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MIGRANT, MULTICULTURAL
AND DIASPORIC HERITAGE
Migrant, Multicultural and Diasporic Heritage explores the role heritage has played
in representing, contesting and negotiating the history and politics of ethnic,
migrant, multicultural, diasporic or ‘other’ heritages in, within, between and
beyond nations and national boundaries.
Containing contributions from academics and professionals working across a
range of fields, this volume contends that, in the face of various global ‘crises’,
the role of heritage is especially important: it is a stage for the negotiation of
shifting identities and for the rewriting of traditions and historical narratives of
belonging and becoming. As a whole, the book connects and further develops
methodological and theoretical discourses that can fuel and inform practice
and social outcomes. It also examines the unique opportunities, challenges and
limitations that various actors encounter in their efforts to preserve, identify,
assess, manage, interpret, and promote heritage pertaining to the experience and
history of migration and migrant groups.
Bringing together diverse case studies of migration and migrants in cultural
heritage practice, Migrant, Multicultural and Diasporic Heritage will be of great
interest to academics and students engaged in the study of heritage and museums,
as well as those working in the fields of memory studies, public history,
anthropology, archaeology, tourism and cultural studies.
Alexandra Dellios (PhD, University of Melbourne) is a historian and lecturer
in the Centre for Heritage and Museum Studies at the Australian National
University. Her research considers the public and oral history of migrant and
refugee communities in Australia and the UK.
Eureka Henrich (PhD, University of New South Wales, Sydney) is a lecturer in
history at the University of Hertfordshire, UK. Her research explores histories of
migration, health, heritage and memory in Australian and transnational contexts.

Key Issues in Cultural Heritage
Series Editors: William Logan and Laurajane Smith
Gender and Heritage
Edited by Wera Grahn and Ross J. Wilson
Cultural Heritage and the Future
Edited by Cornelius Holtorf and Anders H?gberg
Safeguarding Intangible Heritage
Practices and Policies
Edited by Laurajane Smith and Natsuko Akagawa
Emotion, Affective Practices, and the Past in the Present
Edited by Laurajane Smith, Margaret Wetherell and Gary Campbell
World Heritage and Sustainable Development
New Directions in World Heritage Management
Edited by Peter Bille Larsen and William Logan
Urban Heritage in Divided Cities
Contested Pasts
Edited by Mirjana Ristic and Sybille Frank
Migrant, Multicultural and Diasporic Heritage
Beyond and Between Borders
Edited by Alexandra Dellios and Eureka Henrich
For more information on the series, please visit: www.routledge.com/
Key-Issues-in-Cultural-Heritage/book-series/KICH

MIGRANT,
MULTICULTURAL
AND DIASPORIC
HERITAGE
Beyond and Between Borders
Edited by Alexandra Dellios
and Eureka Henrich

First published 2021
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2021 selection and editorial matter, Alexandