Soviet Union, and in India during the days of the License Raj when the Planning commission of
India charted five year plans until it was replaced by the NITI Aayog think tank. In a centrally planned
economy, the allocation of resources is determined by a comprehensive plan of production which
specifies output requirements. Such societies have however, by and large failed due to the fact that they
cannot dynamically adopt to market forces. Key aspects of economic planning include making decisions
about production, resource allocation, setting economic targets, controlling and managing the economy,
addressing weaknesses in the economy, etc. Economic planning seeks to achieve and accomplish many
goals such as putting the economy on a higher growth path and trajectory, expanding economic
activities, reduction of unemployment, balanced and equitable growth, economic stability, poverty
alleviation and reduction, increasing per capita income and standard of living, deliverance of social
justice, etc.
15
16
Ethnography-driven economic planning
Data-driven economic planning is typically achieved through the use of hard and reliable data. In our
case, it can be achieved though the mechanism of ethnography which provides raw and rocksolid data
which can then be used crucially and critically in the economic planning process. Data driven economic
planning is also an approach that uses data analysis and insights to inform and guide many different
types of economic decisions, actions, and goals. It involves collecting, analyzing, and interpreting data to
make more informed decisions and improve performance. This process can help nations and economies
optimize resources, achieve better outcomes, and stay ahead of other rival nations. This approach will
also naturally lead to more informed decision making, and better and more even economic progress.
This approach can be used to identify among other things culture goods and non-culture goods, people’s
likes and dislikes, internal incompatibility with a group, internal incompatibility across groups, but within
a culture, external incompatibility between the culture and planners, etc. It can also be used to identify
changes across time.
Growth models based on Ethnography-revealed preferences
In this approach, growth models are determined based on individual and collective preferences revealed
during the course of suitably-designed ethnographic techniques and prolonged fieldwork. In many cases
prolonged ethnography coupled with other quantitative and qualitative methods current in the social
15
Vohra R. (2008) Planning. In: Palgrave Macmillan (eds) The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics. Palgrave Macmillan, London
16
Ellman, Michael (1989). Socialist Planning. Cambridge University Press. p. 25
developmental indicators and economic prosperity. These activities may often be repeated iteratively,
and in a continuous fashion in the interests of continuity and maximal efficacy.
According to the noted economist H.D Dickenson, “Economic Planning is the making of major economic
decisions, what and how much is to be produced and to whom it is to be allocated by the conscious
decisions of a determining authority on the basis of a comprehensive survey of economic system as a
whole.” There are many different types of economic planning that may depend on their distinct
procedures and approach. The level of centralization or decentralization in decision-making also
naturally depends on the specific type of planning mechanism that is employed. An economy that is
primarily based on planning is referred to as a planned economy. Examples of such economies were the
erstwhile Soviet Union, and in India during the days of the License Raj when the Planning commission of
India charted five year plans until it was replaced by the NITI Aayog think tank. In a centrally planned
economy, the allocation of resources is determined by a comprehensive plan of production which
specifies output requirements. Such societies have however, by and large failed due to the fact that they
cannot dynamically adopt to market forces. Key aspects of economic planning include making decisions
about production, resource allocation, setting economic targets, controlling and managing the economy,
addressing weaknesses in the economy, etc. Economic planning seeks to achieve and accomplish many
goals such as putting the economy on a higher growth path and trajectory, expanding economic
activities, reduction of unemployment, balanced and equitable growth, economic stability, poverty
alleviation and reduction, increasing per capita income and standard of living, deliverance of social
justice, etc.
15
16
Ethnography-driven economic planning
Data-driven economic planning is typically achieved through the use of hard and reliable data. In our
case, it can be achieved though the mechanism of ethnography which provides raw and rocksolid data
which can then be used crucially and critically in the economic planning process. Data driven economic
planning is also an approach that uses data analysis and insights to inform and guide many different
types of economic decisions, actions, and goals. It involves collecting, analyzing, and interpreting data to
make more informed decisions and improve performance. This process can help nations and economies
optimize resources, achieve better outcomes, and stay ahead of other rival nations. This approach will
also naturally lead to more informed decision making, and better and more even economic progress.
This approach can be used to identify among other things culture goods and non-culture goods, people’s
likes and dislikes, internal incompatibility with a group, internal incompatibility across groups, but within
a culture, external incompatibility between the culture and planners, etc. It can also be used to identify
changes across time.
Growth models based on Ethnography-revealed preferences
In this approach, growth models are determined based on individual and collective preferences revealed
during the course of suitably-designed ethnographic techniques and prolonged fieldwork. In many cases
prolonged ethnography coupled with other quantitative and qualitative methods current in the social
15
Vohra R. (2008) Planning. In: Palgrave Macmillan (eds) The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics. Palgrave Macmillan, London
16
Ellman, Michael (1989). Socialist Planning. Cambridge University Press. p. 25
10
sciences such as the use of interviews, questionnaires, case studies, TAT’s emic and etic approaches, and
dialectical approaches may be a precursor for policy formulation, and such initiatives can often serve as
launch pads for creative and proactive thinking. As a matter of fact, we strongly endorse the idea that
policy conceptualization should be the very raison d’etre of econoethnography. For example,
dissatisfaction with government initiatives discovered during fieldwork, may generate novel methods to
promote individual- government cohesion for social welfare, or community participation. This field is
unfortunately virtually non-existent today, despite a vast untapped potential, and most of what passes
for economic ethnography, has been directed at satisfying western intellectual curiosity, a remnant and
a relic of a colonial mindset.
Economic transaction and socio-cultural group mapping or socio-economic group mapping
We reproduce this section in this paper because it can be achieved and through the mode and
mechanism of ethnography or what we may call econoethnography. The results of this kind of a study
can then be used as inputs into the economic planning process. Needless to say, there are many other
types of meaningful and productive analyses that are possible through the medium of ethnography, and
this is only a short and illustrative list. In this type of analysis, Economic transaction and socio-cultural
group mapping or socioeconomic group mapping is carried out. This kind of an analysis is typically
carried out for a particular timeframe, in a chosen location, and with actors who are hand-picked
through a predetermined sampling strategy. The use case method is used.
The following types of transactions are typically analysed in this kind of a study, and care must be taken
to categorize all transactions into these heads. From a perspective a culture based analysis and a culture
or a context-driven rationale must also be carried out.
1. Regular transactions
2. Non-regular transactions
3. Typical transactions
4. Non-typical transactions
5. Deep transactions (Involving deep cogitation and introspection)
6. Superficial transactions (No deep cogitation or introspection)
7. Regular consumption expenditure
8. Non-regular consumption expenditure
9. Short-tem Investment patterns
10. Medium-term investment patterns
11. Long-term investment patterns
12. Short-term liquidity borrowing
13. Loans and other borrowings
14. Social borrowing
15. Purchase of productive assets
16. Purchase of other assets
17. Savings and thrift (Social choice theory)
18. Investment in education and merit goods
sciences such as the use of interviews, questionnaires, case studies, TAT’s emic and etic approaches, and
dialectical approaches may be a precursor for policy formulation, and such initiatives can often serve as
launch pads for creative and proactive thinking. As a matter of fact, we strongly endorse the idea that
policy conceptualization should be the very raison d’etre of econoethnography. For example,
dissatisfaction with government initiatives discovered during fieldwork, may generate novel methods to
promote individual- government cohesion for social welfare, or community participation. This field is
unfortunately virtually non-existent today, despite a vast untapped potential, and most of what passes
for economic ethnography, has been directed at satisfying western intellectual curiosity, a remnant and
a relic of a colonial mindset.
Economic transaction and socio-cultural group mapping or socio-economic group mapping
We reproduce this section in this paper because it can be achieved and through the mode and
mechanism of ethnography or what we may call econoethnography. The results of this kind of a study
can then be used as inputs into the economic planning process. Needless to say, there are many other
types of meaningful and productive analyses that are possible through the medium of ethnography, and
this is only a short and illustrative list. In this type of analysis, Economic transaction and socio-cultural
group mapping or socioeconomic group mapping is carried out. This kind of an analysis is typically
carried out for a particular timeframe, in a chosen location, and with actors who are hand-picked
through a predetermined sampling strategy. The use case method is used.
The following types of transactions are typically analysed in this kind of a study, and care must be taken
to categorize all transactions into these heads. From a perspective a culture based analysis and a culture
or a context-driven rationale must also be carried out.
1. Regular transactions
2. Non-regular transactions
3. Typical transactions
4. Non-typical transactions
5. Deep transactions (Involving deep cogitation and introspection)
6. Superficial transactions (No deep cogitation or introspection)
7. Regular consumption expenditure
8. Non-regular consumption expenditure
9. Short-tem Investment patterns
10. Medium-term investment patterns
11. Long-term investment patterns
12. Short-term liquidity borrowing
13. Loans and other borrowings
14. Social borrowing
15. Purchase of productive assets
16. Purchase of other assets
17. Savings and thrift (Social choice theory)
18. Investment in education and merit goods
11
19. Investment in harmful goods
20. Retirement planning and savings
21. Inheritance patterns (Inward)
22. Inheritance patterns (Outward)
This kind of analysis must also be supplemented by an analysis of the following factors within the
context of a culture:
1. Stability of income
2. Diversity of income sources
3. Flexibility to acquire new sources of income
4. Number of earning members
5. Types of Breadwinners (Male, Female, Child labour etc.)
6. Job stability versus stability of secondary sources of income
7. Dependency on job-based income versus dependency on savings or dependency on assets
8. Dependency on state support
9. Number and characteristics of dependants
10. Average indebtedness
11. Indebtedness trends
12. Family Support system
13. Extended family support system
14. Social support system
15. Legal protection mechanisms and relevant government regulation
Types of interactions would include the following. Thus, any kind of interaction between the actor, and
any other human or non-human entity should be captured as it will be useful for downstream or
secondary analyses:
1. Interface with non-human assets
2. Interface with cash (both income and expenditure, and this must be accompanied by a detailed
income and expenditure analysis)
3. Machine interaction to assess productivity
4. Interaction with the environment and natural assets
5. Interface with cultural institutions such as temples
6. Interface with social institutions such as charitable organizations
7. Interaction with employers
8. Interaction with employees
9. Interface with other human actors
10. Interaction with other private institutions
11. Interaction with financial institutions
12. Interaction with banks
13. Interface with natural elements such as water from streams
14. Interaction with public goods
19. Investment in harmful goods
20. Retirement planning and savings
21. Inheritance patterns (Inward)
22. Inheritance patterns (Outward)
This kind of analysis must also be supplemented by an analysis of the following factors within the
context of a culture:
1. Stability of income
2. Diversity of income sources
3. Flexibility to acquire new sources of income
4. Number of earning members
5. Types of Breadwinners (Male, Female, Child labour etc.)
6. Job stability versus stability of secondary sources of income
7. Dependency on job-based income versus dependency on savings or dependency on assets
8. Dependency on state support
9. Number and characteristics of dependants
10. Average indebtedness
11. Indebtedness trends
12. Family Support system
13. Extended family support system
14. Social support system
15. Legal protection mechanisms and relevant government regulation
Types of interactions would include the following. Thus, any kind of interaction between the actor, and
any other human or non-human entity should be captured as it will be useful for downstream or
secondary analyses:
1. Interface with non-human assets
2. Interface with cash (both income and expenditure, and this must be accompanied by a detailed
income and expenditure analysis)
3. Machine interaction to assess productivity
4. Interaction with the environment and natural assets
5. Interface with cultural institutions such as temples
6. Interface with social institutions such as charitable organizations
7. Interaction with employers
8. Interaction with employees
9. Interface with other human actors
10. Interaction with other private institutions
11. Interaction with financial institutions
12. Interaction with banks
13. Interface with natural elements such as water from streams
14. Interaction with public goods
12
15. Interaction with social goods 16. Interaction with social welfare mechanisms
16. Emergency interactions
Let us now analyse the following scenarios, and this would also additionally drive home the point that
culture specific analyses are extremely important and central to any economic analysis:
A man gets up a 5 o clock in the morning. Throughout the day, he interacts with resources. He uses
water early in the morning for his daily ablutions, and goes to the shop to buy items for breakfast. These
may form a set pattern, and patterns can be aggregated if many individuals are studied. If Item A is not
available, item B is purchased, and this represents an alternative. This approach can be made to work
through intent observation or self-declaration. He also interacts with assets throughout the day, and
these may be his owned assets, assets on loan, or third-party assets. This study may be repeated for
socio-cultural classes, socio-economic classes, and this exercise may even be used to define socio-
cultural classes and socio-economic classes. While carrying out this exercise, points of difference
between various socio-cultural classes and socio-economic classes must be carefully observed and
noted.
