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Glocalization and the Development
of a Hybrid Leadership Model
Through in-depth interviews with the presidents of major Chinese
universities, this text explores the changing demands on leaders in higher
education in the wake of globalization and develops a contemporary
model of Hybrid Leadership.
Glocalization and the Development of a Hybrid Leadership Model
examines the leadership philosophies and practices of Chinese university
presidents and presents new insights and perspectives on the meaning
and practice of leadership in a global era. Drawing on data from a
unique methodological process which integrates Western and Eastern
approaches, chapters foreground the experiences of leaders in higher
education to demonstrate how they perceive and balance diverse and
potentially conflicting local and global demands and ensure effective
leadership by combining global and local leadership philosophies and
practices. Ultimately, this informs the development of a new model of
leadership characterized by the hybridization of the global and the local
at the contextual and personal levels marked by global competency,
multiple cultural and sectoral mind-sets, and geographically adaptable
skill sets.
Challenging and enriching the existing theories of leadership for higher
education, this text will be of interest to scholars, postgraduate students,
and academics in the fields of educational leadership, international and
comparative education, higher education, and leadership studies. It will
also be of interest to the practitioners of leadership in general and higher
education leadership in particular.
Qingyan Tian serves as the Provost’s Special Assistant for International
Outreach at Christopher Newport University, Virginia, US. She also holds
a faculty appointment in the Department of Leadership and American
Studies.

Routledge Research in Educational Leadership Series
Books in this series:
Generational Identity, Educational Change, and School Leadership
Corrie Stone-Johnson
Educational Leadership in Becoming
Nuraan Davids and Yusef Waghid
Educational Leadership for Transformation and Social Justice
Narratives of change in South Africa
John Ambrosio
The Hermeneutics of Jesuit Leadership
The Meaning and Culture of Catholic-Jesuit Presidents
Maduabuchi Leo Muoneme
Advancing the Development of Urban School Superintendents
through Adaptive Leadership
Sarah Chace
Exploring the Affective Dimensions of Educational Leadership
Psychoanalytic and Arts-based Methods
Alysha J. Farrell
A Model of Emotional Leadership in Schools
Effective Leadership to Support Teachers’ Emotional Wellness
Izhak Berkovich and Ori Eyal
Glocalization and the Development of a Hybrid Leadership Model
A Study of Chinese University Presidency
Qingyan Tian
For more information about this series, please visit: www.routledge com/
Routledge-Research-in-Educational-Leadership-Series/book-series/
EDLEAD

Glocalization and the
Development of a Hybrid
Leadership Model
A Study of Chinese University
Presidency
Qingyan Tian

First published 2021
by Routledge
52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017
and by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2021 Taylor & Francis
The right of Qingyan Tian to be identified as author of this work has
been asserted by her in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the
Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or
reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical,
or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including
photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or
retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks
or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and
explanation without intent to infringe.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
A catalog record for this book has been requested
ISBN: 978-0-367-24890-1 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-0-429-28496-0 (ebk)
Typeset in Sabon
by Apex CoVantage, LLC

To my son
To my parents
To my friends
To my mentors
To Ocean University of China and the University of Illinois
To my countries: China and the United States
And to our world
For their love, guidance, support, nurturing, and
knowledge

Contents
List of Figures ix
List of Tables x
Acknowledgments xi
About the Author xii
Preface xiii
PART I
Introduction and Overview 1
1 The World of Globalization and Localization
Calls for Glocal Leadership 3
2 The Evolution of the Role of the University President
in the United States and China 19
3 Connecting Existing Understandings of Glocal
Leadership 27
4 Methodological Considerations for a Glocal
Approach in Leadership Studies 53
PART II
Hybrid Presidential Roles 71
5 Visionary 73
6 CEO 114
7 Fundraiser 135
8 Head of Internationalization 145
9 Minister of Houqin 159

viii Contents
10 Scholar + Jack-of-All-Trades 168
11 Friend Raiser and Relationship Balancer 174
12 Moral Role Model 184
13 Non-Leader (A Symbolic Role) 201
PART III
A Hybrid Leadership Model 205
14 Toward a Hybrid Leadership Model 207
15 The Way Forward 228
References 241
Index 255

Figures
14.1 Leadership is contingent on global and local contexts 216
14.2 Leadership is contingent on personal experiences,
values, traits and skills, and behaviors 219
14.3 Leadership combines global and local values, traits
and skills, and behaviors 222
14.4 Leadership is a dynamic process of hybridization of
the global and the local 224
14.5 Hybrid Leadership model 225

14.1 Global and Local Contextual Elements 211
14.2 Leadership Values, Traits and Skills, and Behaviors of
the Interviewed Presidents 221
Tables

Acknowledgments
This book emerges from research done for my doctoral dissertation, but
no book is written alone. Many people have helped me along the way. As
such, I acknowledge my dissertation committee from the University of
Illinois at Urbana-Champagne (UIUC): Professor William Trent, Professor
Jennifer Greene, Professor Nick Burbules, Professor Kern Alexander, Pro-
fessor Dail Fields, and Professor Stanley O. Ikenberry for their guidance.
A number of experts in leadership studies, higher education, research
methodology, and other fields in the United States and other countries,
including several university presidents and chancellors, provided valu-
able guidance, for which I am very grateful: Fazal Rizvi, Robert Stake,
Adrianna Kezar, Robert Birnbaum, Richard Morrill, Nathan Harter, the
late Richard Couto, the late James Burns, Philip Altbach, Brian Earn,
Joanne Ciulla, Mansour Javidan, Bruce Erickson, Roya Ayman, Karen
Korabik, Michael Peters, John Sebastian, James Roach, Ray Lu, Brady
Deaton, Richard Herman, and Joseph White. In addition, Dr. Stanley O.
Ikenberry, Dr. James Underson, Dr. Richard Herman, Dr. James Roach,
Dr. Huisheng Tian, Dr. Shuxing Li, Dr. Jianfeng Chen, and many others
assisted me with gaining access to the participants.
I am also thankful to the International Association of University Pres-
idents and several university presidents and senior leaders in China and
the United States for their additional assistance in gaining access to partici-
pants. My special thanks go to the Chinese university presidents and other
administrators, faculty, and students who allowed me to interview them.
I am grateful to my former students at Ocean University of China and
Wei Jiang for their work in transcribing the data. I extend deep apprecia-
tion to Raymond Lou, James Roach, Bruce Erickson, David Klath, Keven
Dolan, Mariahn Watkins, Amanda Rooker, and Ma Xin for their helpful
editing of the book manuscript. My sincere thanks go to Bob Colvin for
his consultation and editing. In addition, Christopher Newport Univer-
sity provided a generous faculty development grant to assist in the prepa-
ration of this final manuscript.
Lastly, I want to express special gratitude to my son, Runtian Bai,
for his technological assistance, professional assistance (including data
transcription and translation), and emotional and intellectual support
throughout the project.

About the Author
Qingyan Tian, PhD, has lived in
both China and the United States.
She serves as the Provost’s Special
Assistant for International Outreach
at Christopher Newport University
in Virginia. She also holds a faculty
appointment in the Department of
Leadership and American Studies
at Christopher Newport University,
where she teaches courses such as
“Leadership Theories,”“Cross-Cultural Leadership,” “Leadership Through
the Ages,” and “Values Leadership.” Her PhD is from the University of
Illinois at Urbana-Champaign (UIUC) in educational policy studies focus-
ing on global studies of higher education and leadership. She received her
master’s degree in English literature and language (focusing on American
studies) from Sichuan University in Chengdu, China. She was a tenured
associate professor at Ocean University of China, in Qingdao, China,
where she taught courses in American studies and English language. She
has worked as an international consultant on higher education internation-
alization and cross-cultural leadership for prestigious international organi-
zations, higher education institutions, and Fortune 500 companies. She is
the author of numerous articles and the editor of two books about higher
education and leadership (Footprints to Success in the Academy and Per -
spectives on Change in the American System of Higher Education).

Preface
This book seeks to advance the understanding and practice of leadership
beyond traditional Western perspectives. Developing a Glocal Model of
Higher Education Leadership: A Study of Chinese University Presidency
presents a new leadership framework compatible with the increasingly
globalized world. The framework emerges from studying the leadership
of university presidents with experiences across nations and cultures. In-
depth interviews were conducted with the presidents of nine key Chi-
nese universities who had educational and/or professional experiences in
the United States and other countries. The findings indicated that these
presidents were dynamically integrating leadership approaches and per-
spectives attained globally and locally to lead the world’s largest and
fastest-growing higher education system. Nine primary presidential lead-
ership roles emerged out of the study, and the book explores each role
and the resulting leadership characteristics in depth. This analysis serves
as the foundation for a glocal leadership model called Hybrid Leadership.
Hybrid Leadership is a constant, fluxional, and dynamic blending of
the global and the local according to the global and local contexts. This
leadership model challenges, complements, and enriches the existing the-
ories on leadership, particularly higher education leadership. It answers
the urgent call for developing a new leadership framework to train a new
generation of leaders in the twenty-first century, the age of globaliza-
tion. It offers a leadership concept more compatible with the emerging
globally networked societies. The Hybrid Leadership model is a helpful
tool for the training of academic leaders with strong implications for the
training of leaders in other for-profit and nonprofit sectors.
Perhaps equally valuable is that the author challenges the Western
either/or dichotomized approaches to conducting research, which are
deficient in analyzing global leadership challenges and developing suc-
cessful strategies. She made efforts to integrate Eastern philosophical and
cultural elements into Western research methodologies, and thus started
a meaningful journey to explore a glocal hybrid research methodology,
which has the potential to contribute to the cross-cultural leadership
research in the interconnected world. Instead of utilizing a traditional

xiv Preface
comparative approach comparing one culture/group of cultures with
another culture/group of cultures to find differences or similarities, she
employs a nontraditional comparative approach examining the dyna-
mism of several cultures existing in one person/system.
This work asks readers to rethink what leadership looks like in a global
system. The author’s and the participants’ Chinese and American knowl-
edge, experiences, and perspectives make this work unique and insightful.

Part I
Introduction and Overview

1 The World of Globalization
and Localization Calls for
Glocal Leadership
The World Context: Globalization
We are living in an increasingly globalized world. Even if we haven’t
traveled the globe, the globe has come to us (Thomas & Inkson, 2017;
Thomas & Peterson, 2017 ). To many, the global village we live in is char-
acterized by the compression of time and space, the interconnectivity of
every sphere of human life, rapid technology advancements, and invisible
but prevalent cultural differences (Thomas & Inkson, 2017). Regardless
of how many differences we have, the world of interconnectivity requires
us to cooperate (Hofstede, Hofstede, & Minkov, 2010 ). Globalization
is “a process whereby worldwide interconnections in virtually every
sphere of activity are growing. Some of these interconnections lead to
integration/unity worldwide; others do not” ( Thomas & Peterson, 2015 ,
p. 3). Specifically, globalization influences our life in five dimensions: eco-
nomic, human, cultural, political, and technological.
Economic globalization indicates a “financescapes” phenomenon ( Appa-
durai, 2006 , pp. 468–472), or the free flow of capital, goods, workers, and
investments across national borders ( Burbules & Torres, 2000 , p. 14). The
result is that the world economy is becoming increasingly interconnected.
For example, there are many trade agreements involving multiple nations
in the world, and the numbers of multinational corporations are increas-
ing. According to Greer and Singh (2000 ), since 1970, parent transnational
corporations increased from 7,000 to 38,000. Ninety percent of these com-
panies are headquartered in the industrialized countries and control more
than 207,000 global subsidiaries. These companies cannot function with-
out working globally.
Human globalization indicates an “ethnoscapes” phenomenon ( Appa-
durai, 2006 , pp. 468–472), or the increased volume of human migration
and mobility across national borders ( Bauman, 1998 ; Thomas & Inkson,
2017 ). Globalization brings about interactions and relationships between
people who are culturally different. Thus, the trend of human migration
globally is growing. According to the International Migration Report
(2017), the number of international migrants reached 258 million in

4 The World of Globalization
2017. Some of these migrants travel for transnational jobs; some seek
better life opportunities (e.g., international students); some attempt to
escape death, hunger, and repression (e.g., refugees); and some commit
crimes across national borders (e.g., terrorists).
Cultural globalization indicates the phenomena of “mediascapes” and
“ideascapes” ( Appadurai, 2006 , pp. 468–472), or the increased com-
munication and exchange of ideas across national borders. As a result,
national cultures have become more similar, different, and hybridized
( Pieterse, 2009 ; Young, 2006 ). In other words, cultural homogenization,
cultural heterogenization ( Appadurai, 2006 ), and hybrid cultures all
coexist. For example, the culture of McDonald’s has been spread all over
the world, sometimes even mixing American flavors with local ones.
Sushi, which originated in Japan, has become very popular beyond Japan.
Bollywood hybridizes American and Indian music, songs, and dances. In
addition, the American ideologies of liberty and freedom are flowing all
over the world.
Political globalization can be described as “a certain loss of nation-
state sovereignty, or at least the erosion of national autonomy, and, cor-
respondingly, a weakening of the notion of the ‘citizen’ as a unified and
unifying concept, a concept that can be characterized by precise roles,
rights, obligations, and status” ( Burbules & Torres, 2000 , p. 14). With the
cross-border movements of money, human beings, and ideologies, politics
can no longer be confined within national boundaries. Events happening in
one country affect other countries, requiring collaborative efforts between
the global and the local. For instance, the most recent U.S.–Iran–Iraq
conflict has affected not only the three countries involved but also the
entire world, particularly the Middle East. To prevent the problem from
getting worse (i.e., a possible war), many countries such as China, Russia,
France, and other European countries as well as world organizations
such as the United Nations started to work together with the three coun-
tries involved to find peaceful solutions. COVID-19 began in China and
spread to many countries throughout the world. Controlling it required
the collaboration of supranational organizations and national govern-
ments from many countries. Today, more and more summit meetings are
being held, where national leaders from around the world assemble to
solve problems with implications for global communities.
All of these transnational movements are aided by technology. Tech-
nological globalization indicates a “technoscapes” phenomenon ( Appa-
durai, 2006 , pp. 468–472), or the flow and advancement of technology
across national borders, thus facilitating political, economic, human, and
cultural globalization. Technology has transformed both the method and
speed of communication; it links people together instantly. Whatever hap-
pens in one location is quickly known and reacted to in other locations.
Globalization has both advantages and disadvantages for human soci-
eties. On one hand, political, economic, cultural, human, and technology

