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FIGHTING SPRAWL AND cln HALL

FIGHTING SPRAWL
• • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
The University of Arizona Press
Tucson

AND CITY HALL
• • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
Resistance
to Urban Growth
in the Southwest
MICHAEL F. LOGAN

The University of Arizona Press
© 1995 by the Arizona Board of Regents
All rights reserved.
@) This book is printed on acid-free, archival-quality paper.
Manufactured
in the United States of America
00 99 98 97 96 95
6 5 4 3 2
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Logan, Michael
F., 1950-
Fighting sprawl and City Hall : resistance to urban growth
in the Southwest / Michael
F. Logan.
p. em.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-8165-1512-3 (acid-free paper).
-ISBN 0-8165-1553-0 (pbk. acid-free paper)
1. Cities and towns-Growth. 2. Opposition (Political
science) 3. Tucson
(Ariz.)-Politics and government.
4. Albuquerque
(N.M.)-Politics and government. I. Tide
HT371.L64 1995
307.1
'716'09791778-dc20
British Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
95-5590
CIP
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British
Library.

To Virgie Walker Logan. 1923-1993

COI'EITS
List of Illustrations ix
Acknowledgments xi
Introduction: The Other Half of the Story 3
PART I IUCSOII II
The Pro-Growth Partnership: "The Optimistic
Assumption"
17
2 Political Resistance: "The Laws Serve the Majority" 3 1
3 Ethnic Resistance: "The Wrong Side
of the Tracks" 49
4 Environmental Resistance: "Bottomless Towers" 70
5 Tucson Epilogue: Monkey Wrenches and Mountain
Lions 86
P.I2 ALBUQUERQUE 95
6 The Pro-Growth Partnership: "Step Lively" 99
7 Political Resistance: "Land, Lots
of Land" 109

8 Ethnic Resistance: "The Enchilada Floor" 131
9 Environmental Resistance: "Sprawlitis" 147
1 0 Albuquerque Epilogue: Thin Reeds and Buffers 159
Conclusion: Both Halves of the Story 167
Notes
171
Bibliography 199
Index 211
YIII Contents

ILLUSTRATIONS
'.&URES
TAlUS
1 The Tucson Valley 12
2
"A City of Diversmed Interests," 1950 24
3 "Tomorrow Is Today in Tucson," 1954 25
4 Tucson
and Vicinity: 1936 32
5 Tucson and Vicinity: 1950
34
6 Tucson and Vicinity: 1960 35
7 Mexican American Settlement
in Tucson, 1920 52
8 Mexican American Settlement
in Tucson, 1940 54
9 The Pueblo Center Redevelopment Project, 1965 67
10 Profile
of the Rio Grande Valley 96
11 Family Size by Communities 132
12 Downtown Albuquerque and Public Renewal Areas 144
13 Santa Fe Village, Albuquerque 165
1 Population
by Decade of Albuquerque and Tucson 5
2 Tucson Population,
1950-1960 36

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I am very cognizant of the debt lowe to those who have helped shape this
book. Dr. Juan
R. Garcia has been my kind and helpful guide throughout
graduate school. The fact that I have come this far academically is due
in
no small regard to his interest and assistance. I am also especially grateful
to
Dr. Katherine Morrissey and Dr. Oscar Martinez for their critiques and
guidance. Revisions suggested by them have improved this book immeas
urably.
My deep appreciation also goes to Joanne O'Hare and Alexis
Noebels for their suggestions and corrections. Thank you for the literary
glue and polish.
If errors remain in fact or form, it is through no one's
fault but
my own.
I also wish to thank
my family and friends-you know who you are
for the unconditional understanding that has flowed so generously in my
direction over these last several years. I will never be able to repay the
countless kindnesses you all have shown me.

FIGHTIIiG SPRAWL AID CITY HALL

INTRODUCTION
• • • • • • •
The Other Holf of the Story
On September 6, 1993, Time magazine featured the cover story "Boom
Time
in the Rockies." Time's reporters described this latest boom in the
West
as predicated upon "more jobs and fewer hassles," qualities suppos
edly endemic to the mountainous West. The fundamental, perhaps inevi
table,
conundrum associated with growth in western cities appeared in
this retelling of the boom story: development degrades the environment
and "lifestyle" that instigated the
boom in the first place. When people
come
in droves, they ruin the place.
l
Time's article appropriately introduces this book because it discusses the
West
as an urban society closely related to its natural environment. The
relationship between western cities
and nature has always been self
conscious, a result,
no doubt, of the variously daunting and awe-inspiring
"nature" of the mountainous West. The mountain views, sunsets, and
wide-open spaces are real and can cause residents
as well as tourists to
gawk and coo
in wonderment, but water shortages and perspiration are
also qualities
of the "real" environment. Although the meanings and
valuations given to these natural surroundings have shifted over time,
the region's depiction by residents, visitors, boosters, environmentalists,
and the media has remained generally naturalistic, which contributes to a

misleading myth. The West is, to some degree, defined by its cities, but
in the public consciousness, the region appears as much pastoral and
natural as urban. What then constitutes "the West"?
Historians periodically offer regional definitions,
but debate continues
on the precise formulation of "the West." Frederick Jackson Turner de
scribed the region
in terms of the process of settlement on the frontier.
This process definition
had the advantage of freeing western history from
rigid constraints
of time and place but added little to the definition of an
identifiable western region. Turner's West migrated along with the fron
tier, until the frontier "closed"
in the 1890s. And yet the West persisted
as a reCOgnizable region. Even the frontier persisted, mostly
in a cultural
context, as a viable model for describing the process
of development.
2
Walter Prescott Webb formulated a geographic and environmental
definition
of the region. In The Great Plains, Webb described the West as the
arid region beyond the ninety-eighth meridian. Donald Worster charac
terized the region
in similar terms, fOCUSing on the scarcity of water.
Criticism
of this geographic and environmental definition comes mostly
from
within the region. Fractious subregions, moist and green, clamor
for equal attention.
3
Historians have also defined the West as a cultural phenomenon ex
plained
in part by shared experiences. Native American and Hispanic tra
ditions, legacies
of ranching and mining, federal tutelage-all have added
to the self-conscious perceptions that define western culture.
of course,
these perceptions may spring
from experiences more mythological than
historical,
but any cultural definition of the region must accommodate
these perceptions
as real enough today. Westerners think of themselves as
unique because
of their culture, defined, for instance, by an individualism
bred from a closeness to nature; Barry Goldwater believed this to be true
and historically factual, and he shaped his political ideology accordingly.4
My depiction
of the urban Southwest draws on all of these definitions
of the broader region. "Urban" refers to an ongoing process of western
urbanization, including waves
of migration such as Turner might have
recognized. Geographically, the Southwest is the southwest corner
of the
continental United States, including Arizona, New Mexico,
and portions
of Colorado, Texas, California, Nevada, and Utah.
5 Topographically and
environmentally, "the Southwest" refers to the visually startling and
somewhat arid basin and range country of Arizona and New Mexico. Cul-
4 Introduction

,ABU 1 Population by Decade of Albuquerque and Tucson
Albuquerque
Tucson
1900 6,238 7,531
1910 11,020 13,193
1920 15,157 20,292
1930 26,570 32,506
1940 35,449 35,752
1950 96,815 45,454-
1960 201,189 212,892
1970 243,751 262,433
SOURCE: Census of the Population, 1960'
'Census statistics often mislead. Tucson's population was accurately
counted
(within the inherent inaccuracies of census surveys) until
suburbanization
in the 194-0s and 1950s caused about 70,000 fringe
residents to be left out. Conversely, Albuquerque's population was
consistently undercounted until the 194-0s,
when Old Town and
other satellite communities were brought into the city limits through
annexation. Prior to the 194-0s, "Greater Albuquerque" contained
more residents than the census counted. For example, the Albuquerque
Journal counted the population of "Greater Albuquerque" as 54-,268
in 1930 (numbers derived from city directories) when the census
counted the population as
26,570 ("A Market Study of New Mexico" ).
turally, the process of urbanization in the Southwest following World
War
II was shaped by the natural environment and the self-conscious per
ceptions of environment and culture held by established as well as newly
arrived Westerners.
The urbanization
of Tucson, Arizona, and Albuquerque, New Mexico,
proceeded along remarkably similar paths.
Of course, each city possessed
certain unique characteristics that shaped their development,
but they
also fall neatly into a regional identity. Both cities began
as agricultural
settlements
on the banks of flOwing rivers in the midst of arid regions
that were first the domain
of Native Americans, and then of the colo
nizing Spanish. Anglo presence
in both locales increased dramati
cally with the arrival
of the railroad in the 1880s: the Santa Fe iu Albu
querque
in 1880, the Southern Pacific in Tucson in 1881. Both cities
The Other Half
of the Story 5

acquired their respective state universities in the late 1880s. Tourism and
the health-care industry (including sanatoriums for tuberculosis patients)
became central to boosters' development plans
in the early 1900s. Federal
expenditures fueled local booms
in both Albuquerque and Tucson during
and follOwing World War
II. Kirtland Air Force Base and Sandia labora
tories prOvided an economic influence
in Albuquerque just as Davis Mon
than Air Force
Base and the Hughes Aircraft Company influenced Tucson's
development. Topographically inviting terrain to the east
of the original
setdements also dictated the direction
of early suburbanization.
Western historians
of late have taken a decidedly nonmythological
view
of the development of western cities and their relationship with
nature. One
of the deflated myths is the boosterish idea of triumph over
nature. Rather than declaring western development a victory by stalwart
Anglo pioneers over intractable nature, historians
now paint their accom
plishments
as a "legacy of conquest." Westerners, as described by the
new western history, never saw a
boom they didn't like. To these rapa
cious city builders, the central problem with development
in the West
was its cyclical nature, dependent
on natural resources that rose and fell
in value. Bernard DeVoto, an early deflator of western mythology, de
scribed the West
as an economic colony, subject to booms that inevitably
went bust. The imperial power
in this schema was, of course, the East, a
view reiterated
in western history by Earl Pomeroy. Gerald Nash took the
next historiographical step by describing the
boom following World
War
II as reshaping the West's relationship with the rest of the country.
The period
of colonial dependence ended, and the West became the
"pacesetting" region for the nation. The West assumed leadership, for
example, in the rising environmental awareness that made growth
in
western cities so problematic.
6
The new western history places environmentalism in conflict with the
notion
of progress. The push by boosters for unlimited urban develop
ment
in the West equates with their broader faith in progress (which
according to
new western historians is outmoded in this postmodern age
of limited possibilities). Earlier examples of a preservationist environ
mental critique
or resistance to headlong urban expansion were doomed
if they appeared amidst the pre-Earth Day consensus in favor of devel
opment. Most historians
of the urban West ignore this early resistance,
but those few who do mention opposition to urbanization prior to the
6 Introduction

rise of environmentalism describe it as visionary, eccentric, or spiritually
John
Muir-ish. However, serious resistance to urban growth arose at the
beginning
of the post-World War II boom and persisted throughout the
1950s and 1960s. Even
new western historians truncate their studies of
urbanization in the West by assuming that serious opposition to growth
only appeared
with the rise of environmentalism in the late 1960s.
7 The
assumed consensus behind development invades even conscientious ef
forts by historians to expand the analysis
of the West's urbanization.
8
Historians of Tucson and Albuquerque fit into these general historio
graphical trends, emphasizing opposition to growth in the 1970s.
Al
though Don Bufkin, C. L. Sonnichsen, Howard Rabinowitz, Robert Turner
Wood, Marc Simmons, and
V. B. Price have all acknowledged opposition
to urban development, they generally classify it
as Significant only late in
the game. Bufkin and Sonnichsen describe the urbanization of Tucson in
consensus terms, with development meeting only minor resistance in the
late 195
Os.
9 Both historians place opposition to urbanization as a footnote
to the larger story
of incredible expansion.
In Albuquerque's case, Rabinowitz describes resistance
in more serious
terms
as suburban residents resisted both annexations and efforts to con
solidate city
and county governments. Yet even though Rabinowitz rec
ognizes the multifaceted critique
of "growth," his study still focused on
amazing census statistics and an evolving concern over the future of the
city based
on heightened environmental and cultural awareness in the
1960s: "As elsewhere
... the late 1960s brought an increased awareness
of the weaknesses of uncontrolled growth. Calls for limited growth came
from environmentally conscious migrants and longtime residents
who
claimed urban sprawl, pollution. and destruction of old landmarks were
undermining the quality
oflife." 10
The term "growth" serves Rabinowitz and other scholars as a handy
label for the various manifestations
of urbanization that gave rise to a cul
tural critique
of a degrading lifestyle and environment: land development
on the suburban fringe resulting in a simultaneous increase in population
and dispersal into low-density development; increasing government cen
tralization
and regulation, both at the city and county level; and expan
sion
and diversification of the economic base of the community.
The image
of a gradually developing opposition to urbanization ap
pears clearly
in V. B. Price's A City at the End of the World. Price defines
The Other Half
of the Story 7