A man in Andhra Pradesh, India owned twenty-seven houses. These were low-end costing no more than
$ 10000 each. He had no liabilities, He led a happy life but could not afford high-end cars. Contrast this
with the American way of life where most people have mortgages. How do these two sets of people
live? How do they plan their finances? What are their attitudes towards money? What are their
attitudes towards life? How happy are they? In what way does each of these approaches affect the
macro-economy when aggregated?
Among thirteen countries surveyed in a study, the average person living on under $1 per day did spend
all his money on food. Food typically represented only between fifty-six to seventy-eight percent of
expenditure among rural households, and between fifty-six to seventy-four percent in urban areas. For
the rural poor in Mexico, slightly less than half the budget was spent on food items. Yet among the non-
food items that the poor spent money on, expenditures on alcohol and tobacco were high. The amount
spent on alcohol and tobacco varied widely from country to country, and was very high in Mexico.
Spending on festivals also was an important part of life for many poor households. In Udaipur in
Rajasthan, in India, more than ninety-nine percent of poor households spent money on a wedding, a
funeral, or a religious festival in the year surveyed. How do cultural factors impact the macroeconomy?
(Banerjee 2016)
Another survey found that the list of assets owned by individuals varied very widely across countries.
The assets surveyed included radios, televisions and bicycles, and variations in ownership were wide.
These were shaped by cultural and social factors and a desire to keep up with the Joneses. Ownership of
radio and television, however, increased steeply with increase in income: In all the countries surveyed,
the percentage of rural households owning a television was higher for those who lived on less than $2 a
day than for those living on less than $1 a day. For example, the percentage of people owning a
television rose from fourteen percent for those living on $1 a day to forty-five percent for those living on
less than $2 a dollar a day in Cote d’Ivoire; from seven to seventeen percent in South Africa; and from
15. Interaction with social goods 16. Interaction with social welfare mechanisms
16. Emergency interactions
Let us now analyse the following scenarios, and this would also additionally drive home the point that
culture specific analyses are extremely important and central to any economic analysis:
A man gets up a 5 o clock in the morning. Throughout the day, he interacts with resources. He uses
water early in the morning for his daily ablutions, and goes to the shop to buy items for breakfast. These
may form a set pattern, and patterns can be aggregated if many individuals are studied. If Item A is not
available, item B is purchased, and this represents an alternative. This approach can be made to work
through intent observation or self-declaration. He also interacts with assets throughout the day, and
these may be his owned assets, assets on loan, or third-party assets. This study may be repeated for
socio-cultural classes, socio-economic classes, and this exercise may even be used to define socio-
cultural classes and socio-economic classes. While carrying out this exercise, points of difference
between various socio-cultural classes and socio-economic classes must be carefully observed and
noted.
A man in Andhra Pradesh, India owned twenty-seven houses. These were low-end costing no more than
$ 10000 each. He had no liabilities, He led a happy life but could not afford high-end cars. Contrast this
with the American way of life where most people have mortgages. How do these two sets of people
live? How do they plan their finances? What are their attitudes towards money? What are their
attitudes towards life? How happy are they? In what way does each of these approaches affect the
macro-economy when aggregated?
Among thirteen countries surveyed in a study, the average person living on under $1 per day did spend
all his money on food. Food typically represented only between fifty-six to seventy-eight percent of
expenditure among rural households, and between fifty-six to seventy-four percent in urban areas. For
the rural poor in Mexico, slightly less than half the budget was spent on food items. Yet among the non-
food items that the poor spent money on, expenditures on alcohol and tobacco were high. The amount
spent on alcohol and tobacco varied widely from country to country, and was very high in Mexico.
Spending on festivals also was an important part of life for many poor households. In Udaipur in
Rajasthan, in India, more than ninety-nine percent of poor households spent money on a wedding, a
funeral, or a religious festival in the year surveyed. How do cultural factors impact the macroeconomy?
(Banerjee 2016)
Another survey found that the list of assets owned by individuals varied very widely across countries.
The assets surveyed included radios, televisions and bicycles, and variations in ownership were wide.
These were shaped by cultural and social factors and a desire to keep up with the Joneses. Ownership of
radio and television, however, increased steeply with increase in income: In all the countries surveyed,
the percentage of rural households owning a television was higher for those who lived on less than $2 a
day than for those living on less than $1 a day. For example, the percentage of people owning a
television rose from fourteen percent for those living on $1 a day to forty-five percent for those living on
less than $2 a dollar a day in Cote d’Ivoire; from seven to seventeen percent in South Africa; and from
13
ten to twenty-one percent in Peru. This pattern was observed in other contexts, and some economists
want to use the ownership of durable goods as a benchmark for poverty. How do cultural preferences
affect the macroeconomy? How do cultural preferences impact income elasticity? (Filmer and Pritchett,
2001)
Ownership of Land, a productive asset, is widely cherished in most cultures. In another survey, it was
found that most rural households owned some land though there were enormous country-to-country
variations in ownership percentages and sizes of holdings. Only four percent of those living under $1 a
day owned land in Mexico, 1.4 percent in South Africa; thirty percent in Pakistan, thirty-seven percent in
Guatemala, fifty percent in Nicaragua and Indonesia, sixty-three percent in Cote d’Ivoire; sixty-five
percent in Peru; and eighty-five percent in Panama. However, In Udaipur, Rajasthan, India, ninety-nine
percent of the households below $1 a day owned some land as well as a small house. Clearly ownership
of land was driven by both cultural and economic factors, and these have other downstream impacts
such as asset creation and indebtedness. (Banerjee & Duflo 2016)
In Udaipur, about two-thirds of the poor had an unpaid loan at the time of conducting the survey. Of
these, twenty-three percent were taken from a relative, eighteen percent were taken from a money
lender, thirty-seven percent were taken from a shopkeeper, and only 6.4 percent were taken from the
organized sector including a commercial or a cooperative bank. The same patterns were found in the
Southern Indian city of Hyderabad, where most households living below $2 a day borrowed from
moneylenders (fifty-two percent), some borrowed from friends or neighbours (twenty-four percent),
and others from family members (thirteen percent), and only five percent of the loans were with
commercial banks. Thus, cultural factors, and habits played a very important role here. (Banerjee 2016)
A reverse mortgage may be defined as a mortgage loan, secured by a residential property that enables
the borrower to use the unencumbered or free value of the property as a loan. The loans are promoted
to older homeowners and may be in the form of annuity payouts. Reverse mortgages allow elders to
enjoy the property they have spend years paying for right until their death, and receive a monthly
payment too. The idea of reverse mortgage has not caught on in other more traditional societies, where
family bonds and social ties are high, and it is considered to be a sacred duty to pass on their property to
their children. How therefore do inheritance patterns impact wealth creation? How should the co-
relation between the two be computed? This is an aspect that an Anthropological Economist must
investigate.
Human proximity theory
Human proximity theory can then be used to identify assets and goods that are central to human
existence or economic activity in a particular culture, and assets and goods which are less central to it.
This approach can have a wide variety of potential uses, including economic planning and taxation
policy, and ethnographic data can eventually be collected from cultures all over the world. The
identification of proximal and distal goods will be done through use case modeling.
Economic transaction and socio-cultural group mapping or socio-economic group mapping: Lifecycle
approach
ten to twenty-one percent in Peru. This pattern was observed in other contexts, and some economists
want to use the ownership of durable goods as a benchmark for poverty. How do cultural preferences
affect the macroeconomy? How do cultural preferences impact income elasticity? (Filmer and Pritchett,
2001)
Ownership of Land, a productive asset, is widely cherished in most cultures. In another survey, it was
found that most rural households owned some land though there were enormous country-to-country
variations in ownership percentages and sizes of holdings. Only four percent of those living under $1 a
day owned land in Mexico, 1.4 percent in South Africa; thirty percent in Pakistan, thirty-seven percent in
Guatemala, fifty percent in Nicaragua and Indonesia, sixty-three percent in Cote d’Ivoire; sixty-five
percent in Peru; and eighty-five percent in Panama. However, In Udaipur, Rajasthan, India, ninety-nine
percent of the households below $1 a day owned some land as well as a small house. Clearly ownership
of land was driven by both cultural and economic factors, and these have other downstream impacts
such as asset creation and indebtedness. (Banerjee & Duflo 2016)
In Udaipur, about two-thirds of the poor had an unpaid loan at the time of conducting the survey. Of
these, twenty-three percent were taken from a relative, eighteen percent were taken from a money
lender, thirty-seven percent were taken from a shopkeeper, and only 6.4 percent were taken from the
organized sector including a commercial or a cooperative bank. The same patterns were found in the
Southern Indian city of Hyderabad, where most households living below $2 a day borrowed from
moneylenders (fifty-two percent), some borrowed from friends or neighbours (twenty-four percent),
and others from family members (thirteen percent), and only five percent of the loans were with
commercial banks. Thus, cultural factors, and habits played a very important role here. (Banerjee 2016)
A reverse mortgage may be defined as a mortgage loan, secured by a residential property that enables
the borrower to use the unencumbered or free value of the property as a loan. The loans are promoted
to older homeowners and may be in the form of annuity payouts. Reverse mortgages allow elders to
enjoy the property they have spend years paying for right until their death, and receive a monthly
payment too. The idea of reverse mortgage has not caught on in other more traditional societies, where
family bonds and social ties are high, and it is considered to be a sacred duty to pass on their property to
their children. How therefore do inheritance patterns impact wealth creation? How should the co-
relation between the two be computed? This is an aspect that an Anthropological Economist must
investigate.
Human proximity theory
Human proximity theory can then be used to identify assets and goods that are central to human
existence or economic activity in a particular culture, and assets and goods which are less central to it.
This approach can have a wide variety of potential uses, including economic planning and taxation
policy, and ethnographic data can eventually be collected from cultures all over the world. The
identification of proximal and distal goods will be done through use case modeling.
Economic transaction and socio-cultural group mapping or socio-economic group mapping: Lifecycle
approach
14
In the lifecycle approach, the entire gamut of lifecycle interactions will be captured from birth till death.
This would include factors such educational patterns, Inheritance of ancestral assets, Mean time of
inheritance, Quantum of inheritance, Parent’s earnings, Stability of earnings, Subsidies received,
Government support mechanism, typical loans received, loan payout patterns, Income patterns,
expenditure patterns, vision for life, self-upliftment patterns, health issues such as tobacco, alcohol
consumption patterns, investment patterns, saving patterns, retirement planning, bequeathment of
assets etc. The Sociological Ninety-ten rules will need to be followed here.
Interactions between different socio-cultural groups and socio-economic groups
In this type of analysis, economic and social interactions between different socio-cultural groups and
socio-economic groups can be assessed, as this will provide a useful metric about the level of
integration, closeness or distance between these groups. In most cases, social interactions would form
the basis of economic interactions, and the co-relation between the two needs to be assessed. This
analysis can be carried out for different occupational groups as well, and would be a useful input to
other kinds of analyses such as trickle down analyses. This would also give the researcher an idea about
the types of cultural barriers under operation, and identify those than can be remediated with minimal
effort, and those that cannot.
Interactions between socio-cultural groups, socio-cultural groups, and the macro-economy
In this type of analysis, economic and social interactions between different socio-cultural groups and
socio-economic groups and the macro-economy can be assessed, as this will provide a useful metric
about the level of integration, of these groups with mainstream economic activity. In most cases, social
interactions would form the basis of economic interactions, and the co-relation between the two also
needs to be assessed. This analysis can be carried out for different occupational groups as well. This can
be used to model decentralized development models are well, and to avoid the perils and pitfalls of over
centralized planning seen in India in the early decades of its independence. As usual, the cultural and
economic preferences of various groups need to be taken into consideration, and what works for
Tamilnadu may not work in Kashmir. Thus, cultural preferences and attributes (linked to identity theory,
among others) must form one of the bases of centralization or decentralization decisions.
Benefits of ethnography-driven economic planning
The following are some of the many important benefits of ethnography-driven economic planning. We
will list only a few here, and we will leave it to readers to work out the rest. More and more benefits
may also readily present themselves as time progresses.
Emic perspectives
In anthropology and different fields of the social sciences, emic and etic approaches refer to two entirely
different kinds of research carried out. The emic approach refers to an insider's perspective, which
analyzes the belief systems, value sets, and different kinds of practices of a particular culture from the
perspective and point of view of the people who belong to and live within that culture, and therefore
In the lifecycle approach, the entire gamut of lifecycle interactions will be captured from birth till death.
This would include factors such educational patterns, Inheritance of ancestral assets, Mean time of
inheritance, Quantum of inheritance, Parent’s earnings, Stability of earnings, Subsidies received,
Government support mechanism, typical loans received, loan payout patterns, Income patterns,
expenditure patterns, vision for life, self-upliftment patterns, health issues such as tobacco, alcohol
consumption patterns, investment patterns, saving patterns, retirement planning, bequeathment of
assets etc. The Sociological Ninety-ten rules will need to be followed here.
Interactions between different socio-cultural groups and socio-economic groups
In this type of analysis, economic and social interactions between different socio-cultural groups and
socio-economic groups can be assessed, as this will provide a useful metric about the level of
integration, closeness or distance between these groups. In most cases, social interactions would form
the basis of economic interactions, and the co-relation between the two needs to be assessed. This
analysis can be carried out for different occupational groups as well, and would be a useful input to
other kinds of analyses such as trickle down analyses. This would also give the researcher an idea about
the types of cultural barriers under operation, and identify those than can be remediated with minimal
effort, and those that cannot.
Interactions between socio-cultural groups, socio-cultural groups, and the macro-economy
In this type of analysis, economic and social interactions between different socio-cultural groups and
socio-economic groups and the macro-economy can be assessed, as this will provide a useful metric
about the level of integration, of these groups with mainstream economic activity. In most cases, social
interactions would form the basis of economic interactions, and the co-relation between the two also
needs to be assessed. This analysis can be carried out for different occupational groups as well. This can
be used to model decentralized development models are well, and to avoid the perils and pitfalls of over
centralized planning seen in India in the early decades of its independence. As usual, the cultural and
economic preferences of various groups need to be taken into consideration, and what works for
Tamilnadu may not work in Kashmir. Thus, cultural preferences and attributes (linked to identity theory,
among others) must form one of the bases of centralization or decentralization decisions.
Benefits of ethnography-driven economic planning
The following are some of the many important benefits of ethnography-driven economic planning. We
will list only a few here, and we will leave it to readers to work out the rest. More and more benefits
may also readily present themselves as time progresses.
Emic perspectives
In anthropology and different fields of the social sciences, emic and etic approaches refer to two entirely
different kinds of research carried out. The emic approach refers to an insider's perspective, which
analyzes the belief systems, value sets, and different kinds of practices of a particular culture from the
perspective and point of view of the people who belong to and live within that culture, and therefore
15
lacks a cross-cultural focus. It analyzes how subjects of a research think, and look at the world, and
produces emic knowledge or situated knowledge which is embedded in the social, cultural, historical,
and linguistic context of the knowing person. The etic approach, however, is a chiefly outsider's
perspective, which looks at a culture from the perspective of an outsider or the researcher; the latter is
based on the premise that a researcher is usually more knowledgeable, better trained on research tools,
techniques and frameworks, and is therefore better qualified to carry out the research. It also assumes
that the researcher is detached from the daily humdrum and monotony of a subject’s life, and can
therefore carry out research much better. Most researchers also think that etic approaches can produce
universal and culture-neutral knowledge. These two approaches, which were first defined in the field of
linguistics, have their own strengths and limitations, and can productively also be used in conjunction
with one another, in order to achieve and accomplish a well-rounded and holistic study (Berry, 1989;
Van de Vijver, 2010).
According to most researchers today, the terms emic and etic cannot be rigidly defined, and certainly
cannot be mutually exclusive; rather, research usually lies on a continuum between the two extreme
endpoints. (Cheung, Van de Vijver, & Leong, 2011; Helfrich, 1999) Choice of subjects based on their emic
or etic perspectives forms an integral part of cross-cultural research design, and etic views may be
biased, too. It is therefore necessary to choose etic researchers from as many cultures as possible so as
to achieve intellectual multi-polarity and multi-vocality, and neutralize cross-cultural bias. Emic
perspectives must also be carefully culled from as many sources as possible from within the culture in
order to neutralize bias and prejudice.
Another form of emic studies is autoethnography (this is similar to insider ethnography) which is a form
of ethnographic research in which a researcher connects personal experiences to wider cultural,
political, and social meanings and understanding and seeks to bridge worlds. (Bochner & Ellis) (Adams et
al) From our perspective, as many diverse emic and etic perspective as are practically and economically
possible (if not all substantial or significant ones) should be collected since the construction of
knowledge depends on the perspectives of the researchers and the subjects. Thus, cross-cultural
research in its extreme form can be labeled extreme cross-cultural ethnography. We will now discuss
some more terms pertaining to emic and etic studies, and these can be used with regard to the
participant observation technique (ethnography) or otherwise. As a matter of fact, it can be used with
respect to any research technique in the social sciences, and the researcher must understand the
following concepts fully and completely. As always, the requisite sample size and the appropriate
sampling technique must be used. Though the number of subjects is almost always more than the
number of investigators in any research design, more than one researcher from different cultural
backgrounds may be preferred in many cases.
17
18
19
20
21
22
17
Seeing Things for Themselves: Winch, Ethnography, Ethnomethodology and Social Studies
By Phil Hutchinson, Rupert Read, Wes Sharrock, Routledge, 2008
18
On the Emic Gesture: Difference and Ethnography in Roy Wagner, Iracema H. Dulley, 2019
19
Observations on language spread in multi-lingual societies: Lessons learnt from a study of Ancient and Modern
India Sujay Rao Mandavilli, ELK Asia Pacific journal of social studies, 2015
lacks a cross-cultural focus. It analyzes how subjects of a research think, and look at the world, and
produces emic knowledge or situated knowledge which is embedded in the social, cultural, historical,
and linguistic context of the knowing person. The etic approach, however, is a chiefly outsider's
perspective, which looks at a culture from the perspective of an outsider or the researcher; the latter is
based on the premise that a researcher is usually more knowledgeable, better trained on research tools,
techniques and frameworks, and is therefore better qualified to carry out the research. It also assumes
that the researcher is detached from the daily humdrum and monotony of a subject’s life, and can
therefore carry out research much better. Most researchers also think that etic approaches can produce
universal and culture-neutral knowledge. These two approaches, which were first defined in the field of
linguistics, have their own strengths and limitations, and can productively also be used in conjunction
with one another, in order to achieve and accomplish a well-rounded and holistic study (Berry, 1989;
Van de Vijver, 2010).
According to most researchers today, the terms emic and etic cannot be rigidly defined, and certainly
cannot be mutually exclusive; rather, research usually lies on a continuum between the two extreme
endpoints. (Cheung, Van de Vijver, & Leong, 2011; Helfrich, 1999) Choice of subjects based on their emic
or etic perspectives forms an integral part of cross-cultural research design, and etic views may be
biased, too. It is therefore necessary to choose etic researchers from as many cultures as possible so as
to achieve intellectual multi-polarity and multi-vocality, and neutralize cross-cultural bias. Emic
perspectives must also be carefully culled from as many sources as possible from within the culture in
order to neutralize bias and prejudice.
Another form of emic studies is autoethnography (this is similar to insider ethnography) which is a form
of ethnographic research in which a researcher connects personal experiences to wider cultural,
political, and social meanings and understanding and seeks to bridge worlds. (Bochner & Ellis) (Adams et
al) From our perspective, as many diverse emic and etic perspective as are practically and economically
possible (if not all substantial or significant ones) should be collected since the construction of
knowledge depends on the perspectives of the researchers and the subjects. Thus, cross-cultural
research in its extreme form can be labeled extreme cross-cultural ethnography. We will now discuss
some more terms pertaining to emic and etic studies, and these can be used with regard to the
participant observation technique (ethnography) or otherwise. As a matter of fact, it can be used with
respect to any research technique in the social sciences, and the researcher must understand the
following concepts fully and completely. As always, the requisite sample size and the appropriate
sampling technique must be used. Though the number of subjects is almost always more than the
number of investigators in any research design, more than one researcher from different cultural
backgrounds may be preferred in many cases.
17
18
19
20
21
22
17
Seeing Things for Themselves: Winch, Ethnography, Ethnomethodology and Social Studies
By Phil Hutchinson, Rupert Read, Wes Sharrock, Routledge, 2008
18
On the Emic Gesture: Difference and Ethnography in Roy Wagner, Iracema H. Dulley, 2019
19
Observations on language spread in multi-lingual societies: Lessons learnt from a study of Ancient and Modern
India Sujay Rao Mandavilli, ELK Asia Pacific journal of social studies, 2015
16
Types of emic perspectives
1. Diverse emic refers to the collection and analysis of as many diverse emic view points as
possible, if not all significant and substantial ones. This approach should also significantly and
positively impact the outcome of an analysis. For this, a stratified sampling technique may be
used.
2. Diverse etic refers to the collection and analysis of as many diverse etic view points as possible,
if not all significant and substantial ones. This approach should also significantly and positively
impact the outcome of an analysis. For this, a stratified sampling technique may be used.
3. A representative emic sample is representative of all major and significant emic viewpoints.
4. A representative etic sample is representative of all major and significant etic viewpoints.
5. A non-representative emic sample is not representative of all major and significant emic
viewpoints.
6. A non-representative emic sample is not representative of all major and significant emic
viewpoints.
7. A typical emic viewpoint refers to the typical or the most common or widespread emic
viewpoint.
8. A typical etic viewpoint refers to the typical or the most common or widespread etic viewpoint.
9. A one-sided etic view point is usually one-sided and does not take emic perspectives into
consideration; E.g. German researchers studying India from only their perspective.
10. Non-typical emic or atypical emic refers to a non-typical emic viewpoint.
11. Non-typical etic or atypical etic refers to a non-typical etic viewpoint.
12. Individual versus cultural emic: Refers to a dichotomy between individual viewpoints of subjects
and one emic viewpoint obtained for the culture as a whole.
13. The term Near emic can have two connotations; one is that of a ‘marginal native’ or
‘professional stranger’ where a researcher absorbs himself in the culture of the subjects being
studied, becomes one with the people, and mingles freely with them. Another meaning is the
study of a people or peoples by researchers who possess similar cultural attributes. Examples of
the latter include the study of specific ethnic groups by mainstream Indian Anthropologists or
Ethnographers; SC Dube had carried out a study of the economic aspects of a North Indian
village soon after India’s independence; TN Madan had carried out a study of Kashmiri Pandits;
MN Srinivas had studied the people and the customs of Coorg; and DN.Majumdar carried out
another study in Uttarakhand. Other examples include a study of American kinship by David
Schneider, a fellow American who studied the American family system in detail.
20
Towards a comprehensive compendium of factors impacting language dynamics in post-globalized scenarios: Presenting principles,
paradigms and frameworks for use in the emerging science of language dynamics Sujay Rao Mandavilli ELK Asia Pacific Journal of Social Sciences
Volume 6, Issue 3 (April –June 2020)
21
On the origin and spread of languages: Propositioning Twenty-first century axioms on the evolution and spread of languages with
concomitant views on language dynamics Sujay Rao Mandavilli ELK Asia Pacific Journal of Social Science Volume 3, Number 1 (2016)
22
Operationalizing cross-cultural research design: Practical, cost-effective, and a minimalistic application of cross-cultural research design to minimize cultural bias
in research and reconcile diverse viewpoints IJISRT, April 2023
Sujay Rao Mandavilli
Types of emic perspectives
1. Diverse emic refers to the collection and analysis of as many diverse emic view points as
possible, if not all significant and substantial ones. This approach should also significantly and
positively impact the outcome of an analysis. For this, a stratified sampling technique may be
used.
2. Diverse etic refers to the collection and analysis of as many diverse etic view points as possible,
if not all significant and substantial ones. This approach should also significantly and positively
impact the outcome of an analysis. For this, a stratified sampling technique may be used.
3. A representative emic sample is representative of all major and significant emic viewpoints.
4. A representative etic sample is representative of all major and significant etic viewpoints.
5. A non-representative emic sample is not representative of all major and significant emic
viewpoints.
6. A non-representative emic sample is not representative of all major and significant emic
viewpoints.
7. A typical emic viewpoint refers to the typical or the most common or widespread emic
viewpoint.
8. A typical etic viewpoint refers to the typical or the most common or widespread etic viewpoint.
9. A one-sided etic view point is usually one-sided and does not take emic perspectives into
consideration; E.g. German researchers studying India from only their perspective.
10. Non-typical emic or atypical emic refers to a non-typical emic viewpoint.
11. Non-typical etic or atypical etic refers to a non-typical etic viewpoint.
12. Individual versus cultural emic: Refers to a dichotomy between individual viewpoints of subjects
and one emic viewpoint obtained for the culture as a whole.
13. The term Near emic can have two connotations; one is that of a ‘marginal native’ or
‘professional stranger’ where a researcher absorbs himself in the culture of the subjects being
studied, becomes one with the people, and mingles freely with them. Another meaning is the
study of a people or peoples by researchers who possess similar cultural attributes. Examples of
the latter include the study of specific ethnic groups by mainstream Indian Anthropologists or
Ethnographers; SC Dube had carried out a study of the economic aspects of a North Indian
village soon after India’s independence; TN Madan had carried out a study of Kashmiri Pandits;
MN Srinivas had studied the people and the customs of Coorg; and DN.Majumdar carried out
another study in Uttarakhand. Other examples include a study of American kinship by David
Schneider, a fellow American who studied the American family system in detail.
20
Towards a comprehensive compendium of factors impacting language dynamics in post-globalized scenarios: Presenting principles,
paradigms and frameworks for use in the emerging science of language dynamics Sujay Rao Mandavilli ELK Asia Pacific Journal of Social Sciences
Volume 6, Issue 3 (April –June 2020)
21
On the origin and spread of languages: Propositioning Twenty-first century axioms on the evolution and spread of languages with
concomitant views on language dynamics Sujay Rao Mandavilli ELK Asia Pacific Journal of Social Science Volume 3, Number 1 (2016)
22
Operationalizing cross-cultural research design: Practical, cost-effective, and a minimalistic application of cross-cultural research design to minimize cultural bias
in research and reconcile diverse viewpoints IJISRT, April 2023
Sujay Rao Mandavilli
17
14. Biased emic sample refers to a situation where the subject being studied or interviewed is highly
biased or prejudiced and is not representative of the views of the participants of a study, and
misleads the study completely.
15. Biased etic refers to a scenario where the research is highly biased, and is driven by a hidden
agenda or ulterior motives. For example, a young French philosopher, Joseph-Marie Degerando
wrote the field guide for ethnographers as a guide for members of the Societe des observateurs
de l’ Homme and referred to his subjects as savage. This undermines the principles of cultural
relativism discussed by us in previous papers. Etic studies may possess good intentions but may
be ill-informed; one can draw parallels to early Indological studies where western researchers
lacked an understanding of Indian culture, and most Indian scholars lacked academic rigour and
scholarly objectivity. Thus, there may be no such thing as perfect objectivity, though properly-
conceived cross-cultural research design can overcome that somewhat. According to Peter
Winch, it is not possible to cross the barriers of “fundamental assumptions and interests”.
According to Marilyn Strathern (1999:1), “The ideas and narratives which make sense of
everyday field experiences have to be rearranged in order to make sense in the context of
arguments and analyses addressed to other audiences.” As an integral part of this process,
vested interests should be identified first; these would precede the identification of biases
because they would determine them.
16. Non-biased etic (or neutral etic) must be differentiated from emic as there will still be a
fundamental difference between the two; the former may be characterized by an absence of
bias or prejudice, nonetheless. For example, when Gregory Bateson visited the Iatmul in New
Guinea, Frank Cushing lived among the Zuni, and when Evans-Pritchard went to live among the
Azande, they had genuine considerations, and wanted to achieve a balanced perspective of the
cultures they studied. Similarly, Edmund Leach’s monograph on the Kachin and Shan population
of north-east Burma during the Second world war, was born out of a prolonged interaction with
them spanning several years.
17. Non-scientific emic refers to a situation where the subject does not possess a logical or
analytical view point and misleads the study or where the viewpoints are not processed by the
researcher using some scientific method or technique. For example, subjects may be steeped in
folklore or mythology, and may have differently constructed view of the world that may prevent
a logical or a scientific study. One may refer to Levy-Bruhl’s theory of primitive mentality.
(However, his work was highly criticised by other western fellow researchers, and he was
accused of not having understood the processes that produced primitive thought).
18. Indeterminate emic refers to a situation where emic viewpoints cannot be elicited or processed
properly. For example, the thought worlds or world views of the Sentinelese tribes’ of the
Andaman islands of the are not known apart from the fact that they want to be left alone; as
such, it may not be possible to determine them; in such a case, an ethnographic study is virtually
impossible. It may also be impossible likewise, to ascertain the thought worlds of the Americans
of the Jazz Age, except thought secondary literature review, and as such, these are constraints
on the research.
19. Marginalized emic refers to a non-dominant emic point of view that may need to be obtained in
certain and specific cases; in order to identify and obtain marginalized emic view points, the
14. Biased emic sample refers to a situation where the subject being studied or interviewed is highly
biased or prejudiced and is not representative of the views of the participants of a study, and
misleads the study completely.
15. Biased etic refers to a scenario where the research is highly biased, and is driven by a hidden
agenda or ulterior motives. For example, a young French philosopher, Joseph-Marie Degerando
wrote the field guide for ethnographers as a guide for members of the Societe des observateurs
de l’ Homme and referred to his subjects as savage. This undermines the principles of cultural
relativism discussed by us in previous papers. Etic studies may possess good intentions but may
be ill-informed; one can draw parallels to early Indological studies where western researchers
lacked an understanding of Indian culture, and most Indian scholars lacked academic rigour and
scholarly objectivity. Thus, there may be no such thing as perfect objectivity, though properly-
conceived cross-cultural research design can overcome that somewhat. According to Peter
Winch, it is not possible to cross the barriers of “fundamental assumptions and interests”.
According to Marilyn Strathern (1999:1), “The ideas and narratives which make sense of
everyday field experiences have to be rearranged in order to make sense in the context of
arguments and analyses addressed to other audiences.” As an integral part of this process,
vested interests should be identified first; these would precede the identification of biases
because they would determine them.
16. Non-biased etic (or neutral etic) must be differentiated from emic as there will still be a
fundamental difference between the two; the former may be characterized by an absence of
bias or prejudice, nonetheless. For example, when Gregory Bateson visited the Iatmul in New
Guinea, Frank Cushing lived among the Zuni, and when Evans-Pritchard went to live among the
Azande, they had genuine considerations, and wanted to achieve a balanced perspective of the
cultures they studied. Similarly, Edmund Leach’s monograph on the Kachin and Shan population
of north-east Burma during the Second world war, was born out of a prolonged interaction with
them spanning several years.
17. Non-scientific emic refers to a situation where the subject does not possess a logical or
analytical view point and misleads the study or where the viewpoints are not processed by the
researcher using some scientific method or technique. For example, subjects may be steeped in
folklore or mythology, and may have differently constructed view of the world that may prevent
a logical or a scientific study. One may refer to Levy-Bruhl’s theory of primitive mentality.
(However, his work was highly criticised by other western fellow researchers, and he was
accused of not having understood the processes that produced primitive thought).
18. Indeterminate emic refers to a situation where emic viewpoints cannot be elicited or processed
properly. For example, the thought worlds or world views of the Sentinelese tribes’ of the
Andaman islands of the are not known apart from the fact that they want to be left alone; as
such, it may not be possible to determine them; in such a case, an ethnographic study is virtually
impossible. It may also be impossible likewise, to ascertain the thought worlds of the Americans
of the Jazz Age, except thought secondary literature review, and as such, these are constraints
on the research.
19. Marginalized emic refers to a non-dominant emic point of view that may need to be obtained in
certain and specific cases; in order to identify and obtain marginalized emic view points, the
18
researcher or ethnographer must understand the structure of the society as a whole, and the
background and constraints under which it operates. Marginalized emic may either be within a
single culture, or across cultures.
20. A dominant etic point of view represents the more standard and usually western-centric point
of view with prevails on any given issue; this may encompass standard research tools and
techniques too. This would lead to a margin of error, and this may often be unwitting.
21. Mutual emic etic loop refers to a situation where the subject cross-verifies the work of the
researcher, and the methods, tools and techniques employed. These techniques can also be
made to work in specific situations. For example, we have authored papers on language
dynamics of language spread, but understanding the rise of Nouichi and the causes thereof, and
the dynamic status of Wolof, English and French in Senegal (or whether the French language will
continue for the foreseeable future in the Maghreb, or will be replaced by Creole, definitely
requires emic (or near-emic input)) as no researcher with no prior experience in the region can
understand the issue fully in just a month or two, or a year or two.
22. Self-emic or auto-emic studies are self-initiated studies, and encompass auto-ethnography, and
autobiographical methods, which are also a part of social science research techniques.
23. Complex emic and etic relationships can also be formed between two or more groups of people,
and participants (researcher and subject included) can be selected on the basis of ethnicity,
religion, language, nationality, prevailing ideology, thought worlds, worldviews, mind-
orientation or cultural orientation. They could also be chosen on the basis of the socio-cultural
groups, socio-economic groups, occupational groups they belong to. Thus, subjects can be
chosen based on their cultural identity, or the attributes of the culture they belong to, and
cultural bucketing can be done based on suitably selected parameters.
24. In extreme cases, marginalized cultures or individuals can present their points of view on a wide
range of issues, both within and outside their culture, and this would be akin to subaltern
studies. These could then be reconciled with wider scientific views, an element that is absent in
traditional scientific studies.
Etmic perspectives refer to a combination of emic and etic perspectives, and these are arrived at usually
through a complex process of reconciliation and mutual adjustment. Diverse perspectives are also
inevitably the outcome of ethnographic-driven approaches, and the diversity of viewpoints naturally
needs to be respected at all times.
Culture-centric economic development models
Econoethnography can be used to generate culture specific development models. Culture is one of the
most commonly discussed topics under the sun, and also often the most widely misunderstood. This is
perhaps why there are many different definitions of culture (A count placed the total number of
definitions at over three hundred) but the most important definitions of culture and the most oft-cited
are reproduced below. These definitions are chosen to bring out the essence of the term ‘culture’:
EB Tylor in his book “Primitive Culture (1871) stated, “Culture, in its broadest ethnographic sense is that
complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, arts, morals, laws, customs and any capabilities or
researcher or ethnographer must understand the structure of the society as a whole, and the
background and constraints under which it operates. Marginalized emic may either be within a
single culture, or across cultures.
20. A dominant etic point of view represents the more standard and usually western-centric point
of view with prevails on any given issue; this may encompass standard research tools and
techniques too. This would lead to a margin of error, and this may often be unwitting.
21. Mutual emic etic loop refers to a situation where the subject cross-verifies the work of the
researcher, and the methods, tools and techniques employed. These techniques can also be
made to work in specific situations. For example, we have authored papers on language
dynamics of language spread, but understanding the rise of Nouichi and the causes thereof, and
the dynamic status of Wolof, English and French in Senegal (or whether the French language will
continue for the foreseeable future in the Maghreb, or will be replaced by Creole, definitely
requires emic (or near-emic input)) as no researcher with no prior experience in the region can
understand the issue fully in just a month or two, or a year or two.
22. Self-emic or auto-emic studies are self-initiated studies, and encompass auto-ethnography, and
autobiographical methods, which are also a part of social science research techniques.
23. Complex emic and etic relationships can also be formed between two or more groups of people,
and participants (researcher and subject included) can be selected on the basis of ethnicity,
religion, language, nationality, prevailing ideology, thought worlds, worldviews, mind-
orientation or cultural orientation. They could also be chosen on the basis of the socio-cultural
groups, socio-economic groups, occupational groups they belong to. Thus, subjects can be
chosen based on their cultural identity, or the attributes of the culture they belong to, and
cultural bucketing can be done based on suitably selected parameters.
24. In extreme cases, marginalized cultures or individuals can present their points of view on a wide
range of issues, both within and outside their culture, and this would be akin to subaltern
studies. These could then be reconciled with wider scientific views, an element that is absent in
traditional scientific studies.
Etmic perspectives refer to a combination of emic and etic perspectives, and these are arrived at usually
through a complex process of reconciliation and mutual adjustment. Diverse perspectives are also
inevitably the outcome of ethnographic-driven approaches, and the diversity of viewpoints naturally
needs to be respected at all times.
Culture-centric economic development models
Econoethnography can be used to generate culture specific development models. Culture is one of the
most commonly discussed topics under the sun, and also often the most widely misunderstood. This is
perhaps why there are many different definitions of culture (A count placed the total number of
definitions at over three hundred) but the most important definitions of culture and the most oft-cited
are reproduced below. These definitions are chosen to bring out the essence of the term ‘culture’:
EB Tylor in his book “Primitive Culture (1871) stated, “Culture, in its broadest ethnographic sense is that
complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, arts, morals, laws, customs and any capabilities or
19
habits acquired by man as a member of society.” According to a definition provided by the German
sociologist Georg Simmel, “Culture is the cultivation of the individual through the agency of external
forms which have been objectified in the course of history,” According to Bronislaw Malinowski,
“Culture is an instrumental reality and apparatus for the satisfaction of biological and derived need. It is
the integral whole consisting of implements in consumer goods, of constitutional characters of the
various social groupings, of human ideas and crafts, beliefs and customs.” (Malinowski, 1944:1)
According to Melville J. Herskovitz, “Culture is the man made part of the environment. It therefore
includes material objects of human manufacture, techniques, social orientations, points of view and
sanctioned ends that are the immediate conditioning factors underlying behaviour.” (Herskovitz,
1948:17) According to Marvin Harris, “A culture is the total socially acquired life-way or life-style of a
group of people. It consists of the patterned, repetitive ways of thinking, feeling and acting that are
characteristic of the members of a particular society or segment of society. (Harris 1975:144) E.A.
Hoebel provides the following definition, “Culture is the integrated system of learned behaviour
patterns which are characteristic of the members of the society, and which are not a result of biological
inheritance.” (Hoebel 1966) According to Kroeber and Kluckholn, “Culture consists of patterns, explicit
and implicit, of and for behaviour acquired and transmitted by symbols, constituting the distinct
achievements of human groups, including their embodiments in artefacts.” (Kroeber and Kluckholn
(1952).
23
24
25
26
27
The following attributes of culture logically emanate from these definitions:
Culture is socially learned: Beliefs and values are often relative, culture-specific and learnt by members
of a group through initiation or interaction with other members of the group, or by children though
observation, initiation, informal or semi-formal training, assimilation and emulation. Culture therefore
often provides people with yardsticks to control their behavior and perceive the world. For example,
most Hindus do not like the idea of consuming Beef, given the importance of the Cow in the ancient
Indian economy. Contrarily, pigs are considered unclean by Muslims, and its meat is forbidden in the
Qu’ran. Another example is language which is usually sub-consciously learnt by members of a cultural
group, commonly without any formal training. Learned behavior may also be formally communicated to
other members of the group through instruction, reward and punishment. Cultural norms are thus
learnt by man as a member of society, and often go unquestioned.
Culture is symbolic: A symbol is something verbal or nonverbal, linguistic or non-linguistic, (Examples
being sounds, gestures, objects and images) which stands for something within that culture, and is
crucial to cultural representation and learning. Symbolic thought is unique to human culture, and often
conveys powerful meaning. According to Leslie White, “Culture is dependent on symbolizing… culture
23
Anthropology 12
th
Edition Carol R.Ember, Melvin Ember, Peter N. Peregrine Pearson Prentice Hall 2007
24
Cultural Anthropology, Barbara Miller, Sixth Edition, PHI Learning Private Limited, 2011
25
Cultural Anthropology: Appreciating Cultural Diversity, McGraw Hill Internal Edition, Conrad Phillip Kottak
26 Primitive Culture: Researches into the Development of Mythology, Philosophy, Religion, Art, and Custom, EB Tylor
27
Malinowski, B. (1944). A Scientific Theory of Culture and Others Essays. Chapel Hill, N. Carolina: The University of North Carolina Press
habits acquired by man as a member of society.” According to a definition provided by the German
sociologist Georg Simmel, “Culture is the cultivation of the individual through the agency of external
forms which have been objectified in the course of history,” According to Bronislaw Malinowski,
“Culture is an instrumental reality and apparatus for the satisfaction of biological and derived need. It is
the integral whole consisting of implements in consumer goods, of constitutional characters of the
various social groupings, of human ideas and crafts, beliefs and customs.” (Malinowski, 1944:1)
According to Melville J. Herskovitz, “Culture is the man made part of the environment. It therefore
includes material objects of human manufacture, techniques, social orientations, points of view and
sanctioned ends that are the immediate conditioning factors underlying behaviour.” (Herskovitz,
1948:17) According to Marvin Harris, “A culture is the total socially acquired life-way or life-style of a
group of people. It consists of the patterned, repetitive ways of thinking, feeling and acting that are
characteristic of the members of a particular society or segment of society. (Harris 1975:144) E.A.
Hoebel provides the following definition, “Culture is the integrated system of learned behaviour
patterns which are characteristic of the members of the society, and which are not a result of biological
inheritance.” (Hoebel 1966) According to Kroeber and Kluckholn, “Culture consists of patterns, explicit
and implicit, of and for behaviour acquired and transmitted by symbols, constituting the distinct
achievements of human groups, including their embodiments in artefacts.” (Kroeber and Kluckholn
(1952).
23
24
25
26
27
The following attributes of culture logically emanate from these definitions:
Culture is socially learned: Beliefs and values are often relative, culture-specific and learnt by members
of a group through initiation or interaction with other members of the group, or by children though
observation, initiation, informal or semi-formal training, assimilation and emulation. Culture therefore
often provides people with yardsticks to control their behavior and perceive the world. For example,
most Hindus do not like the idea of consuming Beef, given the importance of the Cow in the ancient
Indian economy. Contrarily, pigs are considered unclean by Muslims, and its meat is forbidden in the
Qu’ran. Another example is language which is usually sub-consciously learnt by members of a cultural
group, commonly without any formal training. Learned behavior may also be formally communicated to
other members of the group through instruction, reward and punishment. Cultural norms are thus
learnt by man as a member of society, and often go unquestioned.
Culture is symbolic: A symbol is something verbal or nonverbal, linguistic or non-linguistic, (Examples
being sounds, gestures, objects and images) which stands for something within that culture, and is
crucial to cultural representation and learning. Symbolic thought is unique to human culture, and often
conveys powerful meaning. According to Leslie White, “Culture is dependent on symbolizing… culture
23
Anthropology 12
th
Edition Carol R.Ember, Melvin Ember, Peter N. Peregrine Pearson Prentice Hall 2007
24
Cultural Anthropology, Barbara Miller, Sixth Edition, PHI Learning Private Limited, 2011
25
Cultural Anthropology: Appreciating Cultural Diversity, McGraw Hill Internal Edition, Conrad Phillip Kottak
26 Primitive Culture: Researches into the Development of Mythology, Philosophy, Religion, Art, and Custom, EB Tylor
27
Malinowski, B. (1944). A Scientific Theory of Culture and Others Essays. Chapel Hill, N. Carolina: The University of North Carolina Press
20
consists of tools, implements, utensils, clothing, ornaments, customs, institutions, beliefs, rituals, games,
works of art, language, etc.” (White, 1959) According to G H Mead, society is an exchange of gestures
which involves the use of symbols. Thus, the study of culture involves a semiotic function as well. Thus,
culture typically involves a mix of symbolic and non-symbolic elements. Anthropologists who have
emphasized symbolism in culture have included Clifford Geertz, Claude Levi Strauss and Emile Durkheim.
Many aspects of culture such as confirmatory rituals, transformatory rituals and rituals of liminality
incorporate a symbolic component too, and many symbols such as the Hindu symbol for “Om” may
convey a very powerful meaning to members sharing a culture.
Culture is shared: If just one person in a group acted and thought in a particular way, it would be
considered to be a personal characteristic and not symbolic of a culture itself. On the other hand,
cultural traits are common to most, if not all members in the group. For example, child marriage is
considered to be morally wrong in most Western and even many Oriental societies, but in still common
in parts of Africa and India, and legislation to outlaw it has only just begun. Even though traits are
generally common to most members of a cultural group, there is always scope for individual variation,
and this is accepted by most Anthropologists. These are sometimes referred to as outliers or deviant
behavior. If changes are introduced by individuals in a society, they must be sufficiently well-entrenched
and irreversible to be considered as examples of cultural change.
Culture is an expression of human nature: Even though culture is non-biological per se, it teaches
humans how to express their innate biological proclivities, urges and instincts. For example, culture
teaches people when, how and what to eat. It teaches them how to interact with their parents, elders,
teachers and children. It also teaches them how to respond to specific situations and react to stimuli
such as fright, pain etc.