The World of Globalization 5
interconnectivity creates opportunities for nations to learn from and sup-
port one another despite their differences. It can also help nations share
resources and power collectively across the world to tackle global and
local problems. With mutual support and understanding, we can leverage
this interconnectivity to create a world of peace, love, and prosperity. On
the other hand, globalization also has its dark side. War, nuclear weapon
competition, terrorism, drug dealing, human trafficking, religious hatred,
energy war, disease, and the polarization of wealth and power are also
global in scope, thus harming more people and nations than ever before.
In other words, globalization is a very complex phenomenon. Some
perceive globalization as a totalitarian process, where the national cul-
tures and identities yield to the most powerful nation’s cultures and ideol-
ogies and where the nations in the world become more and more similar
regarding values, ideologies, and identities. However, in the process of
globalization, local resistance cannot be ignored. Globalization and local-
ization are twins. Although the world is becoming more globalized, to a
large degree, it is also becoming more localized. In fact, a third condition
emerges: a hybridity of the global and the local. Also, these multiple
dimensions of globalization do not have a harmonious relationship. The
disjointed political, economic, cultural, human, and technological dimen-
sions of globalization add even more complexities to the world and to
human life ( Appadurai, 2006 , pp. 468–472).
All of these dimensions of globalization have had strong impacts on
higher education ( Altbach, 2016 ; Altbach, Reisberg, & Rumbley, 2009 ),
specifically manifesting through an agenda of neoliberalism. Embracing
market value as the core ethics for all human actions, neoliberalism has
become a dominant thought and practice throughout much of the world
since 1970 or so ( Harvey, 2007 ). Due to neoliberalism’s core value of
market behavior, state intervention in the economy is minimized and finan-
cial support to higher education is reduced. As a result, higher education
has become more and more a commodity where commercialization,
privatization, and marketization are trending ( Altbach, Reisberg, &
Rumbley, 2010 ). These trends are turning universities into entrepreneurial
“McUniversities,” where universities all over the world compete with one
another ( Lorenz, 2006 , p. 12), resulting in the emerging academic capi-
talism ( Slaughter & Rhoades, 2004 ). These market-driven universities
are seeking standardization (i.e., of institutions, managers, academics,
and students), managerial power, efficiency, accountability, and rankings
( Lorenz, 2006 , pp. 13–14). In these “enterprise” universities, the faculty
and administrators can be called “entrepreneurs,” while the real entrepre-
neurs become the “stakeholders” of the “McUniversities” (p. 15). With
these challenges from globalization, universities are rapidly changing,
constantly being restructured, and adopting practices more commonly
found in businesses ( Currie, 1998 ). Globalization has brought into today’s
universities less government funding, increasing technoscience, a focus on

6 The World of Globalization
intellectual property development, and more involvement with multina-
tional companies. This restructuring encompasses less personal capitalist
competition in a deregulated environment, thus enhancing global trends
in local communities ( Burbules & Torres, 2000 ). In responding to these
global imperatives, higher education systems in many countries adopted
internationalization as a strategy ( Burbules & Torres, 2000 ). The inter-
nationalization of higher education typically includes sending students to
study abroad, setting up a branch campus overseas, engaging interinsti-
tutional partnership ( Altbach et al., 2009 , p. iv), and internationalizing
the curriculum. Many countries’ universities also internationalize their
leaders as a strategy to cope with the forces of globalization. My years
of working with university presidents all over the world reinforced that
this phenomenon is real. Countries, especially developing ones, have been
promoting or developing leaders with global experiences and competen-
cies as strategies for advancing their societies.
For some, the impact of globalization on higher education offers
exciting new opportunities because universities can collaborate across
national boundaries. For others, it is a threat to national culture and
autonomy ( Altbach et al., 2009 , p. v). While expanding higher education’s
capacity for many countries, globalization has also brought inequality to
the world’s higher education systems and increased the tension between
the center and peripheries of the world. The center, the developing coun-
tries, has had more resources and therefore more power to impose their
standards on peripheral (developing) countries; therefore, to compete,
peripheries have attempted to build world-class universities based on
the center’s criteria, which favors universities from the English-speaking
world ( Altbach et al., 2009 , p. v). All these factors create a disadvantage
for higher education in developing countries, for as they expand their
physical structure and enrollment capacity, they experience a loss of core
academic quality ( Altbach et al., 2009 , p. vi). This may be why, regardless
of any perceived disadvantages, local resistance at a variety of levels still
takes place to protect public education from unrestrained market forces
( Burbules & Torres, 2000 ). In these ways, globalization’s influences on
higher education has created a multitude of effects on higher education
policies and practices ( Burbules & Torres, 2000 ).
All of these complexities resulting from globalization have made global,
national, and organizational environments more complex, more dynamic,
more uncertain, and more competitive than ever before (Thomas & Inkson,
2017). The increasing velocity and unfiltered, frictionless flow of every-
thing everywhere has made the leadership environment challenging, vola-
tile, and ambiguous. Therefore, we have a shortage of global leaders, and
today’s leadership skills will not be sufficient for tomorrow’s leadership
environment ( Black, Morrison, & Gregersen, 1999 ; Osland, 2013 ).
In the context of higher education in particular, the interconnected and
multifaceted nature of globalization has increased the need for effective

The World of Globalization 7
global leadership ( Ramos, 2005 ). Unlike corporations that ventured
into the global village to maximize their market and profit ( Livermore,
2015 ), higher education has historically operated more within national
boundaries serving the national interests and strengthening national
ideologies. However, globalization is breaking down the doors of higher
education, and the challenges and solutions of a nation’s higher education
can no more be confined within that nation’s borders. “We are living in
an age of globalization when higher education becomes a passport for
the globalized economy, and the problems universities can solve become
borderless and require the collective efforts of international communities”
( Herman, 2007 , p. 3). Therefore, leaders of higher education desperately
need global competencies such as the ability to work effectively in inter-
national settings; awareness of and adaptability to diverse cultures, per-
ceptions, and approaches; familiarity with the major currents of global
change and the issues they raise; and the capacity for effective communi-
cations across cultural and linguistic boundaries ( Brustein, 2007 ).
Nowhere is the need for leaders with global competencies becoming
more important and crucial than in China, a country emerging from
isolation and rapidly becoming a major world player and power.
The Chinese Context: Globalization and Localization
In China’s case, the dualities of the global and the local go hand in hand,
forming a very complex matrix of context. While responding to global
imperatives, Chinese leadership is also responding to its national context.
The national context is a result of a dynamic interaction between global
forces, Chinese realities, and people’s choices. As mentioned previously,
although globalization is taking place ( Burbules & Torres, 2000 , p. 18)
and exerting influences on many aspects of national life, the national
responses to its imperatives are not merely passive; in fact, active and
passive resistance and responses operate in tandem. For example, some
developing countries, such as China and Malaysia,“have become increas-
ingly suspicious of globalization” ( Burbules & Torres, 2000 , p. 17). While
desiring some of the benefits of participation in a global economy and an
exchange of goods and information, these two countries have been trying
“to find ways to constrain its [globalization’s] effect on their national
way of life” ( Burbules & Torres, 2000 , p. 17).
Socialism With Chinese Characteristics: A Unique
Development Model
When Deng Xiaoping and his followers opened China to the outside world
in the 1980s, the country realized that it was falling far behind the world,
particularly the Western world. Economically, the country was in extreme
poverty as a consequence of the Cultural Revolution (1968–1978), when

8 The World of Globalization
productivity was reduced to a minimum. Politically, it was suffocating
due to Zedong Mao’s strong-handed leadership. Culturally, it was domi-
nated by Mao’s socialist norms adopted from Marxism and the former
Soviet Union. Traditional values were removed, at least at the superficial/
official level; thus, Chinese culture became very homogenous.
In this situation, China desired to re-enter the world, which required
it to meet the world standard defined by Western countries. In order to
benefit from, but not be victimized by, the forces of globalization, China
developed broad strategies and approaches for development under the
leadership of Deng Xiaoping. The following three statements proposed by
Deng Xiaoping capture vividly the essence of these strategies: 1) explore
a socialist way of development with Chinese characteristics; 2) it doesn’t
matter whether a cat is black or white; what matters is that it catches
mice; and 3) cross the river by touching the stones in it ( Huang, 2005 ).
On one hand, these strategies show that because economic development
was seen as the only way for China to become a world player, China
would do everything it could to accelerate this. On the other hand, China
did not want to lose its national identity. Therefore, the Chinese people
were willing to take the risk of exploring a new development model that
would fit into the new context of globalization and localization.
Specifically, Deng Xiaoping called for rejuvenating China through
science, technology, and education. Under the overall guidelines proposed,
China created a unique development model called “socialism with Chinese
characteristics.” The main ideas of this model include the socialist politi-
cal system; a market economy; and a culture characterized by traditional,
socialist, and Western values and ideologies. Under the framework of this
overall development model, China launched a large-scale reformation,
combining the Western/global and Chinese/local ideologies and practices
that fit China’s context.
Economically, China has been experimenting with a distinctive devel-
opment model called the Beijing Consensus, a combination of the free-
market economy and planned economy ( Huang, 2005 ). The model aims
to serve China better by allowing the economy to grow faster. In this
model, sometimes the market is God, while at other times, the govern-
ment is God, depending on what is good for China. According to Ramo
(2004 ), the Beijing Consensus contains four key elements: innovation,
asymmetry, “human-up development,” and the balance of individual
rights and responsibilities (p. 272).
China’s new development approach [Beijing Consensus] is driven by
a desire to have equitable, peaceful, high-quality growth; it turns . . .
ideas like privatization and free trade on their [Chinese people’s] heads.
It is flexible enough that it is barely classifiable as a doctrine. It does
not believe in uniform solutions for every situation. It is defined by a
ruthless willingness to innovate and experiment, by a lively defense

The World of Globalization 9
of national borders and interests, and by the increasingly thoughtful
accumulation of tools of asymmetric power projection. It is pragmatic
and ideological at the same time, a reflection of an ancient Chinese
philosophical outlook that makes little distinction between theory and
practice.
( Ramo, 2004 , p. 221)
This distinctive development model positions China in “the interna-
tional order,” which is “an essential part of many nations’ hopes and live-
lihoods” ( Ramo, 2004 , p. 272). As a result of its implementation, China’s
gross domestic product (GDP) grew at a rate of more than 8 percent per
annum; 300,000,000 people were lifted from poverty, and 200,000,000
people moved out of rural agricultural areas ( Huang, 2005 , p. 26).
More encouragingly, these achievements were gained without the cost of
warfare, internal riots, and external invasions ( Huang, 2005 , p. 26). Most
importantly, it offered the world an alternative global-local (increasingly
known as glocal) model of development other than the Washington Con-
sensus, which advocates sustainable growth by strictly following the rule
of the market ( Ramo, 2004 ; Huang, 2005 ). Without this creative model
hybridizing Chinese and global elements, China would never have been
able to become the world’s second strongest economy, as it is today.
However, this rapid economic growth came with some side effects,
specifically widening development gaps between east and west, coast
and interior, and rich and poor. (Eastern and coastal regions historically
possessed more resources and a more advanced level of development,
whereas western and interior regions possessed fewer resources and a
lower level of development.) Upon realizing the problem, China launched
its own westward expansion. By investing more in the West and interior,
China has engaged in narrowing the gap between the haves and have-nots.
Politically, China has also made some global-local adjustments in
response to the imperatives of globalization while keeping its own identity.
In its political system, centralization and decentralization work hand in
hand dynamically. The overall system is still socialist, where the govern-
ment plays the utmost role; however, many reform measures have taken
place internally to loosen governmental control. Domestically, the govern-
ment’s role has been shifting from direct control to policy making in many
areas.
Culturally, China has become a hybridization of traditional cultures,
socialist ideologies, and Western cultures. Traditional Chinese cultures
are rooted in philosophies such as Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism;
socialist ideologies are rooted in Marxism and Maoism; and Western
ideologies include values such as competition, a market economy, mate-
rialism, independence, and equality ( Liu, 2004 ). It was Dengism, or Chi-
nese pragmatism, that bridged the Western and Chinese cultures. These
streams of values and ideologies are blending, conversing, and negotiating

10 The World of Globalization
dynamically, fluidly, and fluxionally in the setting of globalization, thus
forming a new type of Chinese culture where the boundaries blur between
the old and the new, the traditional and the modern, the West and the
East, the local and the global. As a result, contemporary Chinese culture
is a blending of Chinese traditional values, Western thoughts and Marxist
ideology, where Confucianism, Daoism, Buddhism, legalism, socialism,
Maoism, capitalism, Dengism, modernism, and postmodernism work
together vibrantly to shape the fabric of the society ( Liu, 2004 ; Row-
ley & Ulrich, 2013 ).
Under the guidance of the new development model after its economic
reformation, in the mid-1990s China initiated a campaign to modernize
its higher education system to meet global and local needs. China’s higher
education system already had a long history of interacting with the world,
as its modern higher education system was the result of interactions with
German, British, French, Japanese, and American higher education systems
at the turn of the twentieth century. Additionally, John Dewey’s philoso-
phy formed a solid foundation for modern Chinese higher education as
a result of his two-year visit to China and the efforts of leaders in higher
education who had graduated from U.S. universities (particularly from
Columbia University in New York), such as noted Chinese educator Hu
Shi ( Zhou, 1996 , p. 140). After the Revolution of 1949, the former Soviet
Union model came to dominate higher education; thus, the universities
became highly specialized and under increased government control. Then,
beginning with the Open Door Policy in 1978, Western models, especially
the U.S. model, again found prominence ( Yang, 2002 ; Zhou, 1996 ).
Under its overall development model, Chinese higher education has
been exploring a hybrid model combining American, Russian, and Chinese
ideas. Elements from the American model include comprehensiveness,
market-driven and performance orientations, and “a rationalization and
computerization of administrative structures” ( Lorenz, 2006 , p. 12); ele-
ments from the Russian model include high specialization and centraliza-
tion, and elements from Chinese models and ideas dynamically combine
the Maoist model, ancient Chinese educational ideologies and practices,
distinctive local educational ideologies and practices, and institutional tra-
ditions. Whereas the Maoist model emphasizes nonelitism and knowledge
applications to serve the proletariat, ancient Chinese practices emphasize
a holistic education approach. Distinctive local education ideologies have
been embedded in the long history and the cultures of various regions or
areas, so each is unique in its own ways. For example, Shanghai’s edu-
cation emphasizes the importance of international trade, finance, and
commerce due to its special history as the “Pearl of the East.” Qingdao
adopted some German educational ideas due to the German occupation.
Similarly, as a result of this long history, each university within each region
has evolved with unique traditions. For example, Nankai University is
known for its Western and Eastern fusion with an emphasis on humanities

The World of Globalization 11
and social sciences. Qinghua University’s strength lies in engineering and
natural sciences. Renmin (People’s) University, established by the Chinese
Communist Party in 1937, emphasizes the study of political science.
Many reform measures have been taken to meet the world standard
while maintaining Chinese identity in higher education. While the con-
cepts and practices of standardization, market determinism, imposed
management, and efficiency models are emerging, distinctive Chinese fea-
tures such as government control and human-oriented leadership have
been maintained. Also, against global trends, state expenditures on higher
education had been increasing ( Yang, 2000 ) until the most recent decade.
Even today, with the expansion of nonstate funding, gross investment in
Chinese higher education is still increasing ( Li & Liu, 2013 , p. 399).
More specifically, in order to meet the world/capitalist standard, China
has been transforming its higher education structure from the Russian
model emphasizing specialization to the American model emphasizing
comprehensibility ( Yang, 2000 ). The government has been loosening
its control on higher education systems by mainly focusing on policy
making. The dual leadership system of “presidential leadership under the
guidance of party secretaries” (see the next section) has been established
( Liu, 2005 ; Li, 2006 ; Wang, 1997 ). Beginning in 1999, China greatly
increased its higher education capacity through the expansion of its infra-
structure, academic programs, and enrollment. By 2005, enrollment had
soared to 23,000,000 ( Chinese Education Yearbook, 2006 ), or 4.7 times
what it had been in 1998 before the expansion—now the largest in the
world. With the enrollment rate reaching over 21 percent of high school
graduates ( Chinese Education Yearbook, 2006 ), China’s higher education
system entered the era of mass education.
However, this rapid expansion has resulted in a decrease of quality.
Consequently, in the most recent decades, the Chinese government has
switched its focus from infrastructure expansion and enrollment growth
to quality control and enhancement. Two examples of these efforts are
Project 211 and Project 985, which aimed to raise the educational qual-
ity of key universities to a level comparable to the leading institutions of
higher education throughout the world ( Chinese Education Yearbook,
2007 , 2008 ). Project 211 selected about 100 key universities, and Project
985 selected 39 universities for the Chinese government’s prioritized sup-
port for development. Throughout the past two decades, these efforts
helped enhance Chinese universities’ global visibility, research capacity
and quality, and global rankings.
According to the Chinese EducationYearbook (2007 ), by 2007, China’s
higher education degrees and credits were transferable to universities in
32 countries, of which 26 were developed countries, compared to zero
in the past. The number of international students in China has also been
growing now that international students are finding the quality of Chinese
universities more appealing. By 2018, 136 Chinese universities ranked in

12 The World of Globalization
the U.S. News & World Report list of the top 1,250 universities, second
only to the United States with 221 ranking universities. Regarding pub-
lished articles in science, China also ranked number two, right below the
United States ( Li & Liu, 2013 ). China has also been sending more scholars,
students, and administrators to study in developed countries. For most key
universities, study abroad is a primary criterion for faculty and admin-
istrator promotions. The statistics published by the Chinese Ministry of
Education (2018 ) shows that in 2017 alone, the Chinese state government
funded 31,200 visiting scholars (41.17 percent of the total) and graduate
or doctoral students (42.29 percent of the total) to study in 94 countries.
Moreover, China has developed many strategies to attract talented
Chinese students abroad to return to strengthen China’s global com-
petitiveness. According to the Chinese Ministry of Education (2018 ),
the return rate of Chinese students who study abroad, particularly high-
caliber graduates between 1978 and 2017, has been increasing. In total,
3,132,000 students (83.73 percent of all students) pursuing further
studies abroad have returned to China after graduation.
Since the 1990s, entrepreneurialism has been openly encouraged in Chi-
nese higher education to generate funds to run the universities. Multiple
channels of fundraising have been created to bring more funds to the uni-
versity, and a tuition system has been institutionalized to replace the past
free-tuition tradition ( Li & Liu, 2013 ; Yang, 2000 ); assessment mechanisms
have been established to push institutions to meet national and global stan-
dards; and internationalization strategies have been adopted to support the
goal of achieving world-class standards.
As indicated in previous discussions, while responding to the neolib-
eralism market-driven agenda, Chinese higher education has also been
responding to and facilitating the planned dimension of its economic
system. As a result, juxtapositions of the global and the local characterize
today’s Chinese higher education. For example, although the social ser-
vice role of the university has been emphasized, the tradition of elitism in
higher education still lingers. While attempting to adopt Western practices
such as the rule of law, the tendency to manage the university by Confu-
cian and Marxist moral values is still strong. Similarly, while university
presidents’ executive power has been greatly enhanced to match their
Western peers, the leadership system has been modified to fit the Chinese
context ( Yang, 2000 ). Although universities have adopted the Western
practice of charging tuition, China’s university tuition has increased grad-
ually according to the developmental level of its economy. Compared to
many Western countries, China’s tuition is still very low. While universi-
ties have gained more autonomy, government control is still present yet
more confined to policy making. While Western concepts of efficiency
and accountability are emphasized, so are the Chinese values of rela-
tionship and humanity. As it attempts to produce the quality personnel
the market calls for, China also maintains its moral education to secure

The World of Globalization 13
domestic political stability. Also, as it interacts with institutions all over
the world, China’s main purpose is to enhance its global competitiveness.
To this end, despite the trends of commercialization, privatization, and
entrepreneurialism, the nonprofit tradition of the universities is still trea-
sured and preserved. Regardless of the establishment of multiple funding
channels, government funding to higher education is still generous. No
matter how much autonomy the university has gained, it still depends on
the government in many ways.
Today, China’s quest for quality and world-class universities continues.
In 2015, the Chinese government made a strategic move from Project 211
and Project 985 to Project World-Class 2.0 (Double World-Class Project)
( Liu, Goodluck, & Awuor, 2019 ; Zhao, 2018 ). Its intention is to develop
not only world-class universities but also world-class disciplines by 2020,
which eventually will allow China to become a higher education world
powerhouse by 2050 ( Liu et al., 2019 ). To that end, Chinese government
has chosen specific universities and disciplines to receive additional funds
and support for growth. The future of Chinese higher education is very
promising!
Presidential Leadership Under the Guidance of the Party Secretary
Although the university system’s capacity for student enrollment, curricu-
lar change, and educational quality was expanded, the opposite might
be argued for campus presidents’ ability to lead. Before the reform, the
party secretary was the top leader of the universities. At the beginning of
the Open Door Policy era, universities experimented with a presidential
leadership system in which the university president was the final deci-
sion maker. However, after student demonstrations in 1989, the Chinese
government invented a system called Presidential Leadership Under the
Guidance of the Party Secretary, in which a checks-and-balances mecha-
nism was established to regulate the power of the president and party
secretary. This was codified in 1999’s Higher Education Law (Item 39),
which defined the respective responsibilities of the presidents and the
party secretaries. Party secretaries should lead the university and assist
the president in executing presidential power independently. Specifically,
party secretaries have three major responsibilities. First, they should
guide the overall direction of the university according to the Communist
Party’s policies and focus on political and ideological construction issues.
Second, they should be in charge of designing organizational structures
and selecting leaders. Third, they are responsible for making the crucial
decisions regarding the reform and future directions of the institutions.
Overall, their leadership roles focus more on the macro level.
As for the presidential responsibilities, Item 41 of the Higher Education
Law (1999 ) stipulates that the president should focus on the aca-
demic affairs, research, and other administrative affairs relating to the

14 The World of Globalization
operations of the university. Specifically, university presidents have five
major broadly defined responsibilities. First, they are expected to make
long-term and short-term plans, specific regulations, and policies and
implement them. Second, they are charged with organizing the activities
relating to teaching, research, and moral education. Third, they are the
chief executive officers in charge of the administration of the university,
which includes nominating vice-presidential candidates and appointing
and managing other internal administrators. Fourth, they make decisions
regarding faculty and staff employment, as well as decisions about student
affairs. Finally, university presidents develop and implement the budget
plan, manage the assets of the university, and oversee the legal aspects of
the university.
The Higher Education Law does not list specific presidential selection
criteria. Item 40 stipulates broadly that the president should be a citizen
who meets the requirements of the Education Law and is appointed by
the national government. However, relative youth, breadth of knowl-
edge, and political correctness are qualities that have been emphasized
in leader appointments. Most recently, moral values, character, leader-
ship competences, and compatibility with the party secretary have been
included.
This dual leadership system has been debated due to the potential
inherent tension between the two positions of authority. Theoretically, the
party secretary is the political leader, while the president is the academic
leader and chief executive officer. However, in a holistic Chinese culture,
where the boundaries between political and academic affairs are not
always clear-cut, it might be difficult to separate the president’s preroga-
tives from the party secretary’s daily activities. How the party secretary
guides the president to lead the university without interfering, as well as
developing this system to have the synergy of both leaders, requires more
work and examination.
Global and Local Leadership Training of the Chinese
University Presidents
The leadership training of the university president in China is normally
conducted by the national and local Communist Party’s Academy and
China Education Administration Academy. The former focuses more on
political ideology education; the latter focuses more on leadership skills
development. In recent decades, overseas training has become an addi-
tional element in the development of university leaders.
In 2003, the Chinese government launched 高校领导海外培训项目
(University Leader Overseas Training Program). Accordingly, each year,
the Chinese government sends five groups of Chinese higher educa-
tion leaders to countries such as the United States, France, Germany,

The World of Globalization 15
the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, Japan, and South Korea for
leadership development ( Luo, 2012 ). By 2012, more than 1,000 senior-
level university administrators, including presidents, from 200 univer-
sities had participated in this program. The government also created
opportunities for university presidents to learn from their global peers
in China by hosting events such as the Sino-Foreign University Presi-
dential Forum, which included university presidents from prestigious,
world-class universities.
Entering the World Trade Organization (WTO) as the 143rd mem-
ber on December 11, 2001, not only enabled China to become a global
voice in reshaping the world’s economy ( Rizvi, 2003 ) but also launched
the Chinese university network into the global higher education system.
In order to be a global player, China must have quality leadership. To
achieve this goal, China’s human resources must have vision, knowledge,
and skill sets that can connect China to the world.
However, at the beginning of China’s Open Door Policy, China had
experienced a serious brain drain due to the lower level of economic devel-
opment and the uncertainties of its political situation. “Between 1978 and
the end of 2007, more than 1.21 million Chinese went abroad for study
and research, of whom only about a quarter have returned” ( Cao, 2008 ).
Guided by the strategy of strengthening the country through robust human
resources, China sought to reverse the brain drain situation into a brain
gain situation. Starting from the early 1990s, China adopted the well-
known policy of supporting overseas studies, encouraging returns, and
allowing students to come and go. The government also initiated active
programs to attract overseas students to return upon completion of their
studies abroad. According to the China Statistical Yearbook ( National
Bureau of Statistics, 2007 ), from 1979 to 2006, among the 917,012 Chi-
nese students studying abroad, 230,045 returned to China. These overseas
returnees were very much valued by China and were charged with the
important task of rejuvenating China’s economic, political, and cultural
development.
These returnees were called haigui (“sea turtles”) in China. Increas-
ingly they were placed into leadership positions due to their competences
in connecting China to the world. Liu and Hewitt (2008 ) reported that
the power of haigui was visibly growing in China during the first three
decades of its Open Door Policy. Importantly, 78 percent of the university
presidents and 63 percent of the PhD advisors in key universities affiliated
with the Ministry of Education were overseas returnees. Approximately
72 percent of the overseas returnees held positions as the heads of teach-
ing and research institutes and laboratories. In addition to the traditional
professions, such as teaching and conducting research, these overseas
returnees played an important role in the emerging professions in China,
such as lawyers, accountants, and consultants.

16 The World of Globalization
Since the 1990s, the Chinese government has been actively engaged in
promoting individuals who have studied or worked overseas to academic
presidents. A reprinted survey from China Education Daily (People cn,
2013) shows that more than 54 percent of Chinese university presidents
have studied abroad. Among them, 32 percent of the presidents had
long-term experiences and 21 percent had short-term study experiences
overseas. Among the presidents of the 985 project universities (the top
39), 64 percent had overseas study experience.
The Problem: Inadequate Study of Global-Local Leadership
This was the second time in China’s modern history that people with
overseas experiences were asked to lead major academic institutions.
The first instance occurred at the turn of the twentieth century, during
China’s first attempt to modernize its higher education system ( Zhou,
1996 ). A century later, with China as a participant in the global political
and economic system, the nation has again turned to leaders with over-
seas experience to guide their institutions. It is against this global and
local background and context that the research in this book is set. As
previously stated, the phenomenon of promoting leaders with overseas
experience was the result of the collective mandate to develop effective
leadership in the context of globalization. China’s higher education sys-
tem is not the only university system in the world confronted with many
challenges from globalization; globalization has created opportunities
as well as challenges for many other countries, even Western countries.
Leading with global and local competencies has become increasingly
important. However, in the American literature on academic presidency,
global-local leadership studies are lacking. Even in general Western lead-
ership literature, where the study of cross-cultural leadership is emerging
as an important chapter, emphasis on Western leadership, particularly
American leadership, is still the norm.
James Burns, widely credited as the distinguished founding scholar of
leadership studies in America, pointed this out in a personal communica-
tion with me. He recognized that his own leadership theories and ideas
were deeply rooted in American culture and reflected American values.
He strongly encouraged me to conduct the global-focused leadership
research that I would undertake for this book. He saw it as a necessary
and important next step and contribution in the field of leadership stud-
ies. The major approach to leadership studies seems to be treating each
culture more as a static and separate entity rather than as a fluid and
open system constantly accepting or resisting external influences. The
current approach better supports leadership confined within national
boundaries; it is limited in explaining leadership in our increasingly
interconnected world, where human resources are more and more the

The World of Globalization 17
product of multiple cultures and where local and national problems and
solutions cannot be separated from global problems and efforts. It is time
to explore leadership as it is embodied by people raised in one culture
and immersed in other cultures as they face the winds of globalization.
In order to better understand higher education leadership in this global
age, we need to conduct more research into this area across national
boundaries. For the purpose of explaining global leadership more holis-
tically, the possible hybridization of culture and leadership needs to be
explored. Given the active roles China and the United States have been
playing on the global political, economic, cultural, and education stages,
a study of how the concepts of leadership and behaviors of academic
presidents are shaped and influenced by both American and Chinese cul-
tures is needed.
The Solution: Toward a New Leadership Model
This book seeks to understand how Chinese university presidents with
professional or educational experience abroad conceive of leadership
issues as they pursue efforts to reform their universities in the context of
globalization and localization. In particular, this study focuses on the roles
these presidents are playing in the context of higher education reform in
China under the imperatives of globalization and resulting localization.
Through the lens of their presidential roles, this book attempts to probe
the complexities of leadership characteristics embodied by these leaders
and provide insights as to how global and local experiences influence
leadership in the contemporary context.
Moreover, this book aims to provide a new leadership model to develop
current and future leaders with glocal competences. It aims to provide a
fresh perspective to advance our current theories and practices of leader-
ship while promoting mutual understanding and collaboration between
the two leading countries of the world, China and the United States.
Finally, it attempts to challenge existing Western research methodological
paradigms and practices by experimenting with a blending of Eastern and
Western approaches and methodologies for the study of leadership across
the cultures. To achieve these goals, I attempt to bridge six heretofore
loosely connected areas of knowledge: globalization, Western leadership
theories (particularly theories developed in North America), cross-
cultural leadership, Chinese culture and leadership, academic presidency,
and research methodology.
This book is based upon the field research conducted for my PhD dis-
sertation, which was completed in 2013. As the research was set in the
context of that time, some trends have continued while others may
have changed. However, the leadership lessons learned from this research
are still relevant and significant for today’s and tomorrow’s leadership.

18 The World of Globalization
Structure of the Book
This book is composed of three parts with 15 chapters. In Part I , Chapter 1
lays the groundwork and context for the book by arguing that the world
of globalization is asking for glocal leadership. Chapter 2 provides a broad
outline of the evolution of university presidential roles both in the United
States and China. Chapter 3 reviews the strengths and weaknesses of the
following relevant leadership literature: 1) major North-American lead-
ership theories, 2) cross-cultural/global leadership, 3) globalization and
hybrid culture, 4) Chinese culture and leadership, 5) American culture
and leadership, and 6) academic presidential leadership. I argue that the
knowledge resulting from leadership studies is not cohesively responding
to the call of our increasingly globalized world. Chapter 4 concludes Part
I and provides a brief overview of the research approach and methodology,
making the point that an interconnected world requires interconnected
research approaches.
Part II focuses on the nine presidential roles identified in my research
and on their respective leadership characteristics demonstrated in playing
these roles: visionary, CEO, fundraiser, head of internationalization, min-
ster of houqin (similar to a mayor of a small American town), scholar +
jack-of-all-trades, friend raiser and relationship balancer, moral role model,
and non-leader.
Incorporating the data reported in Part II concerning the nine presi-
dential roles and the resulting discussions on leadership characteristics,
Part III synthesizes this research into a new leadership model and provides
important implications for the future. Chapter 14 offers a summary of
the analyzed leadership roles and demonstrated leadership characteristics
and proposes and explains a new leadership model: Hybrid Leadership.
Chapter 15 concludes the book with a discussion of Hybrid Leadership’s
implications for leadership theories and practices, as well as for higher
education policy, practices, and research.
Overall, I believe this leadership framework challenges, complements,
and enriches the existing theories on leadership, particularly leadership in
higher education. It offers a leadership concept that is more compatible
with emerging globally networked societies and the resulting hybridiza-
tion of cultures ( Burbules, 2016 ; Couto, 2014 ). It provides a helpful tool
for the training of academic leaders, with strong implications for training
leaders in other for-profit and nonprofit sectors ( Burbules, 2016 ). It
challenges Western either/or dichotomized approaches to conducting
research, showing how Eastern philosophy can help enrich the Western
research methodology that has been deficient in analyzing global leader-
ship challenges and developing successful strategies. Perhaps most impor-
tantly, it answers the urgent need to develop a new leadership framework
for a new generation of leaders in the age of globalization.

2 The Evolution of the Role of
the University President in the
United States and China
Ancient Universities: Teacher-Administrator
The earliest universities originated during the Middle Ages in Europe in
a form similar to that of a guild, an association of intellectuals. Home
teaching was the main form, and the professor was paid by the student
on a lecture-by-lecture basis ( Rhodes, 2001 , p. 2). Later on, universities
evolved to be composed of several schools where the purpose of the edu-
cation was to train the aristocrats of the society. Because the university
was small and basically a place to generate pure knowledge, such as med-
icine and theology, the president was usually a part-time position and, to
a large degree, an honorary title. His responsibilities included teaching
and managing, and his power was equal to that of a faculty member. It
was not until the end of the Dark Ages that the universities became more
sophisticated, as did the role of the presidents ( Chen, 2002 ).
United States
Colonial to Civil War Era: Teacher-Preacher-Fundraiser-
Student Discipliner
From the colonial to the Civil War period, universities in the United States
focused more on educating members of the elite in the classics, although
reformers expressed the desire to secularize the curriculum at the same
time ( Bornstein, 2003 ). For example, Harvard made it clear that its edu-
cation “emphasized the formation of a learned aristocracy who would
master classical Greek language and Latin text to provide ecclesiastical,
professional, and civic leadership” ( Chandler, 2004 , p. 397). Not only
were the structures of universities simple and linear during this period,
the universities were also very small. Harvard, for instance, had only
12 students, one teacher, and a president at the beginning ( Chen, 2002 ,
p. 69). Compatible with the simple role and small size, the president’s
role was teaching and preaching. In addition, they needed to discipline
the students. Sometimes, they were required do some fundraising work
( Bornstein, 2003 ).

20 The Evolution of the Role
From the Civil War to World War II: Educator-Institutional
Leader-Public Intellectuals
The era between the Civil War and World War II witnessed the rapid
expansion of the university system in the United States. During this
period, universities changed their earlier elitist-classics focus to applied
knowledge and mass education. No more the right of the social elites,
education started to move out of the ivory tower. With the passing of
the Morrill Act (1862), higher education’s access was expanding. Women
and minority students as well as veterans gained access to higher edu-
cation ( Chandler, 2004 , p. 397). With the establishment of land grant
universities, “a national system of colleges and universities emphasizing
applied studies like agriculture, engineering, and others were established”
( Chandler, 2004 , p. 397). This expanded the role of the university to
include research in addition to teaching and learning.
Facing rapid growth and change, the colonial leadership structure
of teacher-president was no longer adequate to handle the complexi-
ties of the university. As a result, the presidential role shifted from sym-
bolic to concrete. Presidents became professional administrators, heads
of the universities, and public intellectuals. They were at the center of
the power structure of the universities. Their responsibilities included
directing instruction, research, and the financial functions of the campus
and, most importantly, linking the university with the public ( Bornstein,
2003 ; Chen, 2002 , p. 70).
Many presidents took these opportunities to make fundamental trans-
formations to their institutions.They acted like the “captains of erudition”
and “managers of business firms” to steer the big bureaucratic “ship”
“according to their own wills” ( Bornstein, 2003 ). For example, Charles
W. Eliot (1834–1926) transformed Harvard into a research center during
his 40-year presidency from 1869 to 1909. Daniel Coit Gilman (1831–
1908), the founding president of John Hopkins, established a university
whose central work was “the creation and discovery of new knowledge
through faculty scholarship” ( Chandler, 2004 , p. 398). William Rainey
Harper (1856–1906) set up a model of noninterference philanthropy for
higher education through the establishment of the University of Chicago.
Emma Willard (1787–1870) and Mary Lyon pioneered access for women
to higher education. And Booker T. Washington (1859–1915) founded
Tuskegee Institute (1881) to provide African American educational
opportunities ( Chandler, 2004 , pp. 397–398).
Between World War II and the Twenty-First Century:
Multiple Roles
After the 1960s, universities grew into what Clark Kerr called “multiversi-
ties.” The changing faces of society and the culture, the shrinking financial

The Evolution of the Role 21
support from the government, and the challenges from globalization all
pushed universities to create closer connections with society and even the
market. As a result, the internal and external environments surrounding
the university became more complex. This situation called for more pro-
fessionalized and even business oriented presidents who could take care
of both internal affairs, such as academic and student affairs, and external
affairs, such as relationship building among the university, the society, and
the market. The presidential role was shifting from the internal toward the
external, from micro administration to macro management ( Chen, 2002 ,
p. 70). University presidents have played multiple roles like change agents,
protectors of and fighters for academic freedom, and maintainers of the
image of the university (Kerr, 1963, 1984; Kerr & Gade, 1986). Some-
times these roles conflict, particularly when the president is called upon
to mediate between internal and external stakeholders. Bornstein (2002 ,
2003 ) reinforces the situation by pointing out that today’s presidents are
expected to play the roles of academic leader, financial manager, fund-
raiser, public intellectual, civic leader, economic development cheerleader,
and morality model simultaneously. These multiple roles can be identified
from the different research foci of scholars.
For example, Birnbaum (1988 , 1989 , 1992 , 1999 ) emphasizes the sym-
bolic and facilitating presidential role. His research focuses more on inter-
nal affairs than the external ones. Fisher (1984 ) emphasizes the role of
change agent. In a more recent book, Fisher and Koch (2004 ) examine
the entrepreneurial role of the college/university president. White (2007 )
continues along this line to advocate the well-balanced management skills
with entrepreneurial vision and spirit. Rhodes (2001 ), Nelson (2000 ),
Brown (2006 ), and Ramos (2005 ) focus on the moral dimensions of presi-
dential leadership. Following Bornstein’s discussions ( 2003 ) on legitimacy
and Fisher’s discussion ( 1984 ) on presidential power, the political role of
the president becomes evident. The two volumes dedicated to the topic
of advancement and fundraising edited by Murphy (1997) and Rhodes
(1997 ), respectively, leave no doubt that budget planning and fundraising
are inseparable parts of the presidential responsibilities. The research done
by Fisher (1984 ) and Padilla (2005) also indicates that public relations is
one of the presidential responsibilities. Cook’s work ( 1998 ) reveals the
lobbyist role of the presidents. In many of the American Council on Edu-
cation’s annual meeting discussions in which I participated, the diplomatic
and ambassadorial role of the president was a vital topic. Green (1988 )
also suggests that the president must be a good team builder.
However, these multiple roles are not universal. Many works have dem-
onstrated that presidential roles are defined by the nature of the organi-
zations they lead. For example, a consistent theme of the presidential role
is the scapegoat (victim) of the context ( Birnbaum, 1989 , 1992 ; Green,
1988 ; Kerr & Gade, 1986 ; Oakley, 2002 ; Padilla, 2005 ; Tierney, 1988 ).
Bensimon’s research ( 1990 ) on the presidents’ perception of their role

22 The Evolution of the Role
indicates that presidential roles are contingent upon the institution’s
financial situation and faculty morale. Presidents working in less prob-
lematic situations tend to be more focused on external issues. The ones
who run stable and prosperous institutions or institutions that recently
survived a disaster tend to focus on internal issues. Presidents in the less
problematic and no-problem institutions tend to create a new environ-
ment, while those in problematic institutions and those recently surviving
a disaster tend to react to their environment. Presidents working for both
less problematic and no-problem institutions remain connected inter-
nally, while the other two types distance themselves from the institutions
for different reasons.
Presidential leadership roles in the United States have evolved from
academics to administrators and include a host of differing and some-
times conflicting roles. Included in this varied list are public intellectu-
als, politicians, public relation experts, diplomats, fundraisers, lobbyists,
moral leaders, team builders, and entrepreneurs. The general trend is
moving outside of the institutional boundaries depending on the institu-
tional situation.
China
China has had its own higher education system since ancient times, but
modern Chinese universities began at the turn of the twentieth century. In
its 100-plus-year history, the system has experienced several fundamental
changes. Naturally, as the role of higher education evolved, the role of
university presidents changed as well.
Ancient Chinese Higher Education (Before 1911): Scholar-
Administrator-Moral Leader
The beginnings of Chinese higher education can be traced back 3,000
years to the Zhou Dynasty. Two thousand years ago, during the Han
Dynasty, higher education flourished when taixue was established as the
highest institution of learning ( Liu, 1994 ). However, shuyuan and guozi-
jian were regarded as the two major forms of the higher education insti-
tutions in ancient China. Some shuyuan were public institutions; some
were private. Guozijian belonged to the public system (Qu, 1993).
The main educational concepts and approaches of the Chinese system
were based upon Confucian teachings reflected in his Four Books and
Five Classics, which outlined the principles of the society and govern-
ment as well as the moral codes for personal conduct. The main purpose
of education was to produce government officials ( Surowski, 2000 , p. 2).
The subjects studied were primarily Confucian classics. In addition, most
of the higher learning institutions were not large. For example, both
taixue and shuyuan were small with simple structures. A typical shuyuan

The Evolution of the Role 23
in the Qing Dynasty (1644–1911) had about 26 people responsible for
the teaching and administrating functions. The top head of the shuyuan
was called dongzhu. It was necessary for the dongzhu to be a well-known
scholar, be a moral leader, and be aligned with the appropriate politi-
cal officials. The major responsibility of the dongzhu was teaching, and
to a large degree, his presidential role was symbolic. The administrative
work was conducted by a person holding a mid-level position ( Qu, 1993 ,
p. 226). At the guozijian, the president’s role was similar. The president,
jijiu, was a teacher with administrative responsibilities. The jijiu’s duties
included administering the functional routines of the institution, includ-
ing the implementation of rules and regulations, and acting as a role
model for others ( Qu, 1993 ). Therefore, academic presidents during this
early period in the history of Chinese higher education were expected to
demonstrate a fairly extensive portfolio. Academic ability, administrative
skills, political awareness, and moral standards were characteristics that
served candidates well for the office of president. It should be noted that
these defining characteristics of the office have remained relatively con-
stant through the present.
Modern Chinese Universities (1911–1949): Scholar-Thinker-Social
Activist-Politician-Ambassador-Moral Example
The shape of the modern Chinese university system evolved as a result
of a series of interactions with several university systems in the world,
including the ones from the United Kingdom, the United States, Ger-
many, Japan, and the Soviet Union ( Zhou, 1996 ). Before the Revolution
of 1949, China boasted two separate systems of higher education: one
supported by the Nationalist government, led by Jiang Jieshi, and the
other by the Yanan government, led by Mao Zedong. The dominant sys-
tem was the former.
The universities under the Nationalist government emphasized the role
of knowledge generation and transmission, as well as the pursuit of aca-
demic freedom. Balances between practical and theoretical knowledge,
science and humanities, teaching and research were promoted (Qu, 1993,
pp. 395–401). The structure of the system moved closer to the American
model due to frequent interactions between the United States and China
in China’s modern history. As mentioned in Chapter 1 , from 1915 to
1949, China’s higher education system was based upon American models
( Zhou, 1996 , pp. 133–137) as a result of the spread of John Dewey’s
pragmatism by his Chinese students following his two-year lecture tour
in China (1919–1921) ( Zhou, 1996 , pp. 146–155).
At that time, drastic changes took place in Chinese society due to
the ongoing large-scale encounter with Western countries such as Great
Britain, Germany, and Portugal. Suffering from the consequence of the
Opium War (1840–1860) and the resulting unfair agreements with Western

24 The Evolution of the Role
countries who invaded China, the country was losing its sovereignty and
resources. Universities were seen as a place where young people could gain
knowledge of the contemporary world so that they could participate in
modernizing China and give it equal footing with Western powers.
Consequently, an academic president was expected to be a learned
scholar, a great thinker, a social reformer, a politician, an ambassador, a
fundraiser, and, most importantly, a moral model for the university com-
munity. It was necessary for the president to possess the vision, skill, and
influence to modernize their institutions. For example, all the presidents
of Beijing University during that time were graduates of universities in
other countries. They were accomplished scholars in their academic fields
of study. They were all active in the political arena. Many of them held
government positions. They also utilized their study-abroad experiences
to connect their universities with the rest of the world. During the time of
the Japanese invasion (1937–1945), presidents spent much of their time
raising funds to finance their universities. Most importantly, they were
well respected because of their values of integrity and honesty and their
antiwar tendencies ( Li, 2003 ).
After the Revolution (1949–Present): Moving Toward
Multiple Roles
From the 1950s to the early 1960s, the dominant educational model
of China was adopted from the former Soviet Union. Not only were
the structures, subjects, and programs adopted but also “the syllabus,
teaching methods, textbooks, and even the institutional and discipline
names” ( Yang, 2000 , p. 327). During this period, the number of compre-
hensive universities diminished while the number of specialized colleges
increased significantly (p. 327). Unfortunately, the Cultural Revolution
(1966–1978) halted the progress of and even destroyed the higher educa-
tion system. Members of the Red Guards, soldiers, workers, and farmers
took control of the universities. In June 1966, the system of university
entrance examination was cancelled. No new students were admitted
until the early 1970s ( Yang, 2000 ).
In 1977, China adopted the Open Door Policy initiated by Deng
Xiaoping. Starting from the 1980s, the Chinese government made the
decision to reform all dimensions of the society to catch up with and
surpass the advanced Western countries and their technological achieve-
ments. Consequently, the campaign to reform higher education was
launched in 1985 ( Yang, 2000 , p. 322). But it was not until the 1990s
that major reform was implemented on a large scale. Beginning with a
series of bold experimental initiatives discussed previously to “invigorate
China through science, technology, and education” (National Policy),
many gains were made in modifying the old educational system to fit
the new setting without damaging the strength of the Chinese tradition.