Albuquerque's uniqueness in environmental terms, both natural (the
river, mesas, and mountains) and cultural (Indian and Spanish/Mexican).
Underpinning this environmental perspective was the author's assump
tion that his analysis was new, reflective
of a post-Earth Day sensitivity
toward the natural and cultural environment:
In the early 1960s, Albuquerque's leaders were unconcerned that its
unique character was being threatened by uncontrolled growth.
By the
early 1970s, however, environmentalists, historic preservationists, and
others interested in quality-of-life issues had risen to public prominence.
Albuquerque found itself embroiled in what would prove to be a more
than-twenty-year struggle to conserve its New Mexican identity while
continuing to benefit from the prosperity
of its growth. II
Price's analysis assumes that the political leadership necessarily re
flected the community itself. In fact, Albuquerque's expansion, both
of
geographic size and governmental reach, encountered vociferous resis
tance
in the 1940s and 1950s. Although Robert Turner Wood referred to
this resistance periodically, his analysis of the city's "transformation" re
quired
him to ignore the persistence of contentiousness within the com
munity. Wood required a change
in community ethos to suit his thesis of
an evolving" orientation toward groups, [and] the relaxation of authority
on all levels" in the 1970s.u Marc Simmons also described an evolving
sensitivity to growth issues appearing
in the 1970s: "Then slowly but
forcefully a new sentiment began to be felt .... Albuquerqueans them
selves had at last taken a hand, and they pressured the business commu
nity and government managers to move
in new, more thoughtful direc
tions."
\3 Rabinowitz prOvided the most rigorous analysis of the resistance
to Albuquerque's expansion, including early annexation protests, but he
also described it
as developing significance later rather than sooner. A
more accurate rendering of Albuquerque's growth must accommodate
persistent and vociferous resistance throughout the urbanization process.
As this study demonstrates, urbanization in Tucson and Albuquerque
proceeded
in the face of constant opposition, which first arose in conser
vative and libertarian political critiques and
in ethnic resistance to urban
renewal plans for barrio areas. Perhaps it is also safe to argue that a loosely
defined environmentalism appeared
in these early forms of opposition as
residents fought to preserve their lifestyle (including political idealism)
• Introduction

and their native culture. A preservationism at once conservative and activ
ist describes
this resistance.
Although
not phrased within an urban context, Richard White placed
such conflict at the center
of the new western history: "There are many
possible relationships between us and the land, and such meanings are
contested. Despite multiple use, land cannot be simultaneously range,
parking lots, and wilderness; discovering which perceptions and which
uses
ofland prevail, and why, has become much of the subject matter of
environmental history and the New Western History." 14
Explanations of why and how one set of perceptions prevailed in shap
ing the urban West should also be part
of the new western history. Tucson
and Albuquerque formed
in an environment of contested urbanization
during the
post-World War II boom. One side prevailed, but not without
a fight. The contentiousness created winners and losers, and the side that
prevailed
in the conflict over urbanization described the contest. Boosters,
planners, and politicians generally characterized their opponents
as nui
sances, and historians often adopted this denigrating view. Although evi
dence
of resistance abounds, it must be culled from a historical record
that is largely unsympathetic.
The two parts
of this study deal with Tucson and Albuquerque, respec
tively. Both cities witnessed multifaceted opposition to the urbanization
that took place during the
post-World War II boom. The introductory
section
of each part gives a general overview of the origins, topography,
and development
of each city prior to World War II. Regional similarities
appeared at the outset.
Before analyzing the resistance to growth
in Tucson and Albuquerque,
I describe the booster and governmental efforts
in each city to promote
development (chapters 1 and 6). The booster-government partnerships
in the two cities varied in their degree of effectiveness and cohesiveness.
After mapping the familiar booster terrain, I begin the survey
of resis
tance to urbanization. Chapters 2 and 7 describe the "political" resistance
in Tucson and Albuquerque. Annexations and zoning reforms drew con
certed opposition from mostly Anglo, middle-class residents
in both cit
ies, primarily through standard forms
of political protest: referendum
elections, petition drives, and complaints lodged at city council meetings.
Chapters 3 and 8 shift the focus to a broadly defined "ethnic" resis
tance
in each city. Hispanic residents opposed efforts to redevelop barrio
The Other Half of the Story 9

areas, which federal and local bureaucrats, in their zeal for urban renewal,
labeled
as "blighted." Before the bulldozers arrived, Tucson and Albu
querque Hispanic residents protested the destruction
of their neighbor
hoods and succeeded in modifying renewal plans to accommodate their
concerns.
Chapters
4-and 9 chronicle the increasing environmental awareness
that most historians identify
as the root of "slow-growth" movements.
The environmental critique became explicit late in the process
of urban
ization, serving eventually
as a focal point for otherwise disparate forms
of resistance. The preservationist motivation for the opposition to urban
ization appeared clearly within the environmental framework. Once the
environmental critique made its way into the lexicon
of political possibUi
ties, historians began to notice the resistance to urban growth.
The final chapters in each part (chapters 5 and 1 0) summarize the
recent resistance to development. OppOSition became more visible in the
1970s and 1980s, but rarely with a recognition
of the deep roots of
the controversy.
An adequate description of the modem urban West requires a recog
nition
of environmental perceptions explicidy directed toward nature and
native cultures. Urban and environmental history intersect in this book.
The goal is to achieve a broader understanding
of western, and American,
urbanization.
10 Introduction

PART 1
TUCSON
Tucson's prosperity at the tum of the century depended on the
Southern Pacific Railroad line, the state's agricultural college
(now
the University of Arizona) established in 1891, and mining and
ranching interests
in southern Arizona. 1 The town's early develop
ment was dominated by climactic and topographical factors. The
original
town (two square miles incorporated in 1877) remained
on the site of the Spanish presidio near the Santa Cruz River, and
the town stayed generally river-bound for its first thirty years.
2 The
river,
flOWing year-round until the early 1900s, provided a ready
supply
of water and power and some refuge from the blistering
summer heat.
3 The population grew steadily but unremarkably
through the first half
of the twentieth century with an average
population increase by decade
of 36.5 percent.
4
Mountains just west and north-and also twenty and thirty
miles distant to the east and
south-dictated the direction of ex
pansion. Tucson began expanding generally eastward with its
first small annexation
in 1905.
5 Improved transportation added

FII. I The Tucson Valley. Originally river bound, Tucson sprawled to
the east over inviting desert terrain. This 1965 rendering
of the Tucson
valley depicts sparse development
in the Catalina foothills to the north of
the city, and vacant land near the Saguaro National Monument to the east.
(Source: "The Pueblo Center Redevelopment Project," University
of Ar
izona Library Special Collections)
1. Santa Cruz River
2.
To Mexico, via Nogales
3. Tucson International Airport
4. San Xavier Mission,
on the
Tohono
O'odham
Reservation
5.
To Ajo
6. Old Tucson movie set and
theme park
7. Arizona -Sonora Desert
Museum
8.
To Phoenix, via Casa Grande
9. To Phoenix, via Florence
10. University
of Arizona
11. Davis Monthan
Air Force Base
12. Old Fort Lowell Park
13. Flying V Ranch
14. Sabino Canyon
15. Santa Catalina Mountains, via
Mount Lemmon Highway
16. Saguaro National Monument
1 7. Southern Pacific Railroad
18.
To El Paso, Texas, via Benson

tourism to Tucson's economic base, and belief in the curative
power
of Tucson's dry desert air attracted tuberculosis and asthma
patients and an allied health industry.
6 The Depression of the
193
Os slowed growth, but federal expenditures during World
War
II expanded it again. With the war, Davis Monthan Air Force
Base grew in importance to Tucson's economy. The addition in
1950 of a Hughes Aircraft plant further tied Tucson's prosperity
to federal and military/industrial spending.
7 In short, Tucson was
well situated for a
boom in the post-World War II years.
Tucson residents
both supported and opposed the boom. Boost
erism occupies familiar historiographical ground (most notably
trod by Daniel Boorstin),
but the resistance to growth is largely
unexplored terrain. Although Boorstin describes the booster
as
representative of the American character in the developing West, 8
more recent studies see boosters as part of a broader c. growth ma
chine," "growth network,"
or "growth coalition." The advantage
of these newer models of pro-growth alliances is that they prOvide
a more thorough and inclusive picture
of the traditional booster
edifice. For example, Harvey Molotch's model
of the "growth ma
chine" includes politicians, planners, developers, neighborhood
associations, and individual citizens.
9
Resistance to urban growth has also come under more recent
scrutiny by sociologists, urban geographers, and political scien
tists,
but these studies tend to focus on the post-Great SOciety
proliferation of neighborhood activism.
10 Revisions of the booster
paradigm and definitions
of neighborhood resistance in the 197 Os
tend to leave Boorstin's basic polarity in place for the 1940s and
1950s: those
in favor of growth versus those opposed to growth,
with the opposition marginalized
out of the historical record.
As mentioned previously, both Bufkin and Sonnichsen largely
neglect the early resistance,
or characterize it as eccentric. Such
interpretations support Boorstin's characterization
of a cooperative
Part 1: Tucson 13

community ethos in which conflict is anomalous until some pres
sure point
is reached-in Tucson's case, in the mid-to late 1960s.
But resistance to growth accompanied boosterism in Tucson from
the outset. The early level
of conflict did not match the boisterous
batdes
of the 1960s and 1970s but was certainly sufficient to chal
lenge the "cooperative" or "consensus" view
of the 1950s as a
period
of mute acquiescence to growth.
An alternative definition of a community ethos founded on con
flict rather than cooperation corrects the previous oversimplifica
tion,
but in fact neither model is singularly appropriate for Tucson
in the 195
Os. The dichotomous representation of residents as
either for or against growth misses the nuances and shifting opin
ions within the community. For although anti growth partisans
targeted Tucson's expanding population, burgeoning city bounda
ries, and swelling government, only in the most general sense did
they oppose "growth." Studying the resistance to urbanization
quickly uncovers the ambiguity
of the term. For example, the
statement
cc developers at times opposed growth" is a non sequitur
only
as long as "growth" remains monolithically defined. In fact,
developers opposed the expansion
of government's regulatory
reach in Tucson. Thus the simple dichotomy that pits pro-growth
forces against antigrowth forces breaks down almost immediately.
The resistance to urbanization was
as multifaceted as the process
of urbanization itself.
Even if reflecting something less than complete consensus
within the community, boosterism nonetheless provides comfort
ing cultural landmarks. Tucson's Chamber
of Commerce looms as
the most recognizable cultural landmark, and a local variation
on the booster theme was "the Sunshine Climate Club." Explicat
ing the resistance to growth
will offer a fresh view of the cultural
landscape,
but plaCing the resistance within the proper context
first requires a description
of more-familiar ground.
14 Fighting Sprawl

Although the partnership between business and government in
Tucson has been traditionally characterized as promoting growth
with single-minded determination. such single-mindedness
is evi
dent only
in the realm of the fundamental assumption that pros
perity. both civic and personal. depended
upon continuing urban
growth. Beneath this fundamental assumption. fractures appear.
Part
1: Tucson 15

1 THE PRO-GROWTH PARTNERSHIP
• • • • • • • • • • • • • •
liThe Optimistic Assumption"
Although Tucson's boosters may have appeared monolithically united be
hind promotions
of growth, organizationally they maintained three sepa
rate promotional identities targeting tourists, prospective residents, and
businessmen. The effort to attract tourists, for example, sometimes con
flicted with the effort to attract corporations.
Stephen Elkin describes the "privatist" urban regime
in terms of its
close working relationship between business interests and local govern
ment to promote growth.
Elkin's succeeding model, the "pluralist re
gime," describes a more complex political milieu including "land-use
coalitions" and "functional bureaucracies."
I During Tucson's apparent
"privatist" stage, the working relationship between boosters and the city
government appeared monolithic, but even though the city's booster
government partnership sometimes functioned effectively, at other times
it functioned haphazardly-or not at all.
As early as 1904, Tucson businessmen were pushing for unbridled
growth through the Chamber ofCommerce.
2 Unfortunately, turn-of-the
century boosters rarely bothered to define what sort
of growth they had
in mind. Blissfully self-assured, the boosters grounded their politics in an

assumption as fundamental as the earth itself: cities must expand to pros
per.
To boosters, this was common sense, and anyone arguing against this
view was considered eccentric, weird, silly,
or demented. The boosters'
own economic prosperity provided the bedrock for this assumption, and
in a personal sense, businessmen whose prosperity required legions of
new residents or hordes of tourists were correct in their analysis. But not
all businessmen required thousands of new residents to ensure their own
success. Even within the Chamber of Commerce, that icon of traditional
boosterism, divisions appeared among businessmen whose prosperity re
quired different approaches to urbanization.
At the level of political rheto
ric, however, resistance to growth remained marginalized, to
say the
least. Not unexpectedly, the political hyperbole that labeled antigrowth
forces peculiar made its way into the historical record.
The eccentric label came from boosters such
as William R. Mathews,
editor
of the Arizona Daily Star.
3 The ideological power exerted by Mathews
reflected,
in general, the stance of the Tucson Chamber of Commerce,
which was founded
in 1896 by five "energetic" businessmen and later
attracted dozens and eventually thousands
of members.4 The growth
is-good assumption linked individuals
of varied interests and pursuits,
whether real-estate developers profiting from the expanses
of open land,
or manufacturers profiting from the supply of inexpensive Hispanic labor.
Politicians, doctors, lawyers, teachers, and retail merchants also shared
the assumption. These proponents
of growth shared the same sense of
optimism and faith in capitalism that had marked Boorstin's nineteenth
century boosters. Sinclair Lewis created the character
of Babbitt to repre
sent the more setded
but no less acquisitive booster of the twentieth cen
tury: the quintessential real-estate man.
In fact, the waspish, middle-class
Babbitt is a sort
of Chamber of Commerce archetype. This updated image
of the booster lends itself easily to a simplistic dichotomy: pro-growth
versus antigrowth.
At times, even contemporary studies of pro-growth
coalitions ignore the variations within the "class" ofboosters.
s
From its founding, the chamber sought to explQit Tucson's position as
a regional center for mining, ranching, and trading with Mexico. His
panic businessmen played a key role
in this developing commerce, al
though Anglo businessmen dominated the commercial life
of the city. As
Thomas Sheridan described in Los Tucsonenses, Mexican businessmen en-
II Tucson

joyed a relatively benign business environment in Tucson and established
enterprises that "transcended ethnic boundaries."
6 Prosperous Hispanic
merchants and entrepreneurs belonged to the Chamber
of Commerce and
also formed
mutualistas, or mutual-aid societies, which fostered economic
development and social solidarity within the ethnic community.
7
Despite Tucson's development as a commercial center for the region,
business declined
in the early 1920s as part of the post-World War I
downturn.
8 In 1922, fifteen businessmen gathered to discuss their declin
ing prospects.
At this point a fracture appeared in the booster edifice, not
on the basis of the underlying assumption that motivated the business
men,
but on the means through which prosperity could best be achieved.
The fifteen self-styled visionaries
who "realized that Tucson really had
something to shout about" formed the Sunshine Climate
dub as a branch
of the Chamber of Commerce.
9 With a disparaging tone, the new club's
brochure described the other members
of the Chamber of Commerce as
stick-in-the-mud types who
had lived in the city so long that they could see nothing attractive about
the interesting Mexican quarter, the several Indian villages, the beautiful
San Xavier Mission, the giant cactus forests, the rugged mountains, west
ern ranch life, the proximity
of Mexico with its big game hunting and
excellent deep
sea fishing, and last but not least, the gloriOUS sun that
makes it possible to
play golf in shirt sleeves on Christmas Day. 10
The Sunshine Climate Club shifted the focus toward tourism and the
commodification
of bits of nature and exotic "other" worlds. During the
1920s, Tucson and other western cities emphasized tourism,
"a new kind
of western ranching," as characterized by historian Robert Athearn.
1I De
spite ambivalence about the visitors, enterprising Westerners sought to
provide "wild, magnificent scenery, excitement, adventure, a bit
of rus
ticity, and an occasional
whiff of imagined danger. In other words, the
chance to escape, briefly to be sure, the dailiness
of their [Easterners']
lives."
12 Whereas earlier entrepreneurs had "mined the miners,"
twentieth-century entrepreneurs like the Sunshine Climate Club endeav
ored to mine the tourists. Railroad and
motor tours deposited sojourners
at scenic points throughout the West, and by the early 1920s,
this "most
recent gold rush" had spread to almost every western city. 13
The Pro-Growth Partnership 19

The Sunshine Climate Club operated under the organizational umbrella
of the Chamber of Commerce but focused on this different aspect of de
velopment, occasionally arguing over budgets, resources,
and methods
of promotion. They remained linked by their optimism, but unanimity
among boosters rarely materialized. Capitalism, after all, trumpets indi
vidual achievement. Shrinking economic prospects during the Depression
of the 1 93 Os brought calls for concerted and unified action, while at the
same time businessmen
and residents scrambled to preserve their indi
vidual interests.
The "Bank Holiday"
in 1933 disrupted the normal business routine
even
though the currency shortage in Tucson was alleviated through is
sues
of scrip and warrants, and the use of the barter system. 14 The banking
crisis,
in fact, led to opportunities for enterprising businesses such as Al
bert Steinfeld & Company, a retail merchant who gained many new cus
tomers by accepting checks
and scrip, and opening new charge accounts.
Conversely, many businesses refused to accept promissory warrants is
sued
by the state even after the banks, which would redeem the warrants,
had reopened. This policy left out scores of local University of Arizona
employees
who suffered from businessmen's suspicion of the fiscal integ
rity
of the state government.
IS In short, businessmen responded differ
endy to the economic crisis depending on how they defined their indi
vidual self-interests.
Another indication
of dissent within the pro-development community
was the Sabino Canyon dam proposal. At a public meeting in 1936, "citi
zens
and government officials testified unanimously in favor of the proj
ect." The boosters' rhetorical unanimity convinced the federal govern
ment to support the plan to build a dam in Sabino Canyon near Tucson if
city and county governments agreed to share in the cost of the project.
But
when the Army Corps of Engineers placed Pima County's contribu
tion at $500,000, support for the dam melted like snow in the desert. The
city
and county governments offered to provide only $600 toward the
project. One
of the casualties of the fracas was the manager of the Cham
ber of Commerce, Al Coudron. A lifelong resident, Coudron resigned and
left town in a huff when the chamber's board failed to back the dam. 16
Other disagreements arose as the city began aggressively annexing sur
rounding areas after World War
II. Although never challenging the
underlying assumption that expansion was desirable, some developers
20 Tucson

questioned the timing and pace of expansion. (Developer resistance to
annexations will be discussed more fully
in chapter 2.)
The organizational separation
of the Tucson Chamber of Commerce and
the Sunshine Climate Club indicates an awareness among Tucson boosters
of variations within a context of shared fundamental goals. Businessmen
aimed promotional brochures at different audiences in the effort to lure
tourists, residents, and businesses to Tucson, with the messages some
times running afoul
of each other. In promotions aimed at vacationers,
Tucson's charms were described
as "here," intricately entwined within
the community, yet
in promotions aimed at prospective residents, they
were also described
as "there," perhaps nearby but distincdy segregated.
Barrio culture provides the clearest example
of this dichotomous ap
proach: barrios appeared in tourist promotions
as integral to the Old
Pueblo image,
but they are distincdy segregated in promotions directed
toward Anglo, middle-class prospective residents.
17
Although boosters banked on Tucson's particular brand of quaintness
a multicultural heritage suitable for tourists' explorations-they also
chafed at the notion that the city was somehow prOvincial. In Tucson, the
quaintness was to be sold
as readily accessible but not unduly intrusive.
Thus Tucson offered sophisticated accommodations and
modem conve
niences so that the Old Pueblo could remain conveniendy at hand yet
comfortably remote. Campaigns aimed at tourists advertised Tucson's
climate, Old West traditions (maintained in thirty-four nearby dude
ranches),18 and a cultural heritage found
in the Hispanic barrios, Indian
villages, and western ghost towns. Tourists were sold the western play
ground image, and happy visitors rode horseback for fun, not
out of ne
cessity. The degree to which urban development degraded this image,
perhaps inevitably, led to another sort
of resistance to growth based on
preserving Tucson's environment, both natural and cultural (to be dis
cussed
in chapter 4).
Campaigns aimed at prospective residents painted a different image
of
Tucson. The Chamber of Commerce, for example, did its best to present
the city
in a sophisticated, metropolitan light. "Facts for Prospective Res
idents
of Tucson," published in 1956, listed favorable tax rates and gen
eral information
on the city's population, banks, parks, museums, and
schools.
19 The pamphlet estimated the city's population at 205,000 and
The Pro-Growth Partnership 21

described the "urban area" of the city as extending a whopping seven
miles
"from the downtown post office." 20
The valorizing tone remained in "The Answers to All Your Questions
about Tucson, Arizona," issued
in a series beginning in 1962 and extend
ing into the 1970s. The overall presentation was slicker, with information
more adroidy managed and directed toward specific types
of prospective
residents, from married-with-children to retirees.
21
Provincial or sophisticated? Playground or community? Tucson busi
nessmen accommodated diverging aims, seeking ultimately to character
ize the city
as all of the above. A neat cleavage failed to materialize be
tween the Chamber
of Commerce's promotion of Tucson as a place to live
and the Sunshine Climate Club's promotion
of the city as a place to vaca
tion. Reasons to live
in Tucson were often the same as reasons to visit:
the climate, cultural heritage, and Old West traditions. But promotions
aimed
at prospective residents mentioned Tucson's small-town qualities
a slower pace of life, a relaxed work environment, and leisure oppor
tunities-as often as they mentioned metropolitan sophistication. Thus,
promotional efforts appear monolithic only to the degree that growth is
defined monolithically. The boosters defined it
as such, united by their
fundamental assumption that growth is good.
A third type
of promotion with its own organizational identity ap
peared
in 1952, when the Industrial Development Department was
formed specifically to recruit businesses to Tucson.
22
. The Pima County
Board
of Supervisors assisted the Chamber of Commerce in this effort by
providing an industrial engineer to recruit
"new and diversified indus
tries that fit into the characteristics
of our community and provide service
for those industries that [ already] have been established."
23 Tucson's ef
fort matched, somewhat belatedly, the systematic efforts by other south
western cities to foster industrial development during and after World
War
II.24
In 1954 the Chamber of Commerce began issuing a series of pamphlets
geared toward businessmen tided "Facts and Figures: A General Survey
of
Tucson and Pima County, Arizona." 25 The first edition described the city
as an "urban area" extending "about 15 miles north-and-south and 10
miles east-and-west." The favorite slogan of the Industrial Development
brochures was "Come to Tucson, for Industry and a
Way of life." The
1954 brochure described the "way
of life" as "informal and always
22 Tucson

friendly." It also presented statistics of interest to businessmen contem
plating a move to Tucson, and described cultural/environmental aspects
favorable to business, claiming, for example, that "firms that have estab
lished plants in Tucson report their employees are happy here. There
is
less absenteeism due to sickness." 26
The healthful "way of life" advertised by the Chamber of Commerce
relied
on nature, albeit in a 1950s context. The favorite logo, shared by
the three promotional organizations, portrayed a trademark saguaro cac
tus framing the scene
of a city dominated by mountains. The 195 Os
viewer probably accepted the atomic symbol in the industrial logo as a
shorthand representation
of progress and technology. At least that was the
hope
of the Chamber of Commerce.
Prospective employers heard appeals based
on metropolitan sophisti
cation and small-town friendliness. Information
on housing and tax rates
assured employers that workers could find decent, affordable housing
with modest tax burdens, resulting in lower costs
of living, which, pre
sumably, would justify paying lower wages. Employers also heard refer
ences to a cultural segregation
in Tucson based, once again, on the west
ern playground image: "Ranch living has become almost standard with
Tucson executives
who still are within easy driving distance of all the
city's commercial and industrial areas."
27 A photograph in the brochure
shows happy, healthy adults enjoying outdoor activities
"ten minutes
from downtown."
28
The three wings of the Chamber of Commerce appealed to different
audiences-the Sunshine Climate Club to tourists, the Industrial Devel
opment Department to businesses and businessmen, and the Chamber
of
Commerce itself to prospective residents-but the promotional efforts
blended together
as advertising copy and slogans were modified to suit
each particular audience. The various manifestations
of the Chamber of
Commerce's logo illustrate the difficulty of speaking of business and
growth in singular terms.
The "diversified interests"logo (fig. 2)
is a good example of the mixed
message sometimes unwittingly conveyed
in the Chamber of Commerce's
promotions. The logo summarizes Tucson's reliance
on "climate, cattle,
cotton, and copper" with images
of a brightly shining sun, grazing cattle,
plowed fields, and a copper smelter sharing the scene. The messianic male
figure in the foreground could be a tourist, rancher, developer,
or engi-
The Pro-Growth Partnership
23

FIG. 2 "A City of Diversified Interests." In 1950, Tucson's Chamber of Com
merce added a fourth
"c" -climate-to the traditional triumvirate that domi
nated Arizona's economy:
cattle, cotton, and copper. The uneasy mix of these
appeals appears in a
Chamber of Commerce brochure depicting a bright sun shin
ing merrily through the sulfur dioxide plume emitting from the copper smelter
to the left.
(Source: University of Arizona library Special Collections)
neer. Perhaps the greatest ambiguity, however, arises from the juxtaposi
tion
of the sun and the sulfur dioxide plume spewing forth from the
smelter.
In
1954 the Chamber of Commerce launched an effort to attract high
technology business to Tucson
by trumpeting the close working relation
ship between the Chamber
of Commerce and local government.
29 "To
morrow is Today in Tucson" appeared with the atomic symbol logo
surrounding
downtown Tucson.3o Western hospitality was given a new
twist as the Chamber of Commerce advertised the government-business
partnership
in Tucson: "Recently, a nationally-known scientific research
company came to Tucson; found an ideal location
with a building already
up. Problem:
one of rezoning to allow them to move in. Within weeks,
residents of the area in cooperation with the city and county officials and
the Chamber
of Commerce had rezoned the area and prOvided additional
new zoning for other areas of similar nature. Result: Tucson is a city ac
tually
zoned for scientific research." 31
City of Tucson internal memorandums provide support for the Cham
ber
of Commerce's claim of helpfulness. In 1954 the city attorney advised
24 Tucson

officials to be "liberal" in their inspections of construction sites so that
"construction costs will not be unnecessarily increased." 32
Chamber of Commerce members expressed pride in their leadership
position
within the community. The Old Pueblo Club, founded in 1907
as "a gentlemen's club for social purposes," fairly chortled over the po
litical and financial prominence of its members in the community.33 The
link
between the club and the Chamber of Commerce was acknowledged
in 1955: "The Old Pueblo Club might as well have been called the Old
Pueblo Sunshine Climate Club . . . because OPC members held all the
important positions." H The interchange of membership was, in fact,
routine and appeared in self-congratulatory announcements phrased as
rhetorical slaps-on-the-back. The good-Ole-boy network appeared most
clearly in a reference to William F. Kimball, a former preSident of the Old
Pueblo Club who had been elected Arizona senate majority leader. The
jocular tone
of the account expresses self-confidence bordering on hubris:
Kimball,
as majority leader, was the most powerful politician in the state,
with the possible exception
of the governor. But that was only a "pOSSible
lUCSON, ARIZO
ELECTRONICS CENTE~
OF AMERICA
FII.3 "Tomorrow Is Today in Tucson." In an effort to attract high-tech indus
try
to Tucson in 1954, the Chamber of Commerce produced a brochure with a
pictorial representation
of the city's hopefully nuclear (that is, central) position
in the industry.
In hindsight, the image has a different, sinister connotation: an
irradiated downtown. In 1979, the City closed an atomic manufacturer after
tritium emissions were detected in nearby swimming pools. (Source: University
of Arizona library SpeCial Collections)
The Pro-Growth Partnership
25

exception" in those days. Much "law" was made at the Flame Restaurant
at night. Much "law" was made at the 20-Grand Bar during the days.
Much "law" was made on the eighth floor of the Adams Hotel at any time,
day or night. The eighth floor was the headquarters of the Phelps-Dodge
Mining Company's lobbyists. Some "law," but not much, was made
on
the floor of the House and Senate which seemed only to approve the "law"
made elsewhere.
35
Developers who served on zoning commissions, on planning boards,
and as city managers provide a more visible interconnection between the
booster organizations
and local government. In 1961, for example, the
O.P. Chronicle announced S. Lenwood Schorr's appointment as assistant
Tucson city manager.
36 Schorr had been a member of the Pima County
Planning
and Zoning Commission and also a: developer in the Tucson
Mountain foothills. He was
hired to help formulate the city's urban re
newal plan. Although to some this
might appear to be a case of a fox hired
to guard the chicken coop, concerns over potential conflicts of interest
developers regulating development-never materialized during Schorr's
tenure. Rather, the city manager cited Schorr's experience
as a developer
as prOviding the "expertise" necessary for successful urban planning.
37
In 1970, one of Tucson's newspapers summarized the twentieth
century link between business
and government in a laudatory article that
brings nineteenth-century boosters
to mind:
A look
at the real estate business in Tucson not only reveals the growth of
the city; it also mirrors a segment of the business community that is fairly
typical
of the courageous, pioneering and at times a bit unmanageable
people who have settled this area. . . .
Real estate men traditionally have
served
on zoning committees, as members of school and church organi
zations,
on civic promotion boards; in short, real estate people are where
the action
is.
38
The article echoed Boorstin's characterization of developers as com
munity leaders, "gregariOUS individuals" possessed of boundless "com
munity spirit." The article also described the "filling in" of Tucson's
wide-open spaces
as happily inevitable.
39 The reporter apparently shared
the fundamental assumption
of the developers and boosters that the
health
of the city required ever-expanding growth: in size, in prosperity,
in sophistication.
26 Tucson

The effort to plan for Tucson's growth-or as later opponents to the
city's expansion
would claim, the effort to encourage growth-was well
established by the 1950s. The planning effort began
in 1930 with the
city's first zoning ordinance. In 1932 "concerned citizens" formulated
the Tucson Regional Plan. In 1941 the city established a nine-member
planning
and zoning commission, which was followed in 1943 by a joint
county-city planning department. In 1949 the state legislature passed
legislation allowing countywide zoning.
40 The federal government en
couraged cities' planning efforts by prOviding federal financing
through
the 1949 Housing Act, which became known as "the planner's full
employment act" because
it mandated that grants go only to cities with
"a redevelopment strategy that conformed to a comprehensive plan for
the entire locality."
41
Thus, the growth bureaucracy was generally in place when the city's
expansion took place.
At times, however, planning efforts encountered
opposition from developers
who resented proposed land-use constraints.
Likewise, government officials lost their enthusiasm for plans perceived
as too expensive or controversial. The regional plan developed by Ladislas
Segoe
in the early 1940s exemplifies this ambivalence toward planned
growth. (The plan was completed and presented to the city council in
1945.)42
Segoe was a pioneer
in urban planning and a nationally recognized
planning consultant based
in CincinnatiY In 1940 the "concerned citi
zens"
who in 1938 had formulated Tucson's first "regional plan" hired
Segoe to profeSSionally appraise Tucson's development.
44 The regional
plan that Segoe developed sought to rationalize Tucson's urban growth by
regulating
both development and developers. The plan explicitly criti
cized Tucson's developers:
"In spite of the state platting laws deSigned to
ensure the continuity
of streets . . . there are clear indications that the
owners
of large holdings considered their subdivisions as self-contained
developments rather than parts
of the larger community with which the
layout
of these subdivisions should be coordinated." 45
In contrast to the optimistic assumption of boosters, planning profes
sionals such
as Segoe offered a tempered vision of growth as occasionally
inevitable
but not always beneficial. As such, planners sometimes found
themselves outside the government-business partnership
promoted so as
Siduously by the Chamber
of Commerce. Planners became "hired guns"
The Pro-Growth Partnership 27

(or an example of a quasi-independent "functional bureaucracy," in Ste
phen Elkin's "pluralistic" model), and their plans were implemented,
compromised,
or discarded according to the latest electoral whim.46
The gaps and fissures within Tucson's booster structure and the flaws
within the bUSiness-government partnership indicate a less than mono
lithic force pushing development. Nonetheless, businessmen wielded
considerable influence
in the city government. After barrio homeowners
thwarted developers' efforts to
buy up property in neighborhoods south
of downtown, the developers successfully lobbied government agencies
to declare the areas "blighted," which facilitated condemnation proceed
ings and eligibility for federal
fundsY Although such "urban renewal"
efforts seem to indicate that the partnership between government
(both
local and federal) and developers was fully functional, renewal plans of
ten
met with vociferous resistance that caused the plans to be modified,
truncated,
or scrapped altogether. (Urban redevelopment will be dis
cussed
in detail in chapter 3.)
In general, city and county governments enthusiastically supported
growth despite the occasional reluctance of urban planners. In 1953, City
Attorney Harry
L. Buchanan submitted a pro-growth legal opinion to
Tucson's city manager, J. Luther Davis (who as Buchanan's former assistant
had written several pro-growth legal opinions himself).48 Resistance to
annexation was the su bj ect of Buchanan's 1 953 opinion:
Every annexation is a potential lawsuit and many need only an unlitigated
point upon which to hang their hats for a so-called test case, which has
the effect
of delaying the objective we are seeking even if we should
prevail.
... I recognize the present annexation laws are cumbersome, but
only the Legislature can correct them. which we have tried to get its mem
bers to do.
so far without success. Therefore we must do. the best with
what they have given
US.49
Of course, annexation laws were "cumbersome" only to those seeking
unlimited
power to annex. The city attorney thus defined resistance to
growth
as legally obstructionist. and a pernicious nuisance that the mis
guided legislature failed
to recognize. The following year, Buchanan sub
mitted a legal
opinion to the city council explicidy stating the fundamen
tal assumption about growth: "Is annexation
of the fringe areas a matter
that may be
deemed expedient or necessary for the promotion and pro-
28 Tucson

tection of the health, comfort, safety, life, welfare and property of the
inhabitants
of the city? Yes." 50
Why should the city attorney address the issue of annexation in terms of
life and, presumably, death? The fundamental assumption appears in the
attorney's statement, less optimistic
in the face of opposition to growth,
but no less certain of its rectitude: Growth was essential not just for pros
perity
but for the city's very survival.
Tucson's mayor
in 1955, Fred Emery, expressed the assumption as suc
cinctlyas anyone:
"In its role as the heart of a metropolitan area, the city
of Tucson itself has acquired new strength and stature. The Businesses of
our community will gain by this, and as they gain, all of us will gain." 51
In Emery's concept of a healthy city, "Business" (the mayor's capital
ization) and government were linked. In terms
of the optimistic assump
tion, the mayor was correct to
link the two, but this conflation required a
monolithic view
of both "business" and "growth." However, as Tucson's
expansion continued and
as promotional efforts proliferated, conflicting
goals began to surface. A booster's self-interest sometimes forced him to
oppose" growth" -not in terms of the fundamental assumption that said
growth is good
but in terms of individual assessments of profit margin.
Thus political resistance to specific manifestations
of growth began to sur
face among those with the power and opportunity to resist.
For the most part, though, Tucson boosters, city government, and
even the planners continued to argue for "progress." The pro-growth
partisans shared a
weltanschauung that defined history as steadily, although
at times fitfully, marching forward. Linear and dynamic assumptions de
fined their perspective, along with a dichotomous ordering
of "nature."
They defined the cosmos
in terms of progressive civilization versus static,
unproductive nature. Some boosters considered nature (defined
as Hat,
easily bulldozed desert) as wasted unless plowed, platted, or paved. Other
boosters came to realize that even
Hat, easily bulldozed desert had its
uses-for example, you could put a fence around it and make tourists pay
for the pleasure
of walking through it. But even this use remained within
the assumed virtue
of individual progress because boosters made the capi
talist assumption that individual profits created community prosperity.
Consequently, businessmen could describe their individual interests in
terms
of the common good.
The communalism
of boosters lasted until the individual interests of
The Pro-Growth Partnership 29

businessmen dictated otherwise. Variations in promotional efforts indi
cated an awareness among boosters that private interests diverged within
a context
of shared general goals. Planners also shared a faith in "prog
ress," but their faith was tempered by a concern for rational develop
ment, which sometimes ran afoul
of booster profits. Politicians trumpeted
"progress" most consistently. Consensus among boosters, planners, and
politicians
val"ied in completeness, but opponents were defined as univer
sally beyond the pale. How could anyone argue against progress?
It is,
perhaps, surprising then that the political resistance to growth in Tucson
that surfaced in the early 1950s appeared among those
who shared the
boosters' Whiggish faith in progress.
30 Tucson

2 POLITICAL RESISTANCE
• • • • • • • • • • • • • •
liThe lows Serve the Majority"
Political resistance to growth first appeared among white, middle-class
suburban residents
of Tucson in the 1950s. Criticism of the city's expan
sion became so vociferous that at one point Tucson's mayor, seeking to
deflect criticism with humor, wore a suit
of armor to a public hearing on
annexation. The resistance never succeeded in stopping the city's expan
sion,
but it did succeed in obstructing growth by forcing the city and
county governments to maneuver around the resistance. The pro-growth
forces
in Tucson never lost their majority status during the 195 Os, but
resistance to growth remained part
of the community ethos.
The ambiguity
in the language surrounding urbanization-usually in
cluding an oversimplified definition
of growth-defined the resistance in
many cases. Developers resisted the expansion of government when it ap
peared to be obtrusive and a hindrance to their projects. In this sense, a
political conservatism bordering
on libertarianism surfaced among those
who would never question the underlying assumption that growth was
good. After all, increasing profits for individual developers translated into
community prosperity through the immediate impact
of construction

TUCSON &: VICINITY: 1936
o
R.,.-,I· ..
&
SANTA CATALINA
MTNS.
N
Scale in Miles 4
I I
o 'Scale in ,,;;.;-::...... ____ ---1 .....
Legend -
-Section Lines
....... River
& Major Water Courses
1 -Presidio of Tucson
2 -University of Arizona
3 -Pima College
4 -
Town of South Tucson
5-EI Con Cent e,
6 -Puk Mall Cente,
.. Original TownsilC: Area
--Corporate Limil5. City of Tucson
_ U,banizcd
Mea-'936
cln:wll b7 Dca. BuadD
FI&.4 Tucson and Vicinity: 1936. Vacant land remained within the city limits,
but the less expensive land beyond the city limits lured developers to the east,
resulting
in suburban sprawl over the desert floor, already evident in 1936.
(Source: Bufkin,
Journal of Arizona History 22: 80)

jobs and the more sustained influence of expanding service industries and
an increasing
tax base-or at least so the developers claimed.
Expanding government bureaucracy, regulatory agencies, and neigh
borhood activism, however, were viewed with suspicion
by these same
developers. The spread
of Tucson over the valley floor also engendered a
broader resistance based
on environmental and cultural perceptions (to
be discussed
in chapter 4), but the early resistance to growth arose among
individuals
or small groups of individuals with personal interests and pri
vate concerns expressed
in economic and political terms. The first to resist
were residents with access to political power
who felt no qualms in asking
the political system to redress their grievances.
Tucson's physical expansion proceeded over a bumpy road during the
1950s. The growth bureaucracy was generally
in place but found itself
serving primarily
as a forum for rancorous debate among developers, pol
iticians, homeowners, bureaucrats, horse owners, and retirees.
Mirroring the general Sunbelt shift
of population after World War II,
Tucson's population increased 368.4 percent during the 1950s, and the
area within the city limits increased almost eightfold, from 9.5 to 70.9
square miles.! Workers, both blue collar and white collar, and their fami
lies followed defense industry and manufacturing jobs to the Sunbelt, and
retirees arrived
in search of an amenity-filled lifestyle. These two groups
of new residents possessed potentially competing worldviews: one ac
quisitive, expansion-minded, and seeking better prospects, and the other
conservative, stasis-minded, and seeking a stable lifestyle.
2
Tucson's expansion in size and population can be more clearly under
stood
by examining figures 4,5, and 6. As the 1936,1950, and 1960
maps indicate, Tucson's city limits tended to lag behind actual develop
ment
in the urban area. The 1936 map shows relatively few developed
areas beyond the city limits and, indeed, several undeveloped areas within
the city limits.
By 1950, however, the situation was completely reversed,
with approximately twice
as many residents of the metropolitan area liv
ing outside the city limits. The county residents (primarily white and
middle class) are listed
as the "fringe population" in table V The 1960
map and table 2 show that Tucson's population increase
of 167,438 over
the previous decade (from
45,454 in 1950 to 212,892 in 1960) con
sisted
of many former fringe residents as well as a large number of new
residents.
Political Resistance
33

TUCSON & VICINITY: 1950
o
R.I
4
SANTA CATALINA
MTNS.
N
Scale in Miles 4
--Legend -
;;;:;.+--"",;....-+--t---r-i -Section Lines
...,.. River & Major Water Courses
1 -Presidio of Tucson
2 -University of Arizona
3 -Pima College
4 -Town of South Tucson
5-EI Con Genler
6 -Park Mall Genie.
7-Davis-Monthan Air For ce Base
_ Original Townsite Area
- Corporate Limits.
City of Tucson
--+~ _ rbanized Area-'950
Fit. 5 Tucson and Vicinity: 1950. In 1950, some areas within the expanded
city limits remained undeveloped, but the majority
of new residents had settled
outside the city's boundary. The spread
of urbanization beyond the city limits set
the stage in Tucson for resistance to city annexation efforts throughout the 195
Os.
(Source: Bufkin,
Journal of Arizona History 22: 85)

TUCSON & VICINITY: 1960
o
I
R.I-,!..
4
SANTA CATALINA
MTNS.
N
Scale in Milts
1 1 I
o IScale in I,
4
Legend --
-Sec tion Lines
....,. River & Major Waler Courses
1 -Presidio of Tucson
2 -nivcrsily of Arizona
3 -Pima o llege
4-~ wnor uthTu son
5-£1 Con Celller
6 -Park Ma ll Center
7-Davis·Monthan Air For ce Base
.. Original TO .... ,llsitc Area
- Corporale Limi ts. City of Tucson
--+-1 .. Urbanized Area-I goo
drawn by Doa. ButIdD
FIG. 6 Tucson and Vicinity: 1960. By 1960, the city limits more nearly con
formed
to the extent of urbanization in the Tucson valley. City leaders and plan
ners had found that annexing undeveloped, uninhabited land was the surest way
to avoid controversy. (Source: Bufkin,
Journal of Arizona History 22: 89)

TULE2 Tucson Population, 1950 -1960
1950 1960 Change
City Population 45,454 212,892 + 368%
Fringe Population 77,310 21,590 -
72%
Total Population 122,764 234,482 + 91%
This recognition
of the fringe element as part of the population in
crease
is significant for its effect on the debate in Tucson over growth in
the 1950s and 1960s. As generally characterized by scholars in the 1960s,
the
"urban crisis" in the United States resulted from overcrowded and
decaying urban cores,
but in Tucson the crisis resulted from sprawling
growth and the fringe problem
of the suburbs. Land-rich western cities
such
as Tucson tended to spread out rather than build up during the
1950s. Tucson's efforts to "fill in" vacant areas within the city boundaries
ran afoul
of cheaper land and building costs beyond the incorporated
area, leading to low-density, sprawling development.
Terms such
as "fringe problem" and "new residents" must be used
carefully, however.
"New residents" might be expected to cause a mount
ing tension among established residents, especially
if racial, ethnic, or
class differences arose between the
new and established residents.+ But in
Tucson, many
of the "new residents" added to the city's population by
1960 were suburban residents
who at the time of the previous census
lived outside the city limits. likewise, the "fringe problem" in the 1950s,
as discussed by later-day urban historians, might be misinterpreted as a
new problem, perhaps unsuspected or in some way newly urgent. But the
phenomena
of fringe growth and population decentralization were nei
ther
new nor surprising to Tucson urban planners in the 1950s. Contem
porary professional journals debated solutions to the problem
of decen
tralization, and Tucson planners and politicians drew
on these sources
to defend their reliance
on annexation. Supporters defended the policy
as not only "common sense" but also professionally "rational," which
placed opponents
of annexation further into the rhetorical realm of the
weird.s
The spread
of the city to the east during the 1940s and 195 Os pro-
36 Tucson

ceeded unencumbered by topographical barriers, and the population cen
ter
of the city moved steadily eastward, sometimes rivaling the advance
of the city limits. The City's planners, the Board of Realtors, and the
Chamber
of Commerce all worked actively to encourage Tucson's growth.
Motivations included the general desire for profit by the developers and a
genuine concern for orderly progress
on the part of city bureaucrats and
politicians.
6 The desire to annex was accompanied by city-sponsored ef
forts to upgrade the utility and transportation infrastructure.
7 City fi
nances also stood to gain from annexations, because the city's share of
state tax revenue was based on its official population. 8
Nevertheless, a sizable, vocal, persistent minority opposed the city's
expansion throughout the 1950s. These residents-individualistic,liber
tarian, and mosdy unorganized
9-opposed annexations, zoning ordi
nances, and changes
in city and county plans. More than simply a no
growth reaction, the resistance targeted both the physical size
of the city
and the increasingly arbitrary nature
of the city government. This resis
tance to Tucson's expansion originated in private interests that crossed
party lines. The record
of virtually every city council meeting during the
1950s, whether controlled by Democrats
or Republicans, contains some
reference to rezoning requests, neighborhood plan revisions,
or inquiries
into the possibility
of expanded city services, with each request for action
accompanied by the commensurate protest demanding a halt.
This debate over the desired nature
of the community and its govern
ment included thousands
of fringe residents who already possessed keenly
felt interests and strong opinions. Among the most noticeable
of their
opinions-expressed in letters to the editor, petitions to city government,
legal suits, and referendum
elections-was a distrust of governmental
authority, which motivated a wide range
of complaint, protest, and re
sistance by "individualists." A 1951 study
of annexation in Tucson de
scribed the concerns
of fringe residents: "Just as fringe residents usually
play the dominant role
in initiating annexation movements, so they usu
ally are
in the forefront of opposition to specific annexation proposals
because
of their fear of increased taxes, city zoning and building regula
tions (though some desire the latter), and oflosing their identity."
10
This identity was based primarily on the amenities of suburban life:
Single-family detached homes, better schools, open space, and freedom
from governmental authority. "Some individualists will go a long way to
Political Resistance
37

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Ivan. Or any other eve, either, Grandfather.
[Semyon sits in center of stage, Ivan standing
beside him. They play their violins
and sing the ballad of King Wenceslas, all
the children joining in the chorus.
Nicolaë. Sister, sister, I hear somebody shouting, outside!
Saëcha [rushing to door]. The men come back from the wolf hunt!
Ivan. Let's see what they've killed. [Exeunt Ivan and Saëcha.]
Kolinka . No, it's not our father—they're all men that look like soldiers.
Maêie. It's the people from the castle come to look for you!
[Door flies open. Enter Ivan and Saëcha
with Baêon. Pêince and Pêinceëë rush to him.
Pêince and Pêinceëë. Father! Father!
Baêon. My children! Are you both safe?
Pêinceëë. Oh, yes, Father. These children have been so good to us.
Baêon. Have they, my dear? Then they have been good to me, too,
and I thank them with all my heart.
Kolinka . Oh, we haven't done anything, sir!
Pêince. Tell us how you found out where we were, Father?
Baêon. In rather a queer way, my son. We didn't miss you just at
once, but as soon as we knew you were gone everyone was in a
great fright, you may be sure. I started out with Sergius and
Smoloff, and half a dozen others to search for you in the forest. We
hadn't gone a hundred yards from the castle when we met the
strangest little old woman I ever saw, all dressed in gray, and
wrinkled and bent——

Pêinceëë [clapping her hands]. The Babushka, Father, the Babushka!
Maêie, Saëcha, and Kolinka . The Babushka took the message!
Pêince. It was she who brought us here!
Semyon. Have you never heard of the Babushka, Baron?
Baêon. Yes, yes! I know the old story of the Babushka, but I never
saw her before.
Ivan. She always comes to our village at Christmas time. We don't all
see her every year, but somebody always sees her.
Pêince. What did she do, Father?
Baêon. She did not speak at all. She looked at us for a moment with
the softest eyes imaginable, and then she stooped down and pointed
to your footprints in the snow. Then she pointed toward the village,
smiled, and beckoned to us to follow her. It seemed as if she must
have guessed our trouble, and she seemed so sure and so full of
cheer, that we couldn't help believing we should find you, and
followed her at once. I must reward her liberally for the great service
she has done me and mine this night.
Maêie. The Babushka wants no reward, Baron. You know what it is
she has been searching for all these years? Grandmother says it was
Love the Babushka wanted, and she has surely found it, for every
little child in Russia loves her dearly, dearly, and watches for her at
Christmas time.
Ivan. And when she comes, the children sing their carols for her. But
the one she loves best is the "Golden Carol"—that's the song of the
Three Kings, you know, sir.
Semyon [in doorway]. The Babushka is coming now, with her
followers, my lord. Here they are! [Enter a troop of village children,
the Babuëhka in their midst, smiling on them, and now and then
patting some little one on the head. She stands in the center of the

stage and distributes gifts to the children from a quaint basket,
answering their cries and questions by nods and smiles, each child
exclaiming "Thank you!" "How nice!" etc., as he receives his gift.]
Childêen . Oh, Babushka! dear, good Babushka!
Sophia. Have you got something for everybody?
Malaëhka. Are you quite sure?
Seêgiuë . Me, too, Babushka!
Maëha. I've tried to be good, all the whole year!
Childêen . We all have, truly, Babushka.
Seêgiuë . I've had good lessons—you can ask the school-teacher.
Katinka. My mother says I've been a good girl—aren't you glad?
Peteê. Please, Babushka—I—I'm afraid I haven't been a very good
boy. But I'm sorry, and I'll try to do better next year. I'll be bigger,
then.
Pêaëkovia. We'll all be very, very good next year—won't we, children?
Childêen . Indeed we will, Babushka.
Boêië. Perhaps it will be easier next year.
Feodoëia . Oh, please, Babushka, I have a baby brother at home.
Could you give me something for him?
Leo. My big brother has gone wolf-hunting with the men, but he'll be
sorry enough he missed you, Babushka.
Michael. So has mine, and he'll be sorry, too.
Nadia. Dear Babushka, I've kept the present so carefully that you
gave me last year.
Malaëhka. Oh, did you? Mine got broken and I cried.

