4CHILDCARE STRUGGLES, MATERNAL WORKERS AND SOCIAL REPRODUCTION
the hits are either associated with health employment related to pregnancy
and birth (maternal care assistant) or to organizations who provide legal
support for pregnant women fighting workplace discrimination. The
maternal continues to be narrowly associated with women’s reproductive
bodies and workers remain constructed as adults who earn a wage outside of
the household. It is in France where a term that comes closest to maternal
worker exists: ‘assistante maternelle’ (literally, ‘maternal assistant’) is a term
used by home- based childminders to define themselves as professional
carers, requiring training and accreditation (Collombet and Unterreiner,
2019). Yet, the term ‘assistant’ suggests somewhat problematically that
they are mothers’ helpers. Throughout the book, I show that the lack of
vocabulary we have to understand relations between waged and unwaged
maternal workers – including employment legislation, sector- wide
training regulations, academic debates and union organizing – maintains
an opposition between mother and worker that organizes and limits our
thinking. I use the term ‘maternal’ to mean a distinctive way of politicizing
childcare from the margins. The maternal worker framework allows me to
connect the construction of lower- class and black mothering as deficient
with the unequal relations of waged childcare work today. One example
that illustrates this is the disconnection between studies that document the
caring practices of migrant, low- income and racialized mothers (Bell, 2016;
Hamilton, 2020; Davey and Koch, 2021; Suerbaum and Ljinders, 2020),
and the worsening conditions of childcare workers (Busch, 2015; Razavi
and Staab, 2010). Another example is the fact that discussions of worker
power and unionization in feminized professions (Ally, 2005; Yates, 2010;
Boris and Unden, 2017) are disconnected from discussions of contemporary
expressions of collective maternal power (Lawson, 2018; O’Reilly, 2021).
Moreover, the term ‘maternal’ continues to be over-associated with
‘soft’ feminist politics and sidelined within political sociology as a result.
A conception of the maternal grounded in marginalized mothers’ struggles,
I argue, is needed for a reconceptualization of childcare struggles. The
term ‘maternal worker’ allows me to track how these histories of struggles
continue to both persist and be threatened by the increased corporatization
of childcare and neoliberal policies of state retrenchment. Maternal workers
are not only or primarily biological mothers, women or even parents within
this framework, but also those who build social relations inspired by the
praxis of past social reproduction struggles connected to anti- poverty and
anti-racist struggles. Black feminist theorizing emphasizes mothering as
community labour, and attends to its location beyond the household and
across multiple kinship ties. Second, mothering is defined as involving
explicit political education about overlapping systems of racist, sexist and
class oppression. Third, wage earning is defined as a central dimension
of mothering, often with mothers and children working alongside each