The Evolution of the Role 25
These accommodations resulted in the university re-embracing the role of
knowledge generation, its transmission, and service to society.
Due to the rapid and massive transformation of Chinese society and
its higher education system, leaders in the general politic as well as
the academy were constantly called upon to deal with new and unex-
pected challenges. The enormity of societal change called for strong
and visionary university presidents who could steer institutions safely
through the rough waters of unpredictable change to a calm harbor
with navigable channels. However, because government controls have
long been the tradition of the Chinese academic system, institutional
leaders do not have the absolute autonomy to steer their own vessels.
To a certain degree, academic institutions have been administered and
governed like other government offices. The structure has been bureau-
cratic with multiple tiers of reporting relationships. Because univer-
sity presidents are nominated and appointed by the government, they
are expected to represent the government first. This is reflected in the
unique Chinese university leadership structure discussed in Chapter 1 :
presidential leadership under the guidance of party secretaries ( Wang,
1997 ; Liu, 2005 ; Li, 2006 ). The implication of this structure is that
presidents are compelled to play the role of politicians in addition to
their traditional role as influential scholars symbolizing the prestige
of the university and administrators leading their institutions ( Zhou,
1996 ; Chen, 2002 ).
In addition to aligning with government oversight, leaders of Chinese
academic institutions must be expert in many of the diverse areas with
which their American counterparts are well familiar. These include busi-
ness acumen to advance their institutions in a competitive world market;
international diplomacy to establish creditability for their institutions
abroad; fundraising to augment insufficient public support; student
development and academic support services to better meet the learning
needs of students; faculty development and support services for world-
class research; and facility/plant management to provide state-of-art
learning and research space and equipment for students and faculty.
Moreover, Chinese university presidents have to deal with the com-
plexities attendant with a large social welfare system, which is an impor-
tant part of Chinese universities. For example, presidents need to raise
funds to build housing complexes for the faculty and staff. In addition
to meeting the housing needs, the president is expected to address a host
of other human welfare needs of the faculty and staff. Responsibilities in
this arena occupy a considerable amount of presidential resources.
Summary
In this chapter, I sketched a broad outline of the evolution of university
presidential roles both in the United States and China. My discussions

26 The Evolution of the Role
suggest that the development of the presidential role in both countries
followed a similar pattern: from simplicity toward complexity, and from
the internal toward the external. My discussion also indicated that differ-
ences exist due to the differing cultures, systems, and historical contexts
of higher education. First, although today’s presidents, especially presi-
dents of large public institutions in both China and the United States, are
becoming more externally oriented, the American presidents work mostly
with the government, while the Chinese presidents, to a large degree,
work for the government. Second, American presidents are professional
administrators, while the Chinese presidents are professional academics
and amateur administrators. The former means the American president’s
job is simply president, while Chinese university presidents play double
roles simultaneously: professor and president. Third, Chinese presidents
seem to be more involved with the international affairs of their institu-
tions than their American counterparts. Fourth, the Chinese university
presidents’ alignment with the political views of the government has been
more emphasized than that of their U.S. counterparts. Finally, Chinese
presidents have been consistently expected to be the model of morality
for their campuses, while in United States, this dimension has not been
consistently emphasized.
Through the analysis of the roles of the presidents in both the United
States and China, I have provided the social, cultural, and organizational
contexts in which leadership is shaped. Through this process, I have pro-
vided a set of lenses for us to understand Chinese and American academic
presidential leadership, especially regarding to their visions, values, and
styles.

3 Connecting Existing
Understandings of Glocal
Leadership
If an interconnected world calls for interconnected leadership, intercon-
nected leadership scholars need to be able to connect knowledge to study
leadership. This chapter will discuss six key areas of leadership knowl-
edge with the intention to create a bridge from past knowledge to the
research this book is presenting.
Major North American Leadership Theories
The bulk of leadership theories and models were developed in twentieth-
century North America. In this section, I will focus on the review of several
major approaches and theories: traits theory, behavioral approach, skills
approach, situational approach and contingency theory, transformational
theory, distributive theory, and servant leadership (W ren, 1995).
Traits Theory
Traits theory derived from one of the first systematic studies on lead-
ership. The research was conducted throughout the twentieth century;
however, there has been a recent resurgence of it focusing on, for example,
charismatic and visionary leadership. Traits theory is primarily a leader-
centered perspective that sees leaders as having certain innate or inherent
personality traits that distinguish them from non-leaders, which are said
to be relatively stable and enduring. Because traits theory is the most
popular and studied leadership theory, a long list of traits has been devel-
oped. Important ones include intelligence, self-confidence, determination,
integrity, and sociability ( Northouse, 2018 ).
Traits theory provides deep insights into the relationship between
leaders’ personalities and the leadership process ( Northouse, 2018 ), but
it neglects behavior and the situational dimensions of leadership. It fails
to answer the question of why the same leader may perform better in
one setting than in another ( Bass, 1990a ; Sorenson & Goethals, 2004 ;
Northouse, 2018 ).

28 Connecting Existing Understandings
Behavioral Approaches
Due to the limitations of traits theory, during the 1940s, researchers
began to shift the perspective of leadership studies by focusing on the
study of leaders’ behaviors (actions and deeds) rather than on innate
traits. The primary goal was to explain how leaders use their behavior to
influence subordinates in their efforts to accomplish goals (Nort house,
2004 , p. 65). This approach expanded the leader-only approach to
include the leader–follower relationship ( Bass, 1990a , pp. 48–49; Nort-
house, 2004 , pp. 65–85; Sorenson & Goethals, 2004 , p. 869), as well as
the impact of the relationship on task completion. The most important
leadership styles identified are task orientation, relation orientation, and
change orientation ( Northouse, 2018 ; Yukl, 2012 ). Behavioral theory is
criticized for ignoring contextual variables that may influence behavior
(Nort house, 2004 ).
Skills Approach
Skills approach is a type of trait–behavioral framework often used to
understand leadership. Unlike trait theory, which assumes that leadership
talents are inborn, the skills approach looks at leadership skills as both
inborn and acquired. Unlike behavioral theories that focus on leader-
ship styles, the skills approach stresses the competences leaders possess.
The key concept of this approach is that both the personal traits and
competences of leaders are important to their effectiveness. Important
leadership competences are problem-solving skills, social judgment skills,
and knowledge (Nort house, 2004 ). The skills approach indicates that
leaders can be trained (Nort house, 2004 , p. 51); thus, leadership devel-
opment is possible and practical. Like behavior approach, however, this
approach is criticized for ignoring the leadership situation.
Situational and Contingency Theories
The failure of the previous leader-centered theories to explain why the
same leader generates different effects at different times and in different
settings motivated scholars to look into the contextual issues involved in
leadership. Situational theory, contingency theory, and path–goal theory
( House, 1997 , p. 259) emphasize the situational influences on leadership.
These theories share the notion that leadership behaviors and followers’
needs and development levels should match (Nort house, 2004 , p. 124;
Vecchio, 1997 ). Through these theoretical lenses, leadership becomes an
interaction between the situation/followers and leaders.Although offering
tools to match the situation with leadership behaviors, these models
tend to be static, rigid, and lack flexibility. Leadership situations change
constantly, so any attempt to apply these fixed models mechanically is

Connecting Existing Understandings 29
problematic in real situations. Moreover, the scope of the situations is
quite narrow, and the ethical dimension of leadership is missing.
Transformational Leadership
Traits theory, behavioral theory, skills approach, and situational approach,
each from its unique perspective, attempt to explain some aspects of lead-
ership. However, none of them offers a comprehensive lens from which
to view the multiple dimensions of leadership. With the publication of
Burns’s Leadership in 1978, a more comprehensive theoretical frame-
work that Burns called transforming leadership was born. This theory
integrates higher purpose, traits, behaviors, situations, followers, motiva-
tion, and morality.
Transformational leadership was inspired from Burns’s seminal work
on transforming leadership ( Burns, 1978 ; Couto, 1995 ). According to
Burns (1978 ), transforming leadership occurs “when one or more persons
engage with others in such a way that leaders and followers raise one
another to higher levels of motivation and morality” (p. 20). In trans-
forming leadership, leaders and followers are united by a shared moral
goal.
House (1976 ) labeled charismatic leadership as an important compo-
nent of transformational leadership. According to House (1976 ), a leader
should be a visionary who inspires a follower’s commitment and perfor-
mance. A leader’s drive to dominate, to influence, to be self-confident,
and to possess high moral values is the major characteristics of charis-
matic leadership (Nort house, 2004 , p. 171; Bryman, 1992 ; House, 1976 ).
Building upon the work done by Burns (1978). House (1976), Bass
(1985, 1990a, 1997), Bass and Avolio ( 1990a, 1990b , 1990c , 1992, 1993,
1994), Avolio and Bass (1995), and Bass and Riggio (2006 ) developed
and refined a full-range leadership model incorporating transformational,
transactional, and laissez-faire leadership concepts. In this model, trans-
formational leadership is regarded as the highest level of leadership char-
acterized by idealized influence, inspirational motivation, intellectual
stimulation, and individualized consideration. Transformational leaders
are first charismatic leaders, those who provide vision and a sense of
mission, instill pride, and gain respect and trust. Second, they are inspi-
rational in their communications about higher expectations, in their uti-
lization of symbols to focus efforts, and in their expressing of important
purposes in simple ways. Third, they intellectually stimulate through
promoting intelligence, rationality, and careful problem solving. Finally,
they provide individualized consideration by giving personal attention,
treating employees individually, working willingly with followers, attend-
ing to their needs, helping them transcend self-interest, enhancing their
expectations, and developing their potential ( Bass, 1997 , p. 320; Nort-
house, 2004 , pp. 169–198).

30 Connecting Existing Understandings
Since its introduction, this approach has witnessed fast growth and
has become the most influential theory in the contemporary leadership
studies field in the Western world. Attempts have also been made to test
its applicability in other countries and have yielded some positive results
( Bass, 1997 ). However, although followers and situations become more
important and visible in the theoretical framework of transformational
leadership, it still appears as a leader-traits-centered approach. Leaders
seem to be superheroes, possessing exceptional, unique, inborn qualities
that enable them to transform societies, organizations, and followers.
Although this approach seems to meet the need for strong leadership
in our constantly changing world, will it fit many people’s desires for
decentralized power? Also, as a theory developed mainly in the United
States and thus based on American moral values, how will it transcend
American cultural boundaries?
Distributive Leadership
Distributive leadership is one emerging alternative perspective. John
Storey (2004 ) noted that a comparison of exceptional leadership
with distributed leadership was dominating the leadership literature
(p. 339). The former calls for strong and charismatic leadership due
to uncertain, rapid changes in an organization’s environment, whereas
the latter argues for “empowered co-workers” (p. 16). According to
Storey (2004 ), distributive leadership emerges partially as a result of
suspicion about the exceptionalist notion of leadership and partially
“in tune with the preferred cultures and structures of organizations
which lean toward empowered teams, distributed responsibility, [and]
network forms” (p. 343).
These new organizational forms were mainly shaped by the forces of
globalization and the widespread use of technology, and they are mostly
nonconventional or horizontal in nature. The most popular forms include
the workplace as a community of practice ( Gronn, 2002 ), the temporary
cross-functional team, and the virtue team ( Pearce, 2004 ). These orga-
nizations are more fluid, flexible, and lateral without a strict hierarchi-
cal order. Because everyone’s expertise needs to be used to achieve a
goal, the relationship among members is more interdependent and equal.
Also, these organizations are more task focused and less authority ori-
ented, due to the more depersonalized e-communication among members.
In this environment, the application of the distributive model is more
plausible than traditional theories.
Central to the distributive leadership framework is the idea that leader-
ship is not a fixed position for fixed leaders: everyone needs to serve as a
leader. Raelin (2003 ) states that in organizations of the future, “everyone
will need to share the experience of serving as a leader, not sequentially,
but concurrently and collectively” (p. 44). Second, it involves “numerous
individual agents” who exert “an aggregated influence” ( Gronn, 2004 ,

Connecting Existing Understandings 31
p. 353). Third, it’s a conjoining of agents from “the multi-member work
units,” in which all the agents convene spontaneously and act concur-
rently (p. 353), collectively, collaboratively, and compassionately ( Raelin,
2003 , p. 44). In addition, the agents are independent and full of demo-
cratic spirit due to the nature of their organizations ( Gronn, 2004 , p. 353).
By viewing everyone as a potential leader, the distributive leadership
model creates a bold alternative to the leader-centered nexus. Because of
the fluid dualism in the leader–follower relationship, it prevents dictator-
ship. However, it might lead to very destructive human behavior due to
its value neutrality.
Servant and Authentic Leadership
During recent decades, the study of servant leadership (Spears & Law-
rence, 2002) has reversed the traditional role of a leader from leading to
serving. Servant leaders have put followers first and served them through
leading. These leaders satisfy the followers’ priority and true needs. Their
purpose is to nurture and care for followers so that they can grow healthier,
wiser, stronger, and freer to serve others in turn ( Greenleaf, 1977/2002 ).
Servant leaders possess the following qualities: listening, empathy, healing,
awareness, persuasion, conceptualization, foresight, stewardship, commit-
ment to the growth of people, and community building (Spears, 2010).
Servant leadership is closely related to moral leadership.
To build on the concept of servant leadership, authentic leadership the-
ory emphasizes the importance of the follower and the moral ground of
the leader. This approach emphasizes the ethical foundation of the leader–
follower relationship. Honesty, openness, truthfulness, trustworthiness,
and positive attitudes are characteristics of authentic leaders. Both the
servant and authentic leadership strengthen the position of the followers
and the role of morality in leadership studies. These theories and oth-
ers not discussed here (such as leader-member exchange theory, adaptive
leadership, team leadership, etc.) advance the study of leadership. From
traits to behaviors to ethics to situations, these theories move the study of
leadership from leader-centric toward leader–follower-context relation-
ships, from task focused to relationship focused, and from competition to
community care. They provide deep insights necessary for understanding,
studying, and developing leadership.
However, the traits, behaviors, skills, values, and contexts provided are
all North American–centric due to the fact that they are mainly devel-
oped in North America by North American scholars focusing on North
American subjects located in North American organizations and societ-
ies. Bagshaw (2008 ) writes,
Leadership in America takes place in a societal context comprised of a
particular type of democratic political system, a largely market-driven
economic system, a transparent legal system . . . a system of cultural

32 Connecting Existing Understandings
values that shape American values and attitude toward leaders and
leadership, and a liberal social system emphasizing the primacy of
individual freedom over individual responsibility. . . . All of these
contextual factors are conditioning leadership in America but are not
uniformly present in other parts of the world, and where they are
present, they appear in differing degrees in different configurations
(p. 51)
These scholars have provided effective tools for leadership studies and
practices in North America; however, their applicability in cultures beyond
North America is unknown. In many ways, the studies of leadership are
the studies of leadership of North America, not the entire world, although
there might be some implications for leadership in other countries. Taking
for granted that these theories are universal is “scholarly ethnocentrism”
( Bagshaw, 2008 , p. 51). Using these theories to guide, interpret, analyze,
and develop leadership outside of North America without modifying
them to meet local needs and local contexts is problematic. The ques-
tions we should ask include the following: Are the traits, behaviors, skills,
and values reported in these theories relevant to effective leadership in
other countries? For example, are the followers equally important in other
countries? Are freedom and the pursuit of happiness embraced by all cul-
tures? Is task-orientation behavior effective around the world? Is intel-
ligence regarded as an important leadership quality across all cultures?
Although these theories helped move leadership studies from con-
text free to context inclusive, the scope of the context is narrow. For
example, in the situation, path–goal, and contingency theories, context
means the followers’ development levels. In these theoretical frameworks
and many others, such as team leadership and adaptive leadership, con-
text is expanded to the organization, particularly business organizations.
In theoretical frameworks such as transformational and servant leader-
ship, context is broadened to include societal, political, economic, and
cultural forces. However, all these contexts are within North America.
Other global contexts are not adequately mentioned. This indicates that
although the world is calling for global leadership, the field of leadership
studies is not global. The influence of societal culture and globalization
on leadership has been neglected, yet with the increasing interconnected-
ness of politics, business, and culture, leaders are called upon to work
across national and cultural boundaries. For example, the ease of trans-
ferring manufacturing and technical services across borders requires lead-
ers to manage international, multicultural, and multilingual workforces.
In this environment, monocultural leadership theories have questionable
applicability. Needless to say, North American–based leadership models
would benefit from the inclusion of more case studies founded in world
cultures and organizations affected by globalization.

Connecting Existing Understandings 33
Cross-Cultural Leadership
In the past several decades, scholars have begun to consider more seri-
ously the impact of national cultures on leadership, thus making sig-
nificant efforts to study cross-cultural leadership. The central question
(purpose) guiding this cross-cultural research work is: Are some dimen-
sions of leadership universally relevant while others are culturally relative
(Bass, 1990b)? This aim leads to the two major opposing perspectives in
cross-cultural leadership studies: cultural universalism and cultural rela-
tivism ( Dorfman, 2004 , p. 52). Both perspectives have empirical validity.
The findings indicate that some leadership concepts and behaviors are
universal, whereas some are culturally contingent (Dorfman, 2004).
These two perspectives lead to the two major approaches in cross-
cultural leadership design: emic and etic. The emic design examines “one
culture at a time to determine those leadership behaviors that appear to be
linked to the effective attainment of group goals” ( Lowe, 2004 , p. 303).
The findings generally have implications for one culture. This approach
(cultural particularism) reveals well the depth, details, and subtleties of
local culture and leadership behaviors. In contrast to the emic design,
the etic design investigates “multicultures simultaneously to determine
those leadership behaviors that appear to be linked to the effective attain-
ment of group goals across most of them” ( Lowe, 2004 , p. 303), resulting
in research findings with implications for many cultures. This approach
(cultural universalism) demonstrates promise for isolating leadership
behaviors that are likely to be received or rejected by most of the cultures
investigated ( Lowe, 2004 , p. 303). Consequently, the research findings in
cross-cultural leadership studies show two themes: divergence and con-
vergence ( Dorfman, 2004 , p. 54). Divergence (or cultural diversity) is a
more common theme in the findings of cross-cultural research work. The
convergence line of the research shows that culture is converging, but not
necessarily according to a model of one particular culture.
The work of Hofstede ( 1980a , 1980b , 1997 , 1998, 1999 , 2001 , 2006 ,
2010), the GLOBE Project ( Chhokar, Brodbeck, & House, 2007 ; House,
Hanges, Javidan, Dorfman, & Gupta, 2004 ; House, Dorfman, Javidan,
Hanges, & Luque, 2013 ) and Livermore (2015) are examples of the study
of these themes. After analyzing the existing data about IBM’s subsidiaries
all over the world and a report on China’s managers, Hofstede estab-
lished a five-dimension framework to help us understand the relationship
between leadership and culture. The five dimensions are power distance
(degree/level of inequality), individualism (vs. collectivism), masculinity
(vs. femininity), uncertainty avoidance (structured and clear rules over an
unstructured situation), and long-term orientation (vs. short-term orienta-
tion) ( Hofstede, 1997 , 1998, 1999 , 2001 ; Hofstede et al., 2010 ). By posi-
tioning a country within these cultural dimensions, Hofstede’s research
measures cultures individually to identify the cultural differences that

34 Connecting Existing Understandings
can help predict the way that a society operates, including its manage-
ment processes and the best suitable leadership theories ( Hofstede, 1997 ,
p. 477). His work provides profound insights for understanding cultural
differences to guide leadership across cultures.
The focus of Hofstede’s work is to identify the differences of each
individual culture; thus, his perspective leans more toward cultural rela-
tivism or particularism, an emic design, on cultural divergence. In fact,
cultural particularism seems to be central to Hofstede’s research: culture
differs from one country to another; thus, leadership theory is not cul-
ture free. In other words, there is no universal leadership or management
theory. Theories and concepts developed in one culture can be applied
best in that culture; other cultures have different views on leadership and
management. Therefore, Western leadership theories have a very limited
ability to help us understand the other cultures. Because of this cultural
particularist tendency, Hofstede’s main approach is to compare one cul-
ture to another to discover differences. As a result, his work provides deep
insights for seeing cultural differences between one country and another.
Under the leadership of the late professor Robert House from the Whar-
ton Business School of the University of Pennsylvania, the GLOBE Project
(Global Leadership and Organizational Behavior Effectiveness Research
Program) has attempted to expand previous cross-cultural research find-
ings, which have further enriched our understanding of the relationship
between societal cultures and leadership ( Chhokar et al., 2007 ; House
et al., 2004 ; House et al., 2013 ). It is the largest, most complex, and most
comprehensive cross-cultural leadership research project that involves
both qualitative and quantitative methodologies. In addition to the prin-
cipal researcher and co-researchers, the research team includes 170 co-
investigators from 60 countries ( House, 2004b ).
The GLOBE research divided the world into ten cultural clusters:
Anglo, Confucian, Southern Asian, Latin America, Nordic Europe, Ger-
manic Europe, Latin Europe, Sub-Saharan Africa, Eastern Europe, and
Middle East. GLOBE developed a cultural value model with nine cultural
dimensions based upon the models of Hofstede and the others: power
distance, uncertainty avoidance, in-group collectivism, institutional col-
lectivism, gender equality, assertiveness, performance orientation, human
orientation, and future orientation (House, 2004a; House & Javidan,
2004; House, Javidan, Dorfman, & Hanges, 2004a , p. 578).
GLOBE’s Cultural Endorsed Implicit Leadership Theory (CLT) model
integrated four major theories containing 14 main propositions. These
four major leadership theories are implicit leadership theory by Lord
and Maher (1991 ), value-belief theory of culture by Hofstede (1980b )
and Triandis (1995 ), implicit motivation theory by McClelland (1985 ),
and the structural contingent theory of organizational form and effec-
tiveness by Donaldson (1993 ). The central idea of the model is that the
societal and cultural norms of shared values and practices affect leaders’

Connecting Existing Understandings 35
behaviors and organizational culture; leadership in turn affects the orga-
nizational forms and culture, which in turn affects leaders’ behaviors
( House & Dorfman, 2004b ; House, Hanges et al., 2004 , pp. 18–19). In
other words, culture and leadership are viewed as interactive. Central to
this global project is the notion that there are leadership behaviors that
contribute to effective leadership in many cultures, and there are also
leadership behaviors that are culturally contingent.
In addition, the GLOBE Project identified a list of leadership attributes
universally endorsed as contributing to effective leadership. It also iden-
tified leadership attributes that are universally viewed as contributing
to ineffective leadership. GLOBE further developed a list of leadership
attributes that are viewed positively in some cultures but negatively in
other cultures ( House, Jarvidan et al., 2004 , p. 580). Based upon these
lists, GLOBE generated six global leadership scales to measure leadership
behaviors. These six scales are charismatic/value-based leadership, team-
oriented leadership, participative leadership, humane leadership, autono-
mous leadership, and self-protective leadership. Among these, charismatic/
value-based leadership, participative leadership, and team-oriented lead-
ership are viewed as effective leadership styles in most of the cultural
clusters, whereas the autonomous and self-protective leadership styles are
viewed as negative to effective leadership by most cultures. However, the
research also shows that autonomous and self-protective leadership styles
are more effective in some cultural clusters than others ( House & Dorf-
man, 2004a ; House, Jarvidan et al., 2004 ; House, Javidan, Hanges et al.,
2004), although they are viewed universally as negative contributors to
effective leadership.
The GLOBE Project reveals the perspectives of cultural universalism
and cultural particularism in order to identify both universally shared
cultural values and leadership styles and the differences between indi-
vidual cultures and their preferred leadership styles. Thus, the design is
both emic and etic, and has resulted in three published books: Culture,
Leadership, and Organizations: The GLOBE Study of 62 Societies
(2004), Culture and Leadership Across the World: The GLOBE Book of
In-Depth Studies of 25 Societies (2007), and Strategic Leadership Across
Cultures: GLOBE Study of CEO Leadership Behavior and Effectiveness
in 24 Countries (2013) . In these three books, the combined use of quan-
titative and qualitative methodologies reveals important cultural values
and leadership attributes shared universally. They also reveal individual
country’s culture and leadership traits. Consequently, the findings indi-
cate that cultural values and leadership concepts and practices across the
world are both diverging and converging.
Most recently, cultural intelligence (CQ) has become a hot topic in
cross-cultural leadership studies. For example, Livermore developed a CQ
model including CQ drive, CQ knowledge, CQ strategy, and CQ action.
According to Livermore (2015 ), cultural intelligence is the capability for

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and struggle to guard it. Take heart and stand together, fellow-
countrymen.
Two detachments of the English army were disembarked at
Rivière Ouelle, at the beginning of June, '79. Some of the habitants
of the parish, concealed in the skirts of the wood, received them
with a sharp fire and killed several men. The commander,
exasperated at this loss, resolved to take signal vengeance. The two
detachments ascended the river and encamped toward evening
beside a brook which empties in Bay Ste. Anne, southwest of where
the college now stands. On the following morning the commander
ordered one of the companies to get ready to march, and
summoning the lieutenant gave him the following orders:
"Every house you come across belonging to these dogs of
Frenchmen, set fire to it. I will follow you a little later."
"But," said the young officer, who was a Scotchman, "must I burn
the dwellings of those who offer no resistance? They say there is no
one left in these houses except old men, women, and children."
"I think, sir," replied Major Montgomery, "that my orders are quite
clear. You will set fire to every house belonging to these dogs of
Frenchmen. I had forgotten your weakness for our enemies."
The young man bit his lips till they bled, and marched his men
away. The reader has, doubtless, recognized in this young man none
other than Archie de Lochiel, who, having made his peace with the
British Government, had recovered possession of his estates and had
obtained a lieutenancy in a regiment which he had himself recruited
among the Highlanders of his own clan. Archie marched off groaning
and muttering all the curses he could think of in English, Gaelic, and
French. At the first house where he stopped a young woman flung
herself weeping at his feet, crying piteously:
"Good sir, do not kill my poor old father. Do not shorten his days.
He has but a little while to live."

A little boy eleven or twelve years old grasped him about the
knees and exclaimed:
"Mister Englishman, do not kill grandpapa! If you only knew how
good he is!"
"Do not fear," said Archie, entering the house, "I have no orders
to kill old men, women, and children. They doubtless supposed," he
added bitterly, "that I should meet none such on my route."
Stretched on a bed of pain lay a decrepit old man.
"I have been a soldier all my life, monsieur," said he. "I do not
fear death, with whom I have been often face to face, but, in the
name of God, spare my daughter and her child!"
"They shall not be injured," replied Archie, with tears in his eyes;
"but if you are a soldier, you know that a soldier has to obey orders.
I am ordered to burn all the buildings on my line of march, and I
have to obey. Whither shall we move you, father? Listen," he added,
speaking close in the old man's ear. "Your grandson appears active
and intelligent. Let him get a horse and hasten to warn your fellow-
countrymen that I have to burn down all the houses on my road.
They will, perhaps, have time to save the most valuable of their
belongings."
"You are a good and brave young man!" cried the old man. "If
you were a Catholic I would give you my blessing; but thank you a
thousand times, thank you!"
"I am a Catholic," said Lochiel.
The old man raised himself with difficulty, lifted his eyes toward
heaven, spread his hands over Archie's bended head, and cried:
"May God bless you for this act of humanity! In the day of heavy
affliction, when you implore the pity of Heaven, may God take count
of your compassion toward your enemies and give ear to your
prayers! Say to him then with confidence in the sorest trials, 'I have
the blessing of a dying old man, my enemy.'"

The old man in his bed was hastily carried by the soldiers to an
adjoining wood, and when he resumed his march Lochiel had the
satisfaction of seeing the little boy mounted on a swift horse and
devouring the miles beneath him. Archie breathed more freely at the
sight.
The work of destruction went on; but from time to time,
whenever he reached the top of a hill, Archie had the satisfaction of
seeing old men, women, and children, loaded down with their
possessions, taking refuge in the neighboring woods. If he wept for
their misfortunes, he rejoiced in his heart that he had done
everything in his power to mitigate them.
All the houses of a portion of Rivière Ouelle, and of the parishes
of Ste. Anne and St. Roch, along the edge of the St. Lawrence, were
by this time in ashes, yet there came no order to cease from the
work of destruction. From time to time, on the contrary, Lochiel saw
the division of his superior officer, following in his rear, come to a
halt on a piece of rising ground, doubtless for the purpose of
permitting Major Montgomery to gloat over the results of his
barbarous order.
The first house of St. Jean-Port-Joli was that of a rich habitant, a
sergeant in Captain D'Haberville's company. Frequently during his
vacations had Archie lunched at this house with Jules and his sister.
With what a pang he recalled the eager hospitality of these people.
On their arrival, Mother Dupont and her daughters used to run to
the dairy, the barn, the garden, for eggs, butter, cream, parsley, and
chervil, to make them pancakes and herb omelettes. Father Dupont
and his sons would hasten to put up the horses and give them a
generous measure of oats. While Mother Dupont was preparing the
meal, the young people would make a hasty toilet. Then they would
get up a dance, and skip merrily to the notes of the violin which
screeched beneath the old sergeant's bow. In spite of the
remonstrances of Blanche, Jules would turn everything upside down
and tease everybody to death. He would snatch the frying-pan from
the hands of Mother Dupont, throw his arm around her waist, and

compel her, in spite of her struggles, to dance with him; and these
good people would shout with laughter till one would think they
could never get too much of the racket. All these things Lochiel went
over in the bitterness of his soul, and a cold sweat broke out on his
brow as he ordered the burning of this hospitable home.
Almost all the houses in the first concession of St. Jean-Port-Joli
were by this time in ruins, yet there came no order to desist. About
sunset, however, coming to the little river Port Joli, a few arpents
from the D'Haberville place, Lochiel took it upon himself to halt his
company. He climbed the hillside, and there, in sight of the manor,
he waited; he waited like a criminal upon the scaffold, hoping
against hope that a reprieve may come at the last moment. His
heart was big with tender memories as he gazed upon the dwelling
where for ten years the exiled orphan had been received as a child
of the house. Sorrowfully he looked down on the silent village which
had been so full of life when last he saw it. Some pigeons fluttering
over the buildings and from time to time alighting on the roofs
appeared to be the only living creatures about the manor. Sighing,
he repeated the words of Ossian:
"'Selma, thy halls are silent. There is no sound in the woods of
Morven. The wave tumbles alone in the coast. The silent beam of
the sun is on the field.'
"Oh! Oui! Mes amis!" cried Lochiel, in the language that he loved,
"vos salons sont maintenant, hélas! deserts et silencieux! There is no
sound upon this hill which so lately was echoing your bright voices. I
hear only the ripples lapping upon the sand. One pale ray from the
setting sun is all that lights your meadows.
"What shall I do, kind Heaven, if the rage of the brute who
commands me is not yet sated? Should I refuse to obey him? Then
am I dishonored. A soldier can not in time of war refuse to carry out
the orders of his commander. This brute could have me shot upon
the spot, and the shield of the Camerons would be forever tarnished.
Who would trouble himself to see that justice was done to the

memory of the soldier who chose death rather than the stain of
ingratitude? On the contrary, that which was with me but an emotion
of grateful remembrance, would certainly be imputed to me for
treason by this creature who hounds me with his devilish malice."
The harsh voice of Major Montgomery put an end to these
reflections.
"What are you doing here?" he growled.
"I have left my men by the edge of the river, and was proposing
to encamp there after our long march."
"It is not late," answered the major, "and you know the country
better than I. You will easily find for your encampment another place
than that which I have just chosen for myself."
"I will march at once," said Archie. "There is another river about a
mile from here where we can camp for the night."
"Very well," said Montgomery, in an insolent voice; "and as you
have but a few more houses to burn in this district, your men will
soon be able to rest."
"It is true," said Lochiel, "for there remain but five more
dwellings. Two of these, however, the group of buildings which you
see yonder and a mill on the stream where I am going to camp,
belong to the Seigneur D'Haberville, the man who during my exile
took me in and treated me as a son. For God's sake, Major
Montgomery, give the order yourself for their destruction!"
"I never should have believed," replied the major, "that a British
officer would have dared to utter treason."
"You forget, sir," said Archie, restraining himself with difficulty,
"that I was then a mere child. But once more I implore you, in the
name of all you hold most dear, give the order yourself, and do not
force upon me the dishonor of setting the torch to the home of them
who in my days of adversity heaped me with benefits."