Culture is all-encompassing: Culture governs almost every aspect of people’s lives, including in societies
which would be considered to be liberal. It determines and dictates to varying degrees, what people do
almost every moment of their lives. This would explain why, for example, why the Amercians play
baseball and why Indians don’t. It would explain why Americans have no qualms or inhibitions in eating
pork which the Muslims consider a taboo. It would also serve to explain why some cultures are more
innovative, energetic and dynamic, and why some cultures are less innovative and inventive, inward-
looking or regressive. Culture therefore, includes all aspects of material culture, technology, arts, music,
literature, cuisine, myths, legends, religion etc, and even impinges on aspects such as economic systems.
Culture is integrated and patterned: Cultures are not unstructured sets of customs and beliefs. Cultures
are integrated and patterned sets of customs and beliefs. If one aspect of a culture changes, it causes
ripple effects in other aspects of culture as well. Cultures are therefore highly structured belief systems,
most aspects of which are tightly integrated with one another, even though there may be exceptions.
Culture is instrumental and adaptive: Unlike primates and other animals which rely on instincts and
reflexes, or other biological means of adaptation to help them survive and adapt to a limited extent, it is
a widely known fact that humans alone possess intellect and the power of reasoning. Culture, and the
ability to acquire, transmute and transmit cultural traits is one attribute which has played a key role in
consists of tools, implements, utensils, clothing, ornaments, customs, institutions, beliefs, rituals, games,
works of art, language, etc.” (White, 1959) According to G H Mead, society is an exchange of gestures
which involves the use of symbols. Thus, the study of culture involves a semiotic function as well. Thus,
culture typically involves a mix of symbolic and non-symbolic elements. Anthropologists who have
emphasized symbolism in culture have included Clifford Geertz, Claude Levi Strauss and Emile Durkheim.
Many aspects of culture such as confirmatory rituals, transformatory rituals and rituals of liminality
incorporate a symbolic component too, and many symbols such as the Hindu symbol for “Om” may
convey a very powerful meaning to members sharing a culture.
Culture is shared: If just one person in a group acted and thought in a particular way, it would be
considered to be a personal characteristic and not symbolic of a culture itself. On the other hand,
cultural traits are common to most, if not all members in the group. For example, child marriage is
considered to be morally wrong in most Western and even many Oriental societies, but in still common
in parts of Africa and India, and legislation to outlaw it has only just begun. Even though traits are
generally common to most members of a cultural group, there is always scope for individual variation,
and this is accepted by most Anthropologists. These are sometimes referred to as outliers or deviant
behavior. If changes are introduced by individuals in a society, they must be sufficiently well-entrenched
and irreversible to be considered as examples of cultural change.
Culture is an expression of human nature: Even though culture is non-biological per se, it teaches
humans how to express their innate biological proclivities, urges and instincts. For example, culture
teaches people when, how and what to eat. It teaches them how to interact with their parents, elders,
teachers and children. It also teaches them how to respond to specific situations and react to stimuli
such as fright, pain etc.
Culture is all-encompassing: Culture governs almost every aspect of people’s lives, including in societies
which would be considered to be liberal. It determines and dictates to varying degrees, what people do
almost every moment of their lives. This would explain why, for example, why the Amercians play
baseball and why Indians don’t. It would explain why Americans have no qualms or inhibitions in eating
pork which the Muslims consider a taboo. It would also serve to explain why some cultures are more
innovative, energetic and dynamic, and why some cultures are less innovative and inventive, inward-
looking or regressive. Culture therefore, includes all aspects of material culture, technology, arts, music,
literature, cuisine, myths, legends, religion etc, and even impinges on aspects such as economic systems.
Culture is integrated and patterned: Cultures are not unstructured sets of customs and beliefs. Cultures
are integrated and patterned sets of customs and beliefs. If one aspect of a culture changes, it causes
ripple effects in other aspects of culture as well. Cultures are therefore highly structured belief systems,
most aspects of which are tightly integrated with one another, even though there may be exceptions.
Culture is instrumental and adaptive: Unlike primates and other animals which rely on instincts and
reflexes, or other biological means of adaptation to help them survive and adapt to a limited extent, it is
a widely known fact that humans alone possess intellect and the power of reasoning. Culture, and the
ability to acquire, transmute and transmit cultural traits is one attribute which has played a key role in
21
the success of humans. Thus, traits are usually designed to ensure the success of a culture. However,
there can be exceptions. For example, some tribes of New Guinea consider women to be dangerous and
unclean, and best avoided. As such a notion would be largely counter-productive, this would either lead
to the demise of the culture, or by itself would need to disappear. This is known as maladaptivity.
Culture is gratifying: Culture is designed to satisfy the biological and social needs of individuals and must
be compatible with them. If certain elements of culture do not fulfill the wants or needs of humans, they
may be replaced, modified or made redundant in the long-run.
Culture evolves: Culture evolves constantly. This is chiefly due to technological and social factors and the
inventive nature of man. This is often cited as one of the major causes for the success of man in
comparison to other animals. Human culture has evolved and changed greatly from the Stone Age and
the hunter-gatherer stage to the modern industrial age. Various theories have been proposed to identify
the rate of cultural change and the degree of inventiveness of man. These include unilinear models,
multilinear models, cyclical models, and diffusionist approaches. Cultural change is primarily a process of
adaptation similar to Biological Natural Selection.
Culture can be inherited: Culture is usually inherited from elders in a society through a complex process
of enculturation. Children usually inherit most aspects of a culture from their parents. However, this is
subject to change as people are subject to other influences throughout their lives, such as peer-
pressure. Thus, the culture that children transmit to their children is often different from what they
receive from their parents. The latter either retains some core elements intact, modifies them
considerably, or adds or deletes some elements from the mix. This takes place from generation to
generation and invariably and inevitably leads to cultural change. Thus, culture is transmitted both
vertically (across generations), and horizontally (within a generation).
Cultures operate as cognitive system: Cultures are often seen as systems of knowledge which are
designed to serve the needs to its members. According to Ward Goodenough: “A society's culture
consists of whatever it is one has to know or believe in order to operate in a manner acceptable to its
members. Culture is not a material phenomenon; it does not consist of things, people, behaviour, or
emotions. It is rather an organization of these things. It is the form of things that people have in mind,
their models for perceiving, relating, and otherwise interpreting them (32, p. 167)”.
Culture is shaped by the environment: It is also widely accepted that environment sets constraints on
culture. There are different schools of thought in this regard. For example, Cultural ecologists study how
humans adapt to social and physical environments. Human adaptation here may refer to either
biological or cultural processes that enable a population to survive and reproduce in an environment.
Cultural Possibilism is the belief that the environment sets certain constraints or limitations on culture,
but culture is otherwise determined by other conditions as well.
Components of Culture
Culture consists of the following elements:
the success of humans. Thus, traits are usually designed to ensure the success of a culture. However,
there can be exceptions. For example, some tribes of New Guinea consider women to be dangerous and
unclean, and best avoided. As such a notion would be largely counter-productive, this would either lead
to the demise of the culture, or by itself would need to disappear. This is known as maladaptivity.
Culture is gratifying: Culture is designed to satisfy the biological and social needs of individuals and must
be compatible with them. If certain elements of culture do not fulfill the wants or needs of humans, they
may be replaced, modified or made redundant in the long-run.
Culture evolves: Culture evolves constantly. This is chiefly due to technological and social factors and the
inventive nature of man. This is often cited as one of the major causes for the success of man in
comparison to other animals. Human culture has evolved and changed greatly from the Stone Age and
the hunter-gatherer stage to the modern industrial age. Various theories have been proposed to identify
the rate of cultural change and the degree of inventiveness of man. These include unilinear models,
multilinear models, cyclical models, and diffusionist approaches. Cultural change is primarily a process of
adaptation similar to Biological Natural Selection.
Culture can be inherited: Culture is usually inherited from elders in a society through a complex process
of enculturation. Children usually inherit most aspects of a culture from their parents. However, this is
subject to change as people are subject to other influences throughout their lives, such as peer-
pressure. Thus, the culture that children transmit to their children is often different from what they
receive from their parents. The latter either retains some core elements intact, modifies them
considerably, or adds or deletes some elements from the mix. This takes place from generation to
generation and invariably and inevitably leads to cultural change. Thus, culture is transmitted both
vertically (across generations), and horizontally (within a generation).
Cultures operate as cognitive system: Cultures are often seen as systems of knowledge which are
designed to serve the needs to its members. According to Ward Goodenough: “A society's culture
consists of whatever it is one has to know or believe in order to operate in a manner acceptable to its
members. Culture is not a material phenomenon; it does not consist of things, people, behaviour, or
emotions. It is rather an organization of these things. It is the form of things that people have in mind,
their models for perceiving, relating, and otherwise interpreting them (32, p. 167)”.
Culture is shaped by the environment: It is also widely accepted that environment sets constraints on
culture. There are different schools of thought in this regard. For example, Cultural ecologists study how
humans adapt to social and physical environments. Human adaptation here may refer to either
biological or cultural processes that enable a population to survive and reproduce in an environment.
Cultural Possibilism is the belief that the environment sets certain constraints or limitations on culture,
but culture is otherwise determined by other conditions as well.
Components of Culture
Culture consists of the following elements:
22
1. Cultural Values: Cultural values determine what is good, proper or appropriate in a given
context, and what is not.
2. Cultural Norms: Cultural norms refer to standard patterns of behaviour that are accepted in a
society.
3. Cultural Sanctions: These comprise rewards and penalties which are used to enforce norms and
punish those who do not comply with norms.
4. Symbols and Language: These carry (often powerful) meanings that can easily be understood by
people belonging to the same culture.
5. Cultural Beliefs: These comprise ideas and statements that people of a culture hold to be true.
6. Behavioural patterns: These refer to the way people of a culture behave or carry out their
regular or other activities.
7. Cultural traits or attributes: These are the simplest and the smallest units of a particular culture
and are sometimes referred to as the building blocks of a culture.
8. Cultural Artefacts: Material objects such as pottery and seals are referred to as Cultural
Artefacts.
9. Social Institutions: Institutions promoting political control, legal sanctions or administration are
known as solution institutions. Examples of these are the courts, the judiciary etc.
Therefore, the use of econoethnography will lead to minimal cultural disruption, and better cultural
harmony among sociocultural and socioeconomic groups. It will lead to more culture-driven and culture-
aligned development models. It will also take care of marginalized communities, and lead to minimum
loss of livelihoods. In sum, people will become happier and more prosperous.
Bottom up development models
Trickle down economics or trickle down theory refers to the idea that lowered taxes on the rich, and a
laissez-faire approach automatically leads to a trickle-down of wealth in society, and reduces poverty. It
is also closely related to supply-side economics. This term was first used by American commentator Bill
Rogers, and became widespread towards the end of the twentieth century. There have been many
variants of trickle-down economics such as Reagonomics (A term attributed to Paul Harvey Aurandt). It
is sometimes known derisively as Voodoo Economics, and pro-trickle down economists such as David
Stockman later turned into its bitter critics. Trickle down economics has had several critics, who accuse
its proponents of pandering to the wealthy by creating tax breaks exclusively for the rich. John Kenneth
Galbraith refers to this as the horse and sparrow theory: “If you feed the horse enough oats, some will
pass through the road for the sparrows.” Trickle-down proponents made several assumptions which
may or may not hold good; in the real-world, common barriers to trickle down and circulation of wealth
may include social and cultural barriers, geographical barriers, and infrastructural bottlenecks, among
several others. We therefore had proposed and recommended bottom up or trickle up development
models.
Therefore, the trickle-up effect states that policies that benefit the middle class and the lower classes
directly boost the productivity of society as a whole, and those benefits also trickle up to the wealthy. It
is based on the fundamental premise that “A rising tide lifts all boats.” The difference between trickle
1. Cultural Values: Cultural values determine what is good, proper or appropriate in a given
context, and what is not.
2. Cultural Norms: Cultural norms refer to standard patterns of behaviour that are accepted in a
society.