Childêen . Oh, Babushka, we love you, we love you! Why can't you
stay with us always? Live here with us—in our village.
Saëcha. Babushka! You must have something for the Prince and
Princess, haven't you?
[As the Babuëhka gives them something, the
Baêon turns to the children.
Baêon. Children, the Babushka has given the best present of all to
me.
[Children stare in surprise.
Maêie. Oh, I know! I know what it was!
Baêon. Yes, some of you can guess. The Prince and the Princess
were my Christmas present, for the Babushka gave them back to
me.
[Children laugh and clap.
Semyon [tapping his violin for quiet]. Come, children, we must sing
for the Babushka!
Childêen . Yes—we always do. [Applaud again. Semyon and Ivan play,
while children sing "The Golden Carol."]
THE GOLDEN CAROL
of Melchior , Balthazar , and Gaspar .

[ [MusicXML]

We saw a light shine out afar,
On Christmas in the morning,
And straight we knew Christ's star it was,
Bright beaming in the morning.
Then did we fall on bended knee,
On Christmas in the morning,
And praised the Lord, who'd let us see,
His glory at its dawning.
2. Oh, ever thought be of His Name,
On Christmas in the morning,
Who bore for us both grief and shame,
Afflictions sharpest scorning.
And may we die (when death shall come)
On Christmas in the morning,
And see in heaven, our glorious home,
That Star of Christmas morning.
CURTAIN
NOTES ON SETTING, MUSIC, AND COSTUME
Ruëëian Oven. Made from a wooden packing-case, five or six feet in
height, covered with cambric, and painted to represent stone, brick,
or tiles. These stoves are decorated with rich panels in bold
conventional designs of flower or animal forms, or combinations of
geometrical figures. They are often so large that in the bitter
weather whole families may sleep on their tops, or on a platform
above.
Ikonë. Pictures of the Christ, the Madonna, and the Saints, much
ornamented with gilt, and placed on a ledge in "the beautiful

corner," with candles in silver candlesticks, sweet-smelling grasses,
and flowers, real or of paper. Sometimes a carved wooden pigeon is
also placed before the ikons—the emblem of the Holy Spirit. The
wall in this corner is hung with long towels, either covered with
embroidery, or embroidered at the ends. Everyone who enters the
room makes an obeisance, and crosses himself, before the ikons.
They are specially decorated for Christmas.
Make the towels with stencils, as described in the notes on girls'
costumes.
The same characteristic designs are placed on ledges, cupboards,
and shelves, on the chest, or coffer, and ceiling beam, on carved
wooden boxes, dishes, and jugs, which are often displayed on a
sideboard. The knife and loaf placed on the coffer constitute a
symbol of hospitality.
The decoration of the stage need be limited only by time and
resources.
Music
Search for information in regard to carol-singing in Russia having
been unsuccessful, old carols have been chosen which lend an
atmosphere of quaintness. The "Carol of the Birds" is old French, the
others English, "The Golden Carol" of the Magi being especially
appropriate to the story.
The sources for "Good King Wenceslas" are given on p. 316. The
singing of this carol (also the "Golden Carol") is accompanied by the
Village Fiddlers on their violins. Semyon sings the part of the King,
Ivan that of the Page, all the children the narrative parts.
Others, with better knowledge of the subject, may be able to obtain
music more strictly suitable. The author would be glad to gain any
accurate information in regard to the use of Christmas carols in
Russia.

Costumes
Boyë wear Russian blouses, and dark trousers, their legs bound, from
feet to knees, with yellowish rags; shoes suggesting moccasins.
Blouses may be made of canton flannel, white, or dull colors, or of
unbleached muslin, reaching halfway to knees. Neck finished in a
band; opening from collar down left side is not more than six or
eight inches, giving just room enough to put the head through. Trim
this collar and opening, also sleeves, with fur; or put on a
conventional border with stencil and paints, narrow at neck opening,
broad on sleeves. Tie in at waist with a short sash, ends hanging, of
bright color to match borders.
Outdoor winter costume of boys is a very thick, very full-skirted coat
of dark color, immense boots, cap of fur, or fur-bordered, and bright
scarf about neck, ends tucked into breast of coat. The village
children, however, may be supposed to rush in from their houses,
after the Babushka, without coats, but dressed as above, which is
both simpler and more picturesque.
Giêlë’ costumes vary a little more.
1. Sleeveless dress, to ankles; white guimpe, long full
sleeves. Dress of bright colors, with band of plain color
edging bottom of skirt, neck, both of dress and
guimpe, and bordering white sleeves. Apron, white,
with stenciled designs in various colors.
2. Skirt to ankles, of soft faded blue or red, worn high
on the short white waist, which has full sleeves,
gathered in a band at the elbow. Trimmed with
stenciled bands in bright colors, at hem of skirt, on
neck and sleeves, and also at the edge of an immense
handkerchief worn on the head and knotted under the
chin. This is large enough to spread out over
shoulders, and is straight across the back.

3. Plain narrow skirt of soft color, with a long-sleeved
apron (cream white), low-necked in front, and cut like
an Eton jacket in the back. This skirt has a band of
plain color at the hem, but the apron is trimmed with
many rows of stenciled patterns at the bottom, a
narrow pattern at neck and hand, and a broader one
around the back at the waist. White chemisette in
front, also with band of trimming.
Girls wear knots of ribbon hanging from the ends of their braids,
many strings of bright beads on the neck, and large gold hoops, or
enameled earrings in their ears. They may wear low shoes with
bows or buckles, or the soft, thick moccasin-like shoes worn by the
boys.
Some few may be bareheaded. Others wear the large handkerchiefs
described above, and still others the picturesque "kokochnik," a
velvet, bead-trimmed crescent, worn forward on the head as in the
picture of "Marie." These are easily cut from cardboard, covered with
velvet, and trimmed in different patterns with small beads.
The stenciled patterns above-mentioned take the place of Russian
embroideries. They are repeated conventional designs, Greek
patterns, and fantastic forms of flowers, birds, and animals.
Stenciling is suggested as being the easiest and quickest way of
getting the desired effect.
The Babuëhka . Long robe, and hooded cloak of light gray canton
flannel. The hood is worn over the head. She carries a quaint basket
filled with cheap little toys.
An adult is needed for this part, or an older girl of sufficient insight
and appreciation to carry out the simple pantomime and fill it with
the love and deep yearning of the Babushka, who is really a spirit,
and not a human being at all.
The Baêon. Long military coat, below knees; cream-colored, trimmed
on breast with a pattern in gold braid, a band of same around the

edge and up the slits at the sides. Double collar, standing up behind
head and lying flat across back, scarlet with a gilt pattern. Scarlet
sash with sword or dagger. Red boots with blue heels. Spurs.
Sleeves open from shoulder to fur-trimmed cuff, and worn hanging.
Under-sleeve, and lining of coat-sleeve of a rich color. Hat with flat-
topped crown about eight inches high, scarlet, with gold pattern;
standing brim, dark brown, three inches high, cleft in front to show
more of red and gold. Gilt cockade in front.
Pêince. Russian blouse with military trimmings, scarlet and white.
Khaki trousers, boots, fur cap.
Pêinceëë. White cape and hood, trimmed with fur and silver. Dress
underneath not unlike the little peasants', but more richly trimmed.
Old Semyon. Long brown robe, halfway below knees, skirt rather full.
Legs bound in tan-colored rags. Moccasins. Coat has broad collar
with long reveres, and plain high vest inside, of same material as
coat. Hat made of the same, low, with rolling brim, giving a turban-
like effect. Long white hair and beard.
Marie, the eldest of the children, is perhaps fourteen; Kolinka,
twelve; Matrena, nine; Sascha, Ivan, and the Prince, eleven or
twelve; Pavlo and Nicolas, five or six; the Princess, nine. The Village
children should be rather small.
Satisfactory pictures of Russian homes and costumes are very
difficult to find, but there is a series of fairy-tales in Russian,
beautifully illustrated in color, which will be found most helpful to
those wishing to make costumes for this play. These books are to be
had at the Russian Importing Company, 452 Boylston Street, Boston,
and may also be seen in some of the larger Public Libraries.

A CANVAS CHRISTMAS
IN TWO ACTS
CHARACTERS
Peteê Peppeê, Ringmaster, and owner of Pepper's Perennial
Circus.
Haêêy Hopkinë }otherwise Maêco Bêotheêë,
Acrobats.Limbeê Jack }

Baêney O'Bêien }
otherwise
}
Signoê
Fêencelli
}
Clowns.
Jeêêy Pickle } }
Signoê
Cocodilla
}
Ben Jackëon , otherwise Mê. Baêlow, Minstrel and hand.
Dutch, peanut-man and general factotum.
Mike McGinnië, otherwise Pêofeëëoê Woêmwood , Animal-trainer.
Tim, one of the hands.
Schneideê , the Dog.
Jocko, the Monkey.
Faêmeê Simpëon .
Benjamin Fêanklin Simpëon
—"Bub"—(Eight years old.)
}
his boys.
Daniel Webëteê Simpëon
—"Sonny"—(Five years old.)
}

A CANVAS CHRISTMAS
Written for a club of boys from twelve to seventeen.
ACT I
Time: Ten o'clock on Christmas Eve.
Scene: The mess-tent of Pepper's Perennial Circus, very bare and
shabby, with circus litter about; signs, "No Smoking," "Next
performance, 2 P.M.," posters, etc., on the tent walls; a rough mess-
table of boards and trestles, with boxes, stools, two broken chairs,
etc., for seats. Pile of old blankets in one corner. Lantern hangs in
center of tent, and another [L.] at entrance to circus tent. [R.],
another exit, leading out of doors. Music [if possible] from circus
tent, playing last strains of "Home, Sweet Home." Burst of applause
from circus tent, the flaps part, and the troupe enters [excepting
Peppeê, Mike, and the animals], weary and discontented, and drop
down anywhere to rest. Hopkinë throws himself on pile of blankets
[R.], Jack takes a box nearby, Baêney sits on table, and Jeêêy goes to
entrance [R.], fanning himself with his hat. Ben takes box [L.], and
Dutch enters last, slipping the straps of his peanut-tray from his
shoulders and setting it on the end of the table.
Haêêy [sullenly]. This 'ere's the worst night we've 'ad yet.
Jack. You bet yer life!
Baêney. Faix! I've no futs left an me at all, at all!
Tim [rubs his arms]. I'm lame all over. It's me for the liniment bottle!
Jeêêy. I'm as tired as any of you guys, but I'm a good deal madder
than I'm tired.
Jack. I should say.

Haêêy. 'Ow could we be h'anything but tired and h'angry, I'd like to
h'arsk, with such a boss as old Pepper?
Ben. Gen'lemen—Mr. Pepper he su'tinly war pretty bad, dis evenin'—
in fac' I may say he war de limit.
Jeêêy. And no excuse for it, either.
Baêney. Was it excuse, ye said?
Dutch. Mishter Pepper he don't vaits for no excuse. You'd t'ink ve vas
all der lazy loafers—und der ain'd a lazy bone in der whole boonch.
[Enter Mike, with dog, and leading monkey.
Mike. The sound of yez all is quite familiar. Be ye knockin' the boss
again?
Ben. We-all got mighty good reason, Mr. McGinnis.
Haêêy. 'E's not getting a think but wot 'e's earned for 'isself.
Jack. Work a fellow to skin and bone!
Baêney. Wid nary bit o' regard to his iligant muscle, Limber Jack?
Jack. It's true—no joshin', Barney!
Baêney. Niver a bit of it, darlin'!
Jeêêy. It's all work and no rest——
Mike. And niver a dacint worrud, even for the dumb bastes—— [Pats
dog and monkey. Dog goes about from one to another expecting
pats and caresses, which are absent-mindedly given. Monkey,
unobserved, steals peanuts from tray.]
Tim. Nothing but blame, morning, noon, and night!
Dutch. Und ven der vork is ofer, ve don't gets noddings enough to
eats—ain'd?

Ben. Gentlemen, I'm 'bliged to admit dat I'm hungry all de day long!
Haêêy. H'and h'all night, you might say, and no h'exaggeratin'.
Tim. We're all of us half starved.
Jeêêy [warningly]. Here's the boss, fellows!
[Enter Peteê, striding into tent and giving
an angry glance around.
Peteê [suspiciously]. What are you all doing here? You, Tim, get a
hustle on and put out those lights in the big tent. [Exit Tim, slowly
and sullenly.] Mike McGinnis, go put your beasts in their cages—look
at that monkey wasting the peanuts! Dutch, you aren't worth your
salt—can't you take care of your stuff? [Mike, with an injured air,
leads out monkey and whistles dog after him. Dutch, much
aggrieved, takes up tray, and moves it to another place.] Jerry
Pickle, if you and O'Brien can't ring in something new for your turn,
you'll soon be given the hook, and Ben's jokes are all stale enough
to crumble. As for you, Hopkins, I consider your riding to-night a
flunk, and you and Jack are no acrobats at all—you're just a couple
of dubs. The show's always had the name of a first-class show, and
it's going to keep up to it, if I've got to throw you all out and get a
new lot. So you want to look out—see? [Exit angrily.]
Haêêy [jumping up]. There's a-goin' to be h'end of this—as sure as
my name's 'Arry 'Opkins!
Jeêêy. Well, I'm with you, for one. We never go into winter quarters
for a rest——
Haêêy. No, for the h'old skinflint goes and brings 'is bloomin' show
South——
Jeêêy. So's he can keep open all year round, and double his profits.
Dutch. Und vat does ve get oud of ut? Yust noddings.

Jeêêy. I should say not! We're half paid and half fed, and worked
double, and I for one have took all I'll stand.
Jack. I'm with you there.
Tim. So'm I, Jerry.
Baêney. Bedad, it's in the same box we all are.
Mike. True for you, Barney. We'd all better be quittin'.
Ben. Gen'lemen! dis yere 'lustrous Company a' unanimous. We all
'low dat Mr. Pepper have got to reform. We-all mus' draw up a
partition an' prohibit Mr. Pepper for conduc' unbecomin' to a
Ringmaster. Gen'lemen, let us take action.
Haêêy. H'action be blowed! If it's 'ighly satisfactory to h'agitate
petitions, or throw up your jobs—w'y, I calls that just nothin' doin'.
No h'A-1 h'acrobat is a-goin' to stand bein' told 'e's flunked in his
best h'act. I don't till I've pied 'im h'up.
[A murmur of assent, and all draw closer
about him (R. front), speaking with lowered voices.
Baêney. That's something like talk, that is!
Mike. I'm wid yez, Harry, me b'y.
Jeêêy. I'd like to burn his old show over his head.
Tim. Just doctor his wagon-axles a little, and when they break down,
we'll take to the woods!
Jack. Much he'll get a new lot.
Ben. No, gen'lemen—I got dat proposition beat——
[Words become inaudible; they draw closer
yet. The canvas (back Center) parts.
Enter Bub and Sonny, very cautiously

and timidly, peering about. They come
forward a little, and pause, looking at group.
Bub. This is sure enough the circus, Sonny. Look at those men.
[The troupe fall apart guiltily, and look with
amazement at the children.
Bub [grips Sonny'ë hand and comes forward slowly]. Please, mister, is
the circus all over?
Ben. Laws, honey, you didn' 'spec' to fin' no circus dis time o' night?
Baêney. Sure, an' ut's time we was all tucked into our little beds, an'
the same to you, bedad.
Haêêy. Maybe you'll do us the honor to tell us your names?
Bub [impressively]. My name is Benjamin Franklin Simpson.
Sonny. An' mine is Daniel Webster Simpson.
Mike [pretends to faint]. Oh, would some of yez have the goodness
to fan me! [Jack obliges him.]
Jeêêy. Give us a shorter one! They don't call you that every time you
get your orders, I'm sure.
[Enter Peppeê, watching unnoticed from
background.
Bub. No; I'm just Bub, and he's Sonny.
Tim. That's more like it.
Jack. Breathe easy, Mike.
Haêêy. Well, Mr. Benjamin Franklin Bub, will you h'inform us where
you 'ails from?
Bub. We live over the mountain, by Pinesburg, an' we wanted to see
the circus, so we just ran off and came.

Jeêêy. Pinesburg—that's ten miles off. How'd you say you come?
Bub. Just walked.
Sonny [rubbing his fists in his eyes]. An' the circus is all over, an' I'm
so tired! [Men murmur sympathetically, and the group breaks and
re-forms around the boys. Men gather about, some squatting near
the boys, others standing behind.]
Baêney. Futted it ivery shtep!
Mike. Tired, is it?—yez must be dead!
Haêêy. Poor kids!
Dutch. Und ve all leafin' der kinder shtandin'. Here—der box seats
ain'd all sold yet. [Brings box and seats them kindly.]
Ben [kneeling before them]. Why—dey shoes is all bust out——
Jeêêy. The poor kids ought to be in bed.
Tim. Did you have any supper?
Jack. When did you say you started?
Bub. Right after dinner, an' we thought we could get here for the
show to-night, but, you see, Sonny couldn't walk very fast——
Sonny [sets up a howl, gives Bub a punch that nearly knocks him off
the box, and rubs his eyes harder than ever]. I did, too, now, Bub! I
walked an' I walked an' I walked, so I did! An' I want my supper, I
do, an' I want to go to bed!
Jeêêy. Hustle off, Dutch, and get the poor kid some grub——
[Exit Dutch in haste.
Baêney. Sure an' one of them can bunk with me.
Jack. I'll take the other in my bunk.

Mike. If it's blankets they're wantin' they're welcome to mine.
Ben. Dey's lots ob blankets, gen'lemen! I'll fix 'em a place tergedder
as sof' as a fedder-bed!
[Peppeê comes forward.
Haêêy [under his breath]. 'Ere's the h'old h'ogre wot'll scare 'em to
death.
Peppeê [with unexpected amiability]. That's right, Ben, make 'em up a
good bed in the sleeping-tent with the extra blankets. What do you
fellows suppose their marm's thinking, about now? [Exit Ben.] You
kids, did you say you ran away?
Bub [a little frightened]. Ye-es, sir—we couldn't help it. You see—our
folks is strict. They never went to circuses, and they don't let their
boys go.
Peppeê. Well, has your folks got a telephone?—most farmers've got
'em these days.
Bub and Sonny. Yes, sir——
Peppeê [giving Tim money]. Here, Tim, you run out and telephone to
—— Simpson, is it?
Bub. Yes, sir,—Jonathan Simpson.
Peppeê. And tell him his kids are safe, and we'll take care of 'em all
right. [Tim starts out.] And, Tim—— [Follows him and speaks aside.]
Fix it up with him to let 'em stay to the afternoon show.
[Peppeê lingers with Tim at tent door.
Troupe overcome with surprise.
Baêney. Will yez all hark to that!
Haêêy. I didn't think 'as 'ow 'e 'ad h'it h'in 'im!
Otheêë. No!

[Enter Dutch with thick sandwiches, which
the boys munch eagerly. Peppeê comes
forward and watches.
Dutch. So! Das ist besser.
Ben. How'd dat chile's sho't legs ebber do ten mile, anyhow?
Jeêêy. Pretty sandy, that!
Peppeê. What did you boys run away for on Christmas Eve—weren't
you afraid of missing your presents and the Christmas Tree?
Bub [between bites]. Presents? We don't get none!
Sonny. I never saw a Christmas Tree. [He grows very sleepy and
leans his head against Bub, who keeps moving and letting it slip off
while talking with the men.]
Dutch [horrified]. You don't effer hafe no Christmas?
Bub. No. I told you our folks is strict. My dad didn't let us go to the
Christmas Tree they had at the Sunday-school, neither.
Peppeê. I didn't suppose that kind of strictness was left in the country.
Bub [with conviction]. My dad's that kind of strict.
Ben. Dat po' chile's mos' ersleep now. Come on, honey. Ben'll take
you to bed. [Lifts Sonny in his arms.]
Peppeê. That's right, Ben. Run on with him, Bub—Ben'll take care of
you. [Exit Ben, with children. Enter Tim.] Well, Tim, did you get
Simpson?
Tim. Yes, sir, and he says he'll come and fetch the kids in the
morning—he won't on no account let them stay to see the show.
[General groan of indignation.
Baêney. The like of him ain't fit to live!

Haêêy [disgusted]. Wot sort of chap do you call that!
Jeêêy. Can't we do nothin' about it?
Peppeê. Sure you did your best, Tim?—you didn't make him mad,
maybe?
Tim. Me? No, sir! But he was madder about the kids than he was
scared about them, I reckon.
Mike. An' does he think he desarves to get thim back, I'd like to
know? Let's kape thim ourselves!
Jack. We need a couple of kids in the show. That Bub's a sharp one!
Peppeê. No, fellows—that won't do. Perhaps the mother's a different
kind.
[Enter Ben, speaks to Mike. The rest listen.
Ben. Dey's jus' wore out, dose chillen—done fall ersleep 'fo' I got de
blanket over dem.
Jeêêy. I tell you what, fellows. That old flub of a farmer won't get in
very early—let's give 'em a show all to themselves. What say?
Jack. Bully scheme!
Mike. That's classy, that is!
Haêêy [aside to Jeêêy]. S'pose the boss'll let us do a stunt like that?
Not on yer life!
Peppeê. Very good idea, Barney. You'll have all morning for it, sure.
[Troupe surprised and delighted. General
hum of pleasure.
Peppeê [clearing his throat and hesitating a little]. Oh—a—a—I was
going to say—these kids seem to have rather a slow time of it. What
do you fellows say we do it up brown—go the whole figure and—

well, a little Christmas won't hurt us, either. Let's give them a
Christmas Tree. I'll set up the fixin's for it!
[An instant's pause of utter amazement, then
a hubbub of enthusiasm and approval, interrupted
by Ben.
Ben [coming forward, raps on the mess-table and raises his voice].
Gen'lemen! I'd like to offer de resolution dat we all gib t'ree cheers
fo' Mr. Pepper!
[Cheers given with a will.
CURTAIN
ACT II
Time: Christmas morning.
Scene: Same as Act I. During first part of scene, the troupe, all but
Peppeê and Tim, are very busy arranging tent for their special
performance. Baêney and Dutch move mess-table to [R.], cover it
with red cloth, and set two boxes upon it as seats for the guests of
honor. Ben and Jeêêy bring in a gymnasium mattress and a small low
platform, which they arrange [Center], covering it with a bright-
colored cloth. Haêêy, Jack, and Mike set soap-boxes with boards for
seats at back of stage.
Baêney. Did yez iver see annything loike the change in the Boss?
Ben. I jes' lay awake half de night studyin' 'bout it.
Jeêêy. I tell you, he's just treatin' those two kids white, he is.
Jack. First time ever, for him.

Mike. I'm just shtruck doomb, I am. Says I to meself, says I, "There's
magic in ut."
Dutch. Nein,—it's dot little Christmas Tree vot doos ut.
Haêêy. Well, h'anyway, 'e's h'evidently 'ad a change of 'eart. 'Ow's the
kids this morning?
Ben. Fine as silk! I war expectin' to fin' 'em all tuckered out, but not
a bit of it, sir! Dey's sharp as persimmons. Don' seem lak dey could
a-walked all dat way widout no lift.
Baêney. Did yez tell them about the show, thin?
Dutch. Ve did, und dey're so oxzited dot it seem like dey'd shump out
o' deir shkins.
Jeêêy. Have they heard of the tree?
Ben. No. Mr. Pepper, he say, don' let on—keep dat fer er s'prise.
Dutch. Und since deir folks iss such heathens—dey ain'd t'inkin' 'bout
noddings like dot.
Jack. Hustle up—you talk too much. The kids' folks'll be here after
them if you don't get a move on.
Mike [gazing with pride at the result of their labors]. It's a foine
soight, sure.
Haêêy [leading the way to the tent door]. Come along, fellows—it
looks to me as 'ow we're ready. 'Oo'll be the 'erald an' tell 'em we're
comin'?
[Exeunt all but Dutch.
Dutch [goes to footlights and speaks to the piano]. If der bant vill
blees be so kint und blay a chune fer der grant marsh! [Exit. After a
moment enter Dutch and Ben with the children, Sonny hanging to
Ben'ë hand and dancing with excitement. They are lifted into place.]