"I understand," replied the major, with a sneer, "you wish to keep
a way open to return to the favor of your friends when occasion shall
arise."
At this insulting sarcasm Archie was tempted for an instant to
draw his claymore and cry:
"If you are not as cowardly as you are insolent, defend yourself,
Major Montgomery!"
Happily, reason came to his aid. Instead of grasping his sword, his
hand directed itself mechanically toward his breast, which he tore
fiercely. Then he remembered the words of the witch:
"Keep your pity for yourself, Archibald de Lochiel, when, forced to
execute a barbarous order, your nails shall tear that breast which
covers, nevertheless, a noble heart."
"She was indeed taught of hell, that woman," thought he, "when
she uttered that prophecy to a Cameron of Lochiel."
With malicious pleasure Montgomery watched for a moment the
strife of passions which tortured the young man's heart. He gloated
over his despair. Then, persuaded that Archie would refuse to obey,
he turned his back upon him. Lochiel, perceiving his treacherous
design, hastened to rejoin his men, and a half-hour later the
buildings were in flames. Archie paused beside the fountain where in
happier days he had so often refreshed himself with his friends; and
from that spot his lynx-like eyes discerned Montgomery, who had
returned to the hill-top, and there with folded arms stood feasting on
the cruel scene.
Foaming with rage at the sight of his enemy, Archie cried:
"You have a good memory, Montgomery. You have not forgotten
the time when my ancestor beat your grandfather with the flat of his
saber in an Edinburgh tavern. But I, also, have a good memory. I
shall not always wear this uniform that now ties my hands, and
sooner or later I will redouble the dose upon your own shoulders, for

you would be too much of a coward to meet me in fair fight. A beast
like you can not possess even the one virtue of courage. Curse be
you and all your race! When you come to die may you be less
fortunate than those whose dwellings you have desolated to-day,
and may you have no place to lay your head! May all the pangs of
hell—"
Then, ashamed of the impotence of his rage, he moved away
with a groan.
The mill upon the Trois-Saumons River was soon but a heap of
cinders, and the burning of Captain D'Haberville's property in
Quebec, which took place during the siege, was all that was needed
to complete his ruin.
After taking the necessary precautions for the safety of his
company, Archie directed his steps to the desolated manor. There,
seated on the summit of the bluff, he gazed in the silence of anguish
on the smoking ruins at his feet. It must have been about nine
o'clock. The night was dark, and few stars revealed themselves in
the sky. Presently, however, he made out a living creature wandering
among the ruins. It was old Niger, who lifted his head toward the
bluff and began howling piteously. Archie thought the faithful animal
was reproaching him with his ingratitude, and bitter tears scalded his
cheeks.
"Behold," said he, "the fruits of what we call the code of honor of
civilized nations! Are these the fruits of Christianity, that religion of
compassion which teaches us to love even our enemies? If my
commander were one of these savage chiefs, whom we treat as
barbarians, and I had said to him: 'Spare this house, for it belongs
to my friends. I was a wanderer and a fugitive, and they took me in
and gave me a father and a brother,' the Indian chief would have
answered: 'It is well; spare your friends; it is only the viper that
stings the bosom that has warmed it.'

"I have always lived in the hope," went on Lochiel, "of one day
rejoining my Canadian friends, whom I love to-day more than ever, if
that were possible. No reconciliation would have been required. It
was natural I should seek to regain my patrimony, so nearly
dissipated by the confiscations of the British Government. There
remained to me no career but the army, the only one worthy of a
Cameron. I had recovered my father's sword, which one of my
friends had bought back from among the spoils of Culloden. Bearing
this blade, which had never known a stain, I dreamed of a glorious
career. I was grieved, indeed, when I learned that my regiment was
to be sent against New France; but a soldier could not resign in time
of war without disgrace. My friends would have understood that. But
what hope now for the ingrate who has ravaged the hearth of his
benefactors! Jules D'Haberville, whom I once called my brother, his
gentle and saintly mother, who took me to her heart, the fair girl
whom I called my sister to hide a deeper feeling—these will,
perhaps, hear my justification and end by forgiving me. But Captain
D'Haberville, who loves with all his heart, but who never forgives an
injury, can it be imagined that he will permit his family to utter my
name, unless to curse it?
"But I am a coward and a fool," continued Archie, grinding his
teeth, "I should have declared before my men my reasons for
refusing to obey, and, though Montgomery had had me shot upon
the spot, there would have been found loyal spirits to approve my
refusal and to right my memory. I have been a coward and a fool,
for in case the major, instead of having me shot, had tried me before
a court-martial, even while pronouncing my death sentence they
would have appreciated my motives. I would have been eloquent in
the defense of my honor, and of that noblest of human sentiments,
gratitude. Oh, my friends, would that you could see my remorse!
Coward, ten thousand times coward!—"
A voice near him repeated the words "Coward, ten thousand
times coward!" He thought at first it was the echo from the bluff. He
raised his head and perceived the witch of the manor standing erect

on a projecting rock. She stretched out her hands over the ruins,
and cried: "Woe! woe! woe!" Then she descended like lightning, by a
steep and dangerous path, and wandered to and fro among the
ruins, crying: "Desolation! desolation! desolation!" At length she
raised her arm with a gesture of menace, pointed to the summit of
the bluff, and cried in a loud voice: "Woe to you, Archibald de
Lochiel!"
The old dog howled long and plaintively, then silence fell upon the
scene.
Archie's head sank upon his breast. The next moment four
savages sprang upon him, hurled him to the ground, and bound his
hands. These were four warriors of the Abénaquis, who had been
spying upon the movements of the English ever since their landing
at Rivière Ouelle. Relying upon his tremendous strength, Archie
made desperate efforts to break his bonds. The tough moose-hide
which enwound his wrists in triple coils stretched mightily, but
resisted all his efforts. Seeing this, Archie resigned himself to his
fate, and followed his captors quietly into the forest. His vigorous
Scottish legs spared him further ill treatment. Bitter were the
reflections of the captive during the rapid southward march through
the forest, wherein he had so often hunted with his brother
D'Haberville. Heedless of the fierce delight of the Indians, whose
eyes flashed at the sight of his despair, he exclaimed:
"You have conquered, Montgomery; my curses recoil upon my
own head. You will proclaim that I have deserted to the enemy, that
I am a traitor as you long suspected. You will rejoice indeed, for I
have lost all, even honor." And like Job, he cursed the day that he
was born.
After two hours' rapid marching they arrived at the foot of the
mountain which overlooks Trois Saumons Lake, on which water
Archie concluded that they would find an encampment of the
Abénaquis. Coming to the edge of the lake, one of his captors
uttered three times the cry of the osprey; and the seven echoes of

the mountain repeated, each three times, the piercing and strident
call of the great swan of Lower Canada. At any other time Lochiel
would have thrilled with admiration at the sight of this beautiful
water outspread beneath the starlight, enringed with mountains and
seeded with green-crowned islets. It was the same lake to which, for
ten happy years, he had made hunting and fishing excursions with
his friends. It was the same lake which he had swum at its widest
part to prove his prowess. But to-night all Nature appeared as dead
as the heart within him. From one of the islets came a birch canoe,
paddled by a man in Indian garb, but wearing a cap of fox-skin. The
new comer held a long conversation with the four savages, but
Archie was ignorant of the Abénaquis tongue, and could make out
nothing of what they said. Two of the Indians thereupon started off
to the southwest; but Archie was put into the canoe and taken to
the islet.

CHAPTER XII.
A NIGHT AMONG THE SAVAGES.
What tragic tears bedew the eye!
What deaths we suffer ere we die!
Our broken friendships we deplore,
And loves of youth that are no more.
Logan.
All, all on earth is shadow, all beyond
Is substance; the reverse is folly's creed.
How solid all where change shall be no more!
Young's Night Thoughts.
Having cursed his enemy and the day of his birth, Lochiel had
gradually come to a more Christian frame of mind, as he lay bound
to a tree and all hope banished from his heart. He knew that the
savages scarcely ever spared their captives, and that a slow and
hideous death was in store for him. Recovering his natural force of
mind, he hardly took care to pray for his deliverance; but he
implored of Heaven forgiveness for his sins and strength to bear the
tortures that were before him. Of what account, thought he, the
judgment of men when the dream of life is over? And he bowed
himself beneath the hand of God.
The three warriors were seated around within a dozen feet of
Lochiel, smoking in silence. The Indians are naturally reserved,
regarding light conversation as only suitable to women and children.
One of them, however, by name Talamousse, speaking to the man of
the island, made inquiry:

"Will my brother wait long here for the warriors from the
Portage?"
"Three days," answered the latter, lifting up three fingers. "Grand-
Loutre and Talamousse will depart to-morrow with the prisoner. The
Frenchman will rejoin them at the encampment of Captain
Launière."
"It is well," said Grand-Loutre, extending his hand toward the
south. "We are going to take the prisoner to the camp at Petit-
Marigotte, where we will wait three days for my brother and the
warriors from the Portage, and then go to the camp of Captain
Launière."
For the first time Lochiel perceived that the voice of the man with
the fox-skin cap was not like that of the other two men, although he
spoke their language fluently. Hitherto he had suffered in silence the
torments of a burning thirst. It was a veritable torture of Tantalus,
with the crystal lake waters lapping at his feet, but, under the
impression that the man might be a Frenchman, he made bold to
say:
"If there is a Christian among you, for God's sake let him give me
a drink."
"What does the dog want?" said Grand-Loutre to his companion.
The man addressed made no answer for some moments. His
whole body trembled, his face became pale as death, a cold sweat
bathed his forehead; then, controlling himself sternly, he answered
in his natural voice:
"The prisoner asks for a drink."
"Tell the dog of an Englishman," said Talamousse, "that he shall
be burned to-morrow; and that if he is very thirsty he shall have
boiling water to drink."

"I am going to tell him," replied the Canadian presently, "that my
brothers permit me to give their captive a little water."
"Let my brother do as he will," said Talamousse; "the pale faces
have hearts like young girls."
The Canadian curled a piece of birch bark into the form of a cup,
filled it with fresh water, and handed it to the prisoner, saying:
"Who are you, sir? In the name of God who are you? Your voice is
like that of a man who is very dear to me."
"I am Archibald Cameron, of Lochiel," came the answer, "once the
friend of your countrymen; now their enemy, and well deserving the
fate which is in store for him."
"Mr. Archie," replied Dumais, for he it was, "although you had
slain my brother, although it should be necessary for me to cut down
these two red rascals with my tomahawk, in an hour you shall be
free. I shall try persuasion before resorting to violent measures. Now
silence."
Dumais resumed his place with the Indians, and after a time he
remarked:
"The prisoner thanks the red-skins for promising him the death of
a man; he says that the song of the pale face will be that of a
warrior."
"Houa!" said Grand-Loutre, "the Englishman will screech like an
owl when he sees the fires of our wigwams." And he went on
smoking and casting glances of contempt upon Lochiel.
"The Englishman," said Talamousse, "speaks like a man while the
stake is yet far off. The Englishman is a coward who could not suffer
thirst. He has begged his enemies for a drink like a baby crying for
its mother." And the Indian spit upon the ground contemptuously.

Dumais opened a wallet, took out some provisions, and offered a
portion to the savages, who refused to eat. Then he stepped into the
woods, and after a short search brought out a bottle of brandy. He
took a drink and began to eat. The eyes of one of the Indians dwelt
longingly on the bottle.
"Talamousse is not hungry, my brother," said he, "but he is very
thirsty. He has made a long march to-day and he is very tired. The
fire-water is good to rest one's legs."
Dumais passed him the bottle. The Indian seized it with a
trembling hand and gulped down a good half of the contents.
"Ah, but that's good," said he, handing back the bottle; and
presently his piercing eyes grew glazed, and a vacant look began to
creep into his face.
"Dumais does not offer any to his brother Grand-Loutre," said the
Canadian; "he knows that he does not drink fire-water."
"The Great Spirit loves Grand-Loutre," said the latter, "and made
him throw up the only mouthful of fire-water he ever drank. The
Great Spirit made him so sick that he thought he was going to visit
the country of souls. Grand-Loutre is very thankful, for the fire-water
takes away man's wisdom."
"It is good fire-water," said Talamousse after a moment's silence,
stretching out his hand toward the bottle, which Dumais removed
from his reach. "Give me one more drink, my brother, I beg you."
"No," said Dumais, "not now; by and by, perhaps." And he put the
bottle back into his knapsack.
"The Great Spirit also loves the Canadian," resumed Dumais after
a pause; "he appeared to him last night in a dream."
"What did he say to my brother?" asked the Indians.

"The Great Spirit told him to buy back the prisoner," answered
Dumais.
"My brother lies like a Frenchman," replied Grand-Loutre. "He lies
like all the pale faces. The red-skins do not lie to them."
"The French never lie when they speak of the Great Spirit," said
the Canadian; and, opening his knapsack, he took a small sip of
brandy.
"Give me, my brother, give me one little drink," said Talamousse,
stretching out his hand.
"If Talamousse will sell me his share of the prisoner," said Dumais,
"he shall have another drink."
"Give me all the fire-water," said Talamousse, "and take my share
of the English dog."
"No," said Dumais, "one more drink and that will be all;" and he
made a movement to put away the bottle.
"Give it to me, then, and take my share of him."
He seized the bottle in both hands, took a long pull at the
precious fluid, and then fell asleep on the grass.
"There's one of them fixed," thought Dumais.
Grand-Loutre had been watching all this with an air of defiance,
but had kept on smoking indifferently.
"Now will my brother sell me his share of the prisoner?" asked
Dumais.
"What do you want of him?" replied the savage.
"To sell him to Captain D'Haberville, who will have him hung for
burning his house. The prisoner will endure like a warrior the

tortures of the stake, but at sight of the rope he will weep like a
girl."
"My brother lies again," replied Grand-Loutre. "All the English that
we have burned cried out like cowards, and not one of them sang
his death-song like a man. They would have thanked us to hang
them. It is only the red warrior who prefers the stake to the disgrace
of being hung like a dog."
"Let my brother heed my words," said Dumais. "The prisoner is
not an Englishman, but a Scotchman, and the Scotch are the
savages of the English. Let my brother observe the prisoner's
clothing, and see how like it is to that of a savage warrior."
"That is true," said Grand-Loutre. "He does not smother himself in
clothes like the other soldiers whom the Great Ononthio sends
across the water. But what has that to do with it?"
"Why," replied the Canadian, "a Scotch warrior would rather be
burned than be hung. Like the red-skins of Canada, he considers
that one hangs only dogs, and that if he were to go to the country
of souls with the rope about his neck the savage warriors would
refuse to hunt with him."
"My brother lies again," said the Indian, shaking his head
incredulously. "The Scotch savages are nevertheless pale faces, and
they can not have the courage to endure pain like a red-skin." And
he went on smoking thoughtfully.
"Let my brother hearken, and he will see that I speak the truth,"
said Dumais.
"Speak, thy brother gives ear."
"The English and the Scotch," continued the Canadian, "dwell in a
great island beyond the great water. The English dwell on the plains,
while the Scotch inhabit the mountains. The English are as many as
the grains of sand about the shores of this lake, while the Scotch are
but as the sands of this little island. Yet the Scotch have withstood

the English in war for as many moons as there are leaves on this
great maple. The English are rich, the Scotch poor. When the Scotch
beat the English, they return to their mountains laden with booty;
when the English beat the Scotch, they get nothing. The profit is all
on one side."
"If the English are so numerous," said Grand-Loutre, "why do
they not pursue their enemies into the mountains and kill every man
of them? They could not escape, since, as my brother says, they live
on the same island."
"Houa!" cried Dumais, after the fashion of the savages, "I will
show my brother why. The Scotch mountains are so high that if an
army of young Englishmen were to ascend them but half way, they
would be an army of graybeards before they got down again."
"The French are always tomfools," said the Indian. "They can't do
anything but talk nonsense. Soon they will put on petticoats and go
and sit with our squaws, and amuse them with their funny stories.
They never talk seriously like men."
"My brother ought to understand," said Dumais, "that what I said
was merely to impress upon him the remarkable height of the
Scottish mountains."
"Let my brother continue. Grand-Loutre hears and understands,"
said the Indian, accustomed to this figurative style of speech.
"The Scotch legs are as strong as those of a moose and active as
those of a roebuck," continued Dumais.
"True," said the Indian, "if they are all like the prisoner here, who,
in spite of his bonds, kept right on my heels all the way. He has the
legs of an Indian."
"The English," said Dumais, "are large and strong, but they have
soft legs and huge bellies. When they pursue their more active
enemies into the mountains the Scotchmen lie in ambush and kill
them by the score. The war seemed as if it would last forever. When

the English took prisoners they used to burn many of them; but
these would sing their death-song at the stake and heap insult on
their torturers by telling them that they had drunk out of the skulls
of their ancestors."
"Houa!" cried Grand-Loutre, "they are men these Scotch."
"The Scotch had a great chief named Wallace, a mighty warrior.
When he set out for war the earth trembled under his feet. He was
as tall as yonder fir-tree and as strong as an army. An accursed
wretch betrayed him for money, he was taken prisoner and
sentenced to be hung. At this news a cry of rage and grief went up
from all the mountains of Scotland. All the warriors painted their
faces black, a great council was held, and ten chiefs bearing the pipe
of peace set out for England. They were conducted into a great
wigwam, the council fire was lighted, and for a long time every one
spoke in silence. At length an old chief took up the word, and said:
'My brother, the earth has drunk enough of the blood of these two
great nations, and we wish to bury the hatchet. Give us back
Wallace and we will remain hostages in his place. You shall put us to
death if ever again he lifts the tomahawk against you.' With these
words he handed the pipe of peace to the Great Ononthio of the
English, who waved it aside, saying sternly, 'Within three days
Wallace shall be hung.' 'Listen my brother,' said the great Scotch
chief, 'if Wallace must die let him die the death of a warrior. Hanging
is a death for dogs.' And again he presented the pipe of peace, and
Ononthio refused it. The deputies withdrew and consulted together.
On their return the great chief said: 'Let my brother hearken
favorably to my last words. Let him fix eleven stakes to burn Wallace
and these ten warriors, who will be proud to share his fate and will
thank their brother for his clemency.' Once more he offered the pipe
of peace, and once more Ononthio rejected it."
"Houa!" cried Grand-Loutre, "those were noble and generous
words. But my brother has not told me how the Scotch are now
friends with the English and fighting against the French."

"With rage in their hearts, the deputies returned to their
mountains. At their death-cries, which they uttered at the gate of
every town and village to announce the fate of Wallace, every one
rushed to arms; and the war between the two nations continued for
as many moons as there are grains of sand here in my hand," said
Dumais, picking up a handful. "The Scotch were generally beaten by
their swarming enemies, and their rivers ran with blood, but they
knew not how to yield. The war would have been going on still but
for a traitor who warned the English that nine Scotch chiefs, having
gathered in a cavern to drink fire-water, had fallen to sleep there like
our brother Talamousse."
"The red-skins," said Grand-Loutre, "are never traitors to their
own people. They deceive their enemies, but never their friends. Will
my brother tell me how it comes that there are traitors among the
pale faces?"
Dumais, a little puzzled to answer this question, went on as if he
had not heard it.
"The nine chiefs were taken to a great city and condemned to be
hung within a month. On this sad news fires were lighted on all the
hills of Scotland to summon a grand council of all the warriors. The
wise men spoke fine words for three days and three nights, but
came to no conclusion. Then they consulted the spirits, and a great
medicine-man declared that the Manitou was angry with his children,
and that they must bury the hatchet forever. Twenty warriors with
blackened faces betook themselves to the chief town of the English,
and before the gates they uttered a death-cry for every captive
chief. A great council was held, and Ononthio granted peace on
condition that they should give hostages, that they should deliver up
their strongholds, that the two nations should henceforth be as one,
and that the English and Scotch warriors should fight shoulder to
shoulder against the enemies of the great Ononthio. A feast was
made which lasted three days and three nights, and at which so
much brandy was drunk that the women took away all the
tomahawks. Had they not done so the war would have broken out

anew. The English were so rejoiced that they promised to send the
Scotch all the heads, feet, and tails of the sheep which they should
kill in the future."
"The English must be generous, indeed," said the Indian.
"My brother must see by this," continued Dumais, "that a Scotch
warrior would rather be burned than hung, and he will sell me his
share of the prisoner. Let my brother fix his price, and Dumais will
not count the cost."
"Grand-Loutre will not sell his share of the prisoner," said the
Indian. "He has promised Taoutsi and Katakoui to hand him over to-
morrow at Petit-Marigotte, and he will keep his word. The council
will be assembled, and Grand-Loutre will speak to the young men. If
the young men consent not to burn him, it will then be time to hand
him over to D'Haberville."
"My brother knows Dumais," said the Canadian. "He knows that
he is rich and a man of his word. Dumais will pay for the prisoner six
times as much as Ononthio pays the Indians for every one of his
enemies' scalps."
"Grand-Loutre knows," said the Indian, "that his brother speaks
the truth, but he will not sell his share of the prisoner."
The eyes of the Canadian shot flame, and instinctively he grasped
his hatchet; but, suddenly changing his mind, he assumed an
indifferent air, and knocked the ashes out of the bowl of his
tomahawk, which served the Canadians as well as the savages for
tobacco-pipe when on the march. Although the first hostile
movement of the Canadian had not escaped the keen eye of his
companion, the latter went on smoking tranquilly.
The words of Dumais had revived the spark of hope in Archie's
heart. In spite of his bitter remorse, he was too young to bid
farewell without regret to all that made life dear. Could he, the last
of his race, willingly suffer the shield of the Camerons to go to the

tomb with a stain? Could he endure to die, leaving the D'Habervilles
to think that they had cherished a viper in their bosom? He thought
of the despair of Jules, the curses of the implacable captain, the
silent grief of the good woman who used to call him her son, the
sorrow of the fair girl whom he had hoped one day to call by a
tenderer name than that of sister. Archie was, indeed, young to die;
and with the renewal of hope in his heart, he again clung
desperately to life.
He had followed with ever-increasing anxiety the scene that was
passing before him. He endeavored to comprehend it by watching
the faces of the speakers. Dark as was the night, he had lost nothing
of the hate and scorn which were flashed upon him from the cruel
eyes of the savages. Knowing the ferocity of the Indians when under
the influence of alcohol, it was not without surprise he saw Dumais
passing them the bottle; but when he saw one refuse to drink and
the other stretched in drunken stupor on the sand, he understood
the Canadian's tactics. When he heard the name of Wallace, he
remembered that during Dumais's illness he had often entertained
him with fabulous stories about his favorite hero, but he was puzzled
to guess the Canadian's purpose in talking about the deeds of a
Scottish warrior. If he had understood the latter part of Dumais's
story, he would have recalled the chaffing of Jules in regard to the
pretended delicacies of his countrymen. When he saw the angry
gleam in the Canadian's eyes, when he saw him grasp his
tomahawk, he was on the point of crying not to strike. His generous
soul foresaw the dangers to which his friend would be exposed if he
should kill an Indian belonging to a tribe allied with the French.
The Canadian was silent for some time. He refilled his pipe, began
to smoke, and at length said quietly:
"When Grand-Loutre, with his father, his wife, and his two sons,
fell sick of the small-pox over by South River, Dumais sought them
out. At the risk of bringing the disease upon himself and family, he
carried them to his own wigwam, where he nursed them for three
moons. It was not the fault of Dumais if the old man and the two

boys died; Dumais had them buried like Christians, and the Black
Robe has prayed to the Great Spirit for their souls."
"If Dumais," replied the Indian, "if Dumais and his wife and his
children had fallen sick in the forest, Grand-Loutre would have
carried them to his wigwam, would have fished for them and would
have hunted for them, would have bought them the fire-water which
is the Frenchman's medicine, and would have said, 'Eat and drink my
brothers, and recover your strength.' Grand-Loutre and his squaw
would have watched day and night by the couch of their French
friends; and never would Grand-Loutre have said, 'Remember that I
fed you and took care of you and bought fire-water for you with my
furs.' Let my brother take the prisoner," continued the Indian,
drawing himself up proudly; "the red-skin is no longer in debt to the
pale face!" And he calmly resumed his smoking.
"Listen, my brother," said the Canadian, "and pardon Dumais that
he has hidden the truth. He knew not thy great heart. Now he is
going to speak in the presence of the Great Spirit himself, in whose
presence he dare not lie."
"That is true," said the Indian, "let my brother speak."
"When Grand-Loutre was sick two years ago," continued the
Canadian, "Dumais told him about his adventure when the ice went
out that spring at the Falls of St. Thomas, and how he was saved by
a young Scotchman who had arrived that very evening at the house
of the Seigneur de Beaumont."
"My brother has told me," said the Indian, "and he has shown me
the little island suspended over the abyss, whereon he awaited
death. Grand-Loutre knew the place and the old cedar to which my
brother clung."
"Very well!" replied Dumais, rising and taking off his cap, "thy
brother swears in the presence of the Great Spirit that the prisoner
is none other than the young Scotchman who saved his life!"

The Indian gave a great cry which went echoing wildly round the
lake. He sprang to his feet, drew his knife, and rushed upon the
captive. Lochiel thought his hour had come and commended his soul
to God. What was his surprise when the savage cut his bonds,
grasped his hands with every mark of delight, and pushed him into
the arms of his friend. Dumais pressed Archie to his breast, then
sank upon his knees and cried:
"I have prayed to thee, O God, to extend the right arm of your
protection over this noble and generous man. My wife and my
children have never ceased to make the same prayer. I thank thee,
O God, that thou hast granted me even more than I had dared to
ask. I thank thee, O God, for I should have committed a crime to
save his life, and should have gone to my grave a murderer."
"Now," said Lochiel, after endeavoring to thank his rescuer, "let us
get off as quickly as possible, my dear Dumais; for if my absence
from camp is perceived I am ruined utterly. I will explain as we go."
Just as they were setting foot in the canoe the cry of the osprey
was heard three times from the lake shore opposite the island. "It is
the young men from Marigotte coming to look for you, my brother,"
said Grand-Loutre, turning to Lochiel. "Taoutsi and Katakoui must
have met some of them, and told them they had an English prisoner
on the island; but they will shout a long time without awakening
Talamousse, and as to Grand-Loutre, he is going to sleep till the
Canadian gets back. Bon voyage, my brothers." As Archie and his
companion directed their course toward the north they heard for a
long time the cries of the osprey, which were uttered at short
intervals by the Indians on the south shore.
"I fear," said Archie, "that the young Abénaquis warriors, foiled in
their amiable intent, will make a bad quarter of an hour for our
friends on the island."
"It is true," replied his companion, "that we are depriving them of
a very great pleasure. They find the time long at Marigotte, and to-

morrow might have been passed very pleasantly in roasting a
prisoner."
Lochiel shuddered in spite of himself.
"As for the two canaouas (red rascals) we have left, do not
trouble yourself for them, they will know how to get out of the
scrape. The Indian is the most independent being imaginable, and
renders account to nobody for his actions unless it suits him.
Moreover, the worst that could happen to them in the present
instance would be, using their own expression, to cover the half of
the prisoner with beaver skins or their equivalent—in other words, to
pay their share in him to Taoutsi and Katakoui. It is more probable,
however, that Grand-Loutre, who is a kind of a wag among them,
would choose rather to raise a laugh at the expense of his two
disappointed comrades, for he is never without resource. He will say,
perhaps, that Talamousse and he had a perfect right to dispose of
their half of the prisoner; that the half which they had set free had
run away with the other half; that they had better hurry after him,
for the prisoner was loaded with their share of himself and therefore
could not travel very fast; with other waggery that would be hugely
relished by the Indians. It is more probable, however, that he will
speak to them of my adventure at the falls of St. Thomas, which the
Abénaquis know about, and will tell them that it was to your
devotion I owed my life. Then, as the Indians never forget a good
turn, they will cry, 'Our brothers have done well to set free the savior
of our friend the pale face!'"
Lochiel wished to enter into full details in order to excuse himself
in the eyes of Dumais for his cruel conduct on the day preceding;
but the latter stopped him.
"A man like you, sir," said the Canadian, "need make me no
explanation. I could hardly suspect a heart so noble and so self-
forgetful of failing at all in the sentiments of humanity and gratitude.
I am a soldier, and I know all the duties imposed upon one by
military discipline. I have assisted at hideous performances on the

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Glocalization And The Development Of A Hybrid Leadership Model A Study Of Chinese University Presidency 1st Edition Qingyan Tian

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