3. Cultural Sanctions: These comprise rewards and penalties which are used to enforce norms and
punish those who do not comply with norms.
4. Symbols and Language: These carry (often powerful) meanings that can easily be understood by
people belonging to the same culture.
5. Cultural Beliefs: These comprise ideas and statements that people of a culture hold to be true.
6. Behavioural patterns: These refer to the way people of a culture behave or carry out their
regular or other activities.
7. Cultural traits or attributes: These are the simplest and the smallest units of a particular culture
and are sometimes referred to as the building blocks of a culture.
8. Cultural Artefacts: Material objects such as pottery and seals are referred to as Cultural
Artefacts.
9. Social Institutions: Institutions promoting political control, legal sanctions or administration are
known as solution institutions. Examples of these are the courts, the judiciary etc.
Therefore, the use of econoethnography will lead to minimal cultural disruption, and better cultural
harmony among sociocultural and socioeconomic groups. It will lead to more culture-driven and culture-
aligned development models. It will also take care of marginalized communities, and lead to minimum
loss of livelihoods. In sum, people will become happier and more prosperous.
Bottom up development models
Trickle down economics or trickle down theory refers to the idea that lowered taxes on the rich, and a
laissez-faire approach automatically leads to a trickle-down of wealth in society, and reduces poverty. It
is also closely related to supply-side economics. This term was first used by American commentator Bill
Rogers, and became widespread towards the end of the twentieth century. There have been many
variants of trickle-down economics such as Reagonomics (A term attributed to Paul Harvey Aurandt). It
is sometimes known derisively as Voodoo Economics, and pro-trickle down economists such as David
Stockman later turned into its bitter critics. Trickle down economics has had several critics, who accuse
its proponents of pandering to the wealthy by creating tax breaks exclusively for the rich. John Kenneth
Galbraith refers to this as the horse and sparrow theory: “If you feed the horse enough oats, some will
pass through the road for the sparrows.” Trickle-down proponents made several assumptions which
may or may not hold good; in the real-world, common barriers to trickle down and circulation of wealth
may include social and cultural barriers, geographical barriers, and infrastructural bottlenecks, among
several others. We therefore had proposed and recommended bottom up or trickle up development
models.
Therefore, the trickle-up effect states that policies that benefit the middle class and the lower classes
directly boost the productivity of society as a whole, and those benefits also trickle up to the wealthy. It
is based on the fundamental premise that “A rising tide lifts all boats.” The difference between trickle
23
down and trickle up can be illustrated in a speech made in 1896 by William Jennings Bryan, “There are
two ideas of government. There are those who believe that if you just legislate to make the well-to-do
prosperous, the prosperity will leak through on those below. The Democratic idea has been that if you
legislate to make the masses prosperous, then the prosperity will find its way upto every class that rests
on it.” Another via media approach is the “build out from the middle theory”. Pamper the middle
classes, and the entire society stands to benefit, or the idea that other factors notwithstanding rapid
economic growth is a necessary adjunct to the trickle down of wealth. (Dollar and Kraay 2002),
(Bhunumurthy and Mitra 2004), and (Owyong 2010). Ethnography-driven economic planning can
therefore help us identify preferences and economic patterns across a wide spectrum of socioeconomic
groups and sociocultural groups so that more holistic and comprehensive economic development
frameworks and paradigms can result. This will be achieved and accomplished by considering raw data
and people’s preferences and expectations.
28
29
It helps developing countries rise
What is a developing country? A "developing country" generally refers to a nation which has a relatively
low standard of living, a less-developed and less-diversified industrial base, and a moderate to low
Human Development Index (also known as HDI), according to the United Nations. It is chiefly
characterized by relatively lower incomes, less developed infrastructure, and a lack of industrialization
compared to so-called "developed" countries. While the term "developing country" is still commonly
used, its usage has been criticized, and many prefer terms like "Global South" or grouping countries by
region. Many developing countries have also fallen of the developing countries list, and have joined the
ranks of the more developed ones. Many economists now classify countries into low income countries,
lower middle income countries, upper middle income countries, upper income countries etc. No
classificatory mechanism is beyond reproach.
What is a least developed country? Least Developed Countries (also known as LDC’s) are nations
identified by the United Nations as having the lowest levels of socioeconomic development across a
diverse set of indicators. These countries are characterized by extremely low income, low human capital
and non-fulfillment of human capital, and high vulnerability to economic and environmental
shocks. Economic development models are still unfortunately highly western centric, and some
developing countries all in all happier than more developed ones. Therefore, ethnography-driven
theorization can help birth and gestate new kinds of concepts, and new economic development models
designed to lift up developing countries primarily. It also naturally helps fulfill the promise of grounded
theory. Grounded theory is a qualitative research approach and method where theories are developed
directly from data, rather than basing them upon pre-existing hypotheses. It is an approach where data
collection and data analysis happen either simultaneously on in quick succession, allowing themes and
ideas to emerge naturally. Researchers may also use inductive reasoning to identify patterns and
28
Lockwood, Benjamin; Gomes, Joao; Smetters, Kent; Inman, Robert. "Does Trickle-down Economics Add Up – or Is It a Drop in the Bucket?". Knowledge at Wharton. A business journal from the Wharton School of the University of
Pennsylvania
29
A Theory of Trickle-Down Growth and Development, PHILIPPE AGHION, University College London and European Bank for Reconstruction and
Development and PATRICK BOLTON ECARE, Universitt Libre de Bruxelles and CENTER, Tilburg University, Review of Economic Studies (1997) 64,
15 1-1 72
down and trickle up can be illustrated in a speech made in 1896 by William Jennings Bryan, “There are
two ideas of government. There are those who believe that if you just legislate to make the well-to-do
prosperous, the prosperity will leak through on those below. The Democratic idea has been that if you
legislate to make the masses prosperous, then the prosperity will find its way upto every class that rests
on it.” Another via media approach is the “build out from the middle theory”. Pamper the middle
classes, and the entire society stands to benefit, or the idea that other factors notwithstanding rapid
economic growth is a necessary adjunct to the trickle down of wealth. (Dollar and Kraay 2002),
(Bhunumurthy and Mitra 2004), and (Owyong 2010). Ethnography-driven economic planning can
therefore help us identify preferences and economic patterns across a wide spectrum of socioeconomic
groups and sociocultural groups so that more holistic and comprehensive economic development
frameworks and paradigms can result. This will be achieved and accomplished by considering raw data
and people’s preferences and expectations.
28
29
It helps developing countries rise
What is a developing country? A "developing country" generally refers to a nation which has a relatively
low standard of living, a less-developed and less-diversified industrial base, and a moderate to low
Human Development Index (also known as HDI), according to the United Nations. It is chiefly
characterized by relatively lower incomes, less developed infrastructure, and a lack of industrialization
compared to so-called "developed" countries. While the term "developing country" is still commonly
used, its usage has been criticized, and many prefer terms like "Global South" or grouping countries by
region. Many developing countries have also fallen of the developing countries list, and have joined the
ranks of the more developed ones. Many economists now classify countries into low income countries,
lower middle income countries, upper middle income countries, upper income countries etc. No
classificatory mechanism is beyond reproach.
What is a least developed country? Least Developed Countries (also known as LDC’s) are nations
identified by the United Nations as having the lowest levels of socioeconomic development across a
diverse set of indicators. These countries are characterized by extremely low income, low human capital
and non-fulfillment of human capital, and high vulnerability to economic and environmental
shocks. Economic development models are still unfortunately highly western centric, and some
developing countries all in all happier than more developed ones. Therefore, ethnography-driven
theorization can help birth and gestate new kinds of concepts, and new economic development models
designed to lift up developing countries primarily. It also naturally helps fulfill the promise of grounded
theory. Grounded theory is a qualitative research approach and method where theories are developed
directly from data, rather than basing them upon pre-existing hypotheses. It is an approach where data
collection and data analysis happen either simultaneously on in quick succession, allowing themes and
ideas to emerge naturally. Researchers may also use inductive reasoning to identify patterns and
28
Lockwood, Benjamin; Gomes, Joao; Smetters, Kent; Inman, Robert. "Does Trickle-down Economics Add Up – or Is It a Drop in the Bucket?". Knowledge at Wharton. A business journal from the Wharton School of the University of
Pennsylvania
29
A Theory of Trickle-Down Growth and Development, PHILIPPE AGHION, University College London and European Bank for Reconstruction and
Development and PATRICK BOLTON ECARE, Universitt Libre de Bruxelles and CENTER, Tilburg University, Review of Economic Studies (1997) 64,
15 1-1 72
24
relationships in the data, leading to the creation of new theories. Therefore, new concepts and theories
may emerge fruitfully from ethnography-driven economic planning.
Minimal environmental damage and environmentally friendly development models
Denizens of a particular community generally tend to live in harmony with nature and understand
environmental considerations very well. On the other hand, planners often tend to impose external
concepts and damage the local environment. They may also unfortunately damage local livelihoods in
the process without even realizing it. This is why we have had the Chipko movement, the Silent valley
dam protests, the Narmada Bachao Andolan, and various environmental movements in Odisha. While
we have progressed a great deal in recent decades, we still have a long way to go.
An Anthropological Impact assessment may be carried out or a specific initiative or project, and may also
additionally be carried out for a specific time-frame. For this, ethnography-generated data is a must. An
Anthropological impact analysis is a subset of social impact analysis, or a socio-economic analysis. To
begin with, the positive impact of a project is also taken into consideration. In case of a large multi-
purpose dam, the wealth created by the additional area brought under irrigation coverage, the
downstream benefits of the electricity generated, are taken into consideration, and are assigned as
“Positive externalities” from the project, which would also include an anthropological and a human
component. The secondary impact and the multiplier effect of the project must also be taken into
consideration and quantified, and for this, the principles of the “Hypothetical Wealth transfer model”
specified in our paper, may also be used. The list of assumptions used, and the different types of
potential risks involved also need to be laid bare. This approach needs to be integrated with all methods
used in social sciences such as fieldwork, and other quantitative and qualitative techniques. The views of
the parties also need to be taken into account, and no assessment is complete without such an exercise.
This approach can also be used to assess proposed policy changes such as contract farming, corporate
farming and direct sale of produce by farmers to third parties. Other factors such as environmental
considerations also need to be taken into consideration given that they compound human misery, but
the Anthropological element of issues may be highlighted separately. The environmental movement has
grown strong since the 1980’s, at various local and national levels, and at the international level.
According to Brosius (Brosius 1999), environmentalism is even beginning to shape relationships between
nations, individuals and institutions. Many anthropologists such as Douglas and Wildavsky (Douglas and
Wildavsky 1982) have also published considerably on environmentalism. The publication of “The limit of
Growth: A report for the Club of Rome’s project in the predicament of mankind” (Donella H Meadows et
al 1972), and other reports such as “The world commission on environment and development” (1987)
and “The State of India’s environment: A citizen’s report” (1982). Other institutions and organizations
such as “Defense of the planet”, and the “Save the earth movement’, the “Earth’s friends society” reflect
the growing awareness of environmental issues across the world. Environmental movements have
sprung up in different parts of the world, including India, and opposition has cemented against major
environmentally destructive projects. These have also often proved to be detrimental to the livelihoods
of millions of people. Let us now review some such projects in the Indian context: The Silent Valley is
located in Kerala and comprises 9000 hectares. It is rich in many forms of flora and fauna. The idea of a
relationships in the data, leading to the creation of new theories. Therefore, new concepts and theories
may emerge fruitfully from ethnography-driven economic planning.