Ben. Now, den, honey, you-all's gwine to see der circus, sho' 'nuff.
Dutch. So! Is you gomf'table?
[Exeunt Ben and Dutch.
Bub. Oh, Sonny, we're goin' to have a circus all to ourselves.
Sonny. It's better than just comin' in like other folks, isn't it, Bub?
Bub. Oh, lots! I guess it's a sure enough Christmas, too, Sonny. [He
rocks to and fro with delight. The piano plays a gay, quick march,
and the Circus enters, in procession, headed by Peppeê himself and
ending with the dog. They march several times around the stage,
then take seats on the boards. Dutch suddenly catches up his tray,
and goes about shouting his wares, with a great air of being very
busy.]
Dutch. Beanuts! Beanuts! Here's your fresh-roasted beanuts! Bop-
corn! Bop-corn und beanuts!
Jack. How do you sell 'em, Dutch?
Dutch [incensed]. You tink I vould sell dem on Christmas? Vot you
take me for, hein? Haf some—it's a bresunt. [Passes them about,
and then takes up his stand (R. front) just behind the boys. Peppeê
steps forward and stands beside the platform. Makes a fine
sweeping bow to the boys.]
Peppeê [with his best professional manner], Mr. Benjamin Franklin
Simpson and Mr. Daniel Webster Simpson, we have the great honor
to make you welcome to the most world-renowned, the most
marvelous single-ring circus upon the face of this Terrestrial Globe—
Pepper's Perennial Circus, so named because it never folds its tents
from season's end to season's end. I, Gentlemen, am Peter Piper
Pepper, the fortunate proprietor of this colossal assemblage of
artists. The members of my Company have desired the honor of
being presented to you personally before they exhibit to you their
unparalleled skill. It gratifies me exceedingly to comply with this

wish. [Steps to side of platform and motions to troupe. As he calls
them by name they step forward and bow, with flourishes.]
Gentlemen, allow me to present to you the distinguished, the
glorious Signor Frencelli, and Signor Cocodilla, who have charmed
the crowned heads of Europe. [The clowns come forward and bow.]
Dutch [sotto voce to the boys]. Deir names is Barney O'Brien und
Jerry Pickle, but dot vouldn't do for der bosters. [Clowns sit down.]
Peppeê. Gentlemen, you see before you the world-renowned Marco
Brothers, known from the frozen North to the sunny South, for their
skill and ability in acrobatic feats. One of them also is a famous
bareback rider and performer of feats of equestrian valor. He has a
further talent of which you will be given an example a little later.
[Hopkinë and Limbeê Jack make their bows.
Dutch. Dot's Harry Hopkins, und de big feller is Limber Jack. Dey
yust bass for brudders.
Peppeê. Now, Gentlemen, our show has the distinction of possessing
the great Mr. Barlow, the only native African minstrel upon any
stage. Mr. Barlow is a prince in his own country, and indeed we
esteem him a prince in whatever sphere he may adorn.
Dutch. Dot's Ben Chackson, und he ain't crossed no vater vider dan
der riffer. [Makes a face.] But ve makes it up to der peoples vat pays
for der seats.
Peppeê. And now, Gentlemen, last, but not least we have the noted,
the justly celebrated Professor Wormwood, whose successful
methods of training the dog and the monkey until they are rendered
all but human, have been copied the world over. Professor
Wormwood, with his dog, Schneider, and his South American
monkey, Jocko.
[Mike steps upon the stage with the dog and
monkey, makes his bow, and admonishes
them to do the same.

Dutch. Dot's Mike McGinnis.
Bub. Have the dog and the monkey got some other names, too?
Dutch. No,—dey don' need dem.
Peppeê. Gentlemen, our little entertainment is now about to begin.
Professor Wormwood will give an exhibition of his clever animals.
[As each is called upon to do some little
"stunt," he bows elaborately, and does
whatever he has to do with a great deal of
professional air, then returns to his place,
as before. The little boys, after Dutch'ë
suggestion, applaud vigorously, and the
rest of the troupe look on at each other's
"acts" with condescending approval.
These are given in the following order.
1. Professor Wormwood and his animals.
2. Frencelli and Cocodilla in juggling feats.
3. Mr. Barlow, the minstrel, in a darkey story.
4. Limber Jack in acrobatic exercises.
5. Marco Brothers, Indian clubs.
6. Harry Hopkins (a) gives an exhibition of bareback riding.
(b) as Mademoiselle Zarah, dances.
7. Song. Mademoiselle Zarah and Troupe.
[Mike puts the animals through a number of tricks.
Dutch [to the boys]. Abplaud! Abplaud!
Bub [puzzled]. What?
Dutch [clapping hands]. Abplaud! Dey mus' have abplowse!
[While the animals are performing, the
canvas parts (R. front). Enter Faêmeê
Simpëon , unnoticed by anyone save

Dutch, who watches him at first uncomprehendingly,
then with suspicion. The
farmer looks about in horror, craning his
neck to see all that is going on. Shakes
his fist at the Ringmaster, sees the children,
and makes as if to grab them. Dutch
interposes his body with determination.
Dutch [sotto voce, but decidedly]. Vot you t'ink you do—hein?
Faêmeê. You gi'me those children!
Dutch. You vaits. You don' gotta take 'em yet.
Faêmeê. They're mine and I've come to git 'em.
Dutch. You is deir vater, hein? All right; you vaits. Shoost sit down
und look at der show. [Shoves him down forcibly on a convenient
box or keg, then carefully stands between him and the boys.
Children shout and applaud the animals. Farmer watches at
intervals, and during each turn he rises as if to protest, and is
emphatically set down by Dutch. His resistance is more and more
feeble each time, and his interest in the performers visibly increases,
until at the end he actually stands looking open-mouthed over
Dutch'ë shoulder, even betrayed into applause. When he catches
himself clapping, however, he stops short and clasps his hands
behind his back. Pêofeëëoê Woêmwood finally bows himself off.]
Peteê. I have the honor to announce Signor Frencelli and Signor
Cocodilla in their great act.
[Clowns come forward and bow, do juggling
tricks, etc. Same business for the rest.
Sonny. Oh, Bub, I think our dad would like this, don't you?
Bub. I reckon he would, if he'd just ever come and see it.
[Clowns bow themselves off.

Peteê. Gentlemen, the famous Mr. Barlow will now entertain you.
[Minstrel tells a darkey story.
Bub. Don't you wish he'd come and live at the farm, Sonny?
Sonny. Yes, I do. S'pose he would?
[Minstrel bows and sits down. All applaud.
Peteê. Now, Gentlemen, one of the Marco Brothers will show his
marvelous strength and agility.
[Limbeê Jack turns flip-flaps, etc. Presently
Haêêy steps forward and they swing Indian
clubs, gayly decorated, to music.
Then Limbeê Jack takes his seat, and
Hopkinë takes the stage alone.
Haêêy. Yer honors, I 'eartily regret that I cannot this morning give a
h'exhibition of my famous bareback riding h'exploits, h'owing to the
fact of our 'orses being h'otherwise h'occupied—— [confidentially] a-
h'eating their h'oats, ye know. But, h'anyway, I can make the
h'attempt to show you 'ow it is done, with a h'imaginary 'orse. 'Ere,
Mr. h'O'Brien, will you kindly h'assist me?
[Baêney brings a chair without a back, and
Haêêy, after pretending to quiet a mettlesome
steed, mounts, and goes through all
the motions of dashing about the ring bareback.
He wears an intensely serious look,
fixing his eyes as it were upon the horse's
ears, cheering him on, leaping off and on,
standing lightly on one toe, etc. The
Ringmaster watches and cracks his whip,
the music plays a light and quick air, the
whole troupe rise and watch breathlessly,
bending in time to the music as if in time
to a galloping horse. Jeêêy comes forward

with a wand, and Haêêy leaps over
it. Then Baêney brings a hoop, wound
in gay colors, or covered with tissue paper,
and Haêêy springs through it. This is
his culminating feat, and now the horse
apparently slows down and stops, Haêêy
leaping off and making a low bow toward
the seats of honor.
Bub [applauding wildly]. Why, I could almost see the horse!
[Haêêy retires to back of stage, and makes
a quick change in full view of the audience,
to a ballet skirt and a yellow wig.
The clowns assist him to dress, hooking
him up behind, and holding a mirror for
the proper adjustment of the wig, etc.
Peteê. Gentlemen, having shown you his prowess as a bareback
rider, Signor Marco will now be introduced to you in a new light. Our
traveling arrangements being somewhat—ahem!—circumscribed, we
have never been able to carry any of the fair sex with us upon our
tours. Believe me, Gentlemen, such is the surpassing genius of
Signor Marco that we have never felt the need of ladies, as I am
sure you will agree. [Haêêy now comes forward with mincing steps
and a coy smile.] Gentlemen, allow me to present to you the
celebrated artist, the far-famed and charming Mademoiselle Zarah!
[The troupe all bow with great enthusiasm to the transformed Haêêy,
who courtesies and smiles with all professional airs and graces. The
music strikes up, and Zaêah dances. When the dance is ended, Zaêah
bows again, and goes through the motions of catching bouquets
from the troupe or audience.]
Peteê. Mademoiselle Zarah, assisted by the whole troupe, will now
favor us with a song.

[Popular song, adapted to the occasion by the
use of Christmas words. The boys applaud
long and loudly; the troupe, after
making a general farewell bow, break ranks
and gather around them. Jeêêy and
Baêney remove platform.
Sonny. I'd like to go to a circus every day.
Bub. Don't I wish I could! Well, it's a fine Christmas present, anyway.
Peteê. Did you like it?
Bub and Sonny. Oh, did we!
Bub. It was just right!
Peteê. Can you think of anything that would be an improvement—for
a Christmas celebration, you know?
Bub [embarrassed]. Well, Mr. Pepper—you see—we've always heard
the other children telling about Christmas—and Christmas Trees—
and we did wish we could see one. This is next best, you know—but
we did wish we could see a tree.
Peppeê [nods to clowns]. Well,—I'm not Herman—nor yet old Santa
Claus, but I guess I can do this trick. [Waves his whip, and the two
clowns suddenly throw back the canvas (back Center) and disclose a
small tree, lighted and raised high, framed by the sides of the tent.]
Bub [claps his hands]. Oh, is that what a Christmas Tree looks like!
Sonny. Oh, Bub, let's go and see it. [They slip down from their places
and slowly approach the tree. Farmer makes as if to seize them.]
Dutch [catching his arm]. No, sir,—you vaits shtill longer a leetle bit!
Sonny. Oh, Bub, look at all the pretty shiny things.

Bub. And candy, Sonny, and toys, and the star on top! [The men
fairly swell with pride.]
Baêney. Sure it's the best I iver did see, for a small one.
Jeêêy. Makes me feel like a kid myself—we always had 'em every
year.
Mike. It joost warms the very cockles of me heart.
Haêêy. I'd 'ave you look at their faces—they're 'appy, all right. It 'as
the circus beat h'all 'ollow for them.
Jack. Between the two, they'll not forget this Christmas!
Ben [leaning over the children]. Look at all dem C'ris'mas gif's,
honey! Dey's every las' one fer you.
Bub [disappointed]. Not anything for anybody else?
Sonny. Not nothing for Ben? I likes Ben!
Bub. And Dutch, and everybody? [The men are confused at this turn
of affairs.] Only for us? Why, we thought Christmas trees were for
everybody. And they've all been so good to us!
Peteê [throwing himself into the breach]. No, that's a big mistake,
boys! There is something on that tree for them—something that says
every man in this here show gets a whole week's wages for a
Christmas present, and then he can get what he wants most!
[A moment's silence, then there is a great
clapping of hands, and slapping of each
other's shoulders, and all press forward
and shake hands gratefully with Peteê.
Dutch [to Farmer]. Vot I tells you? No maitter how shtrict you goes
for to be [slowly, and with emphasis], you cain't kills Christmas! Yust
look at der liddle tree! Laist night ve all vas reddy to cut somebody's
t'roat, und dis mornin'—Bresto! Shangch!—ve're de pest frien's efer.

It's der Kinder, und der Tree, und Christmas! I tells you, der ain'd
noddings like Christmas der whole vorld rount!
[The Farmer, who has been unbending gradually,
at last nods in hearty acquiescence.
Music strikes up, and all sing "Christmas
Song." Bub and Sonny, unmolested,
climb up to examine the little tree.
CHRISTMAS SONG[31]
Fêank E. Savile.

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Fighting Sprawl And City Hall Michael F Logan

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Fighting Sprawl And City Hall Michael F Logan

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