Minimal environmental damage and environmentally friendly development models
Denizens of a particular community generally tend to live in harmony with nature and understand
environmental considerations very well. On the other hand, planners often tend to impose external
concepts and damage the local environment. They may also unfortunately damage local livelihoods in
the process without even realizing it. This is why we have had the Chipko movement, the Silent valley
dam protests, the Narmada Bachao Andolan, and various environmental movements in Odisha. While
we have progressed a great deal in recent decades, we still have a long way to go.
An Anthropological Impact assessment may be carried out or a specific initiative or project, and may also
additionally be carried out for a specific time-frame. For this, ethnography-generated data is a must. An
Anthropological impact analysis is a subset of social impact analysis, or a socio-economic analysis. To
begin with, the positive impact of a project is also taken into consideration. In case of a large multi-
purpose dam, the wealth created by the additional area brought under irrigation coverage, the
downstream benefits of the electricity generated, are taken into consideration, and are assigned as
“Positive externalities” from the project, which would also include an anthropological and a human
component. The secondary impact and the multiplier effect of the project must also be taken into
consideration and quantified, and for this, the principles of the “Hypothetical Wealth transfer model”
specified in our paper, may also be used. The list of assumptions used, and the different types of
potential risks involved also need to be laid bare. This approach needs to be integrated with all methods
used in social sciences such as fieldwork, and other quantitative and qualitative techniques. The views of
the parties also need to be taken into account, and no assessment is complete without such an exercise.
This approach can also be used to assess proposed policy changes such as contract farming, corporate
farming and direct sale of produce by farmers to third parties. Other factors such as environmental
considerations also need to be taken into consideration given that they compound human misery, but
the Anthropological element of issues may be highlighted separately. The environmental movement has
grown strong since the 1980’s, at various local and national levels, and at the international level.
According to Brosius (Brosius 1999), environmentalism is even beginning to shape relationships between
nations, individuals and institutions. Many anthropologists such as Douglas and Wildavsky (Douglas and
Wildavsky 1982) have also published considerably on environmentalism. The publication of “The limit of
Growth: A report for the Club of Rome’s project in the predicament of mankind” (Donella H Meadows et
al 1972), and other reports such as “The world commission on environment and development” (1987)
and “The State of India’s environment: A citizen’s report” (1982). Other institutions and organizations
such as “Defense of the planet”, and the “Save the earth movement’, the “Earth’s friends society” reflect
the growing awareness of environmental issues across the world. Environmental movements have
sprung up in different parts of the world, including India, and opposition has cemented against major
environmentally destructive projects. These have also often proved to be detrimental to the livelihoods
of millions of people. Let us now review some such projects in the Indian context: The Silent Valley is
located in Kerala and comprises 9000 hectares. It is rich in many forms of flora and fauna. The idea of a
25
dam on the River Kunthipuja was first conceived by the British in 1929, and was finally sanctioned by the
Indian government in 1973 after a lengthy feasibility study. The objective of the project was to generate
240 MW of power, and irrigate 10000 hectares of land, besides creating jobs. The people of the area
initially favoured the project, but some sections realized that it would damage the environment and
impact their earnings adversely.
The Chipko Movement began in 1973 in Gharwal in Uttar Pradesh. The organizers based their
movement on the ideology of Mahatma Gandhi and Vinobha Bhave. The protests were triggered by a
fall in market prices for forest produce, and landslides and other catastrophes. Some of these events
were linked to over-mining and exploitation, and leases were often granted to commercial
establishments to cut trees. The Chipko movement led to the hugging of trees in order to prevent them
from being axed. It was felt that deforestation would threaten their sources of livelihood, and this was a
situation where both the ecology and the economy were at stake. The Chipko movement successfully
mobilized people to protect their own interests and their own livelihoods. The Sardar Sarovar project
proposed a dam on the River Narmada in Gujarat. The construction of dams and reservoirs were
expected to displace one million people, and submerge 350000 hectares of forest land and 200000
hectares of agricultural land, leading to a loss of tens of thousands of livelihoods. Over 120000 people
were expected to be displaced, and 250 villages relocated. Most of the displaced people were expected
to be small and marginal farmers, and labourers, many of whom were illiterate. This led to an anti-
project among the people, and world bank funding was withdrawn.
Gandhamardhan, one of the bauxite rich hill ranges, is located in Sambalpur and Bolangir districts in
Western Orissa, and is widely revered by tribals as a God because it provides them with fodder,
firewood and water. BALCO had a plan for mining these hills to provide employment for some 3500
persons. BALCO had also promised a railway line, hospitals and schools, besides social forestry.
However, BALCO destroyed pristine forests, and destroyed the livelihoods of people. Fertile land was
also submerged. Many locals therefore formed groups to protect their own interests, and raised
awareness among the public. Kashipur is one of the tribal blocks in Rayagada district. The tribals of the
region eke out a livelihood by growing ragi, paddy, millets, gram, maize and niger seeds. The people of
the region lived in perfect harmony with nature. The exploitation of the region was begun by JK Paper
mill of Rayagada, Utkal Aluminium International and other companies. They began to exploit the natural
resources of the region in the name of development. This led to land alienation and impoverishment.
People successfully campaigned against projects that were opposed to their interests, and even met the
Chief Minister in this regard. Niyamgiri is a range of hills in Orissa, and is inhabited by the Dongaria
Kandhas who consider themselves to be the descendants of Niyam Raja. Vedanta Aluminum Limited
proposed setting up an aluminum refinery plant in the region, and land acquisition would threaten the
flora and fauna of the region, besides destroying livelihoods. The locals fought to protect their rights,
and were determined to stop mining in the Niyamgarhi hills. In all such cases, impact assessments would
also need to incorporate a time element because short-term negative externalities may translate into
long-term positive externalities, but there would be inherent limitations to such a process given the loss
dam on the River Kunthipuja was first conceived by the British in 1929, and was finally sanctioned by the
Indian government in 1973 after a lengthy feasibility study. The objective of the project was to generate
240 MW of power, and irrigate 10000 hectares of land, besides creating jobs. The people of the area
initially favoured the project, but some sections realized that it would damage the environment and
impact their earnings adversely.
The Chipko Movement began in 1973 in Gharwal in Uttar Pradesh. The organizers based their
movement on the ideology of Mahatma Gandhi and Vinobha Bhave. The protests were triggered by a
fall in market prices for forest produce, and landslides and other catastrophes. Some of these events
were linked to over-mining and exploitation, and leases were often granted to commercial
establishments to cut trees. The Chipko movement led to the hugging of trees in order to prevent them
from being axed. It was felt that deforestation would threaten their sources of livelihood, and this was a
situation where both the ecology and the economy were at stake. The Chipko movement successfully
mobilized people to protect their own interests and their own livelihoods. The Sardar Sarovar project
proposed a dam on the River Narmada in Gujarat. The construction of dams and reservoirs were
expected to displace one million people, and submerge 350000 hectares of forest land and 200000
hectares of agricultural land, leading to a loss of tens of thousands of livelihoods. Over 120000 people
were expected to be displaced, and 250 villages relocated. Most of the displaced people were expected
to be small and marginal farmers, and labourers, many of whom were illiterate. This led to an anti-
project among the people, and world bank funding was withdrawn.
Gandhamardhan, one of the bauxite rich hill ranges, is located in Sambalpur and Bolangir districts in
Western Orissa, and is widely revered by tribals as a God because it provides them with fodder,
firewood and water. BALCO had a plan for mining these hills to provide employment for some 3500
persons. BALCO had also promised a railway line, hospitals and schools, besides social forestry.
However, BALCO destroyed pristine forests, and destroyed the livelihoods of people. Fertile land was
also submerged. Many locals therefore formed groups to protect their own interests, and raised
awareness among the public. Kashipur is one of the tribal blocks in Rayagada district. The tribals of the
region eke out a livelihood by growing ragi, paddy, millets, gram, maize and niger seeds. The people of
the region lived in perfect harmony with nature. The exploitation of the region was begun by JK Paper
mill of Rayagada, Utkal Aluminium International and other companies. They began to exploit the natural
resources of the region in the name of development. This led to land alienation and impoverishment.
People successfully campaigned against projects that were opposed to their interests, and even met the
Chief Minister in this regard. Niyamgiri is a range of hills in Orissa, and is inhabited by the Dongaria
Kandhas who consider themselves to be the descendants of Niyam Raja. Vedanta Aluminum Limited
proposed setting up an aluminum refinery plant in the region, and land acquisition would threaten the
flora and fauna of the region, besides destroying livelihoods. The locals fought to protect their rights,
and were determined to stop mining in the Niyamgarhi hills. In all such cases, impact assessments would
also need to incorporate a time element because short-term negative externalities may translate into
long-term positive externalities, but there would be inherent limitations to such a process given the loss
26
of cultural power, and the inability of stakeholders to adopt to rapid cultural changes, and as usual, the
human and cultural element needs to be considered in any analysis.
30
31
Conclusion
The core, chief and central objective of this paper was to extol the virtues of ethnography or what we
had called “Econoethnography” in the realms of economic planning and economic decision making. It
also discussed and debated the need to mainstream “Econoethnography” in Anthropological Economics
so that it could be used by future researchers in their diverse areas of study. We had begun this paper
by describing what both ethnography and participant observation were, by drawing suitable reference
to our previously published papers on the subject, where we had discussed them at a great level of
detail, and then by explaining their various uses of econoethnography for both economic planning and
economic-decision making along with the use of ethnography-revealed preferences also in economic
planning and decision making. The various types of econoethnography were also explored as discussed
threadbare in our previously published paper on Anthropological Economics, and its myriad and multiple
benefits for economic science also explained as we argued it could greatly enrich the living human and
economic experience, and open new vistas and horizons for hundreds of millions of people all over the
world. We believe that this endeavour and undertaking would goad and encourage future researchers
to use these techniques in future research for the benefit of better and more well-rounded economic
studies, so that higher economic growth rates and better productivity can result.
30
McCallum, Malcolm L.; Gwendolynn W. Bury (2013). "Google search patterns suggest declining interest in the environment". Biodiversity and
Conservation. 22 (6–7): 1355–1367
31
Smith, Gary A.; Aurora Pun (2006). How Does the Earth Work? Physical Geology and the Process of Science. Upper Saddle River, NJ 07458: Pearson
Prentice Hall. p. 5
of cultural power, and the inability of stakeholders to adopt to rapid cultural changes, and as usual, the
human and cultural element needs to be considered in any analysis.
30
31
Conclusion
The core, chief and central objective of this paper was to extol the virtues of ethnography or what we
had called “Econoethnography” in the realms of economic planning and economic decision making. It
also discussed and debated the need to mainstream “Econoethnography” in Anthropological Economics
so that it could be used by future researchers in their diverse areas of study. We had begun this paper
by describing what both ethnography and participant observation were, by drawing suitable reference
to our previously published papers on the subject, where we had discussed them at a great level of
detail, and then by explaining their various uses of econoethnography for both economic planning and
economic-decision making along with the use of ethnography-revealed preferences also in economic
planning and decision making. The various types of econoethnography were also explored as discussed
threadbare in our previously published paper on Anthropological Economics, and its myriad and multiple
benefits for economic science also explained as we argued it could greatly enrich the living human and
economic experience, and open new vistas and horizons for hundreds of millions of people all over the
world. We believe that this endeavour and undertaking would goad and encourage future researchers
to use these techniques in future research for the benefit of better and more well-rounded economic
studies, so that higher economic growth rates and better productivity can result.
30
McCallum, Malcolm L.; Gwendolynn W. Bury (2013). "Google search patterns suggest declining interest in the environment". Biodiversity and
Conservation. 22 (6–7): 1355–1367
31
Smith, Gary A.; Aurora Pun (2006). How Does the Earth Work? Physical Geology and the Process of Science. Upper Saddle River, NJ 07458: Pearson
Prentice Hall. p. 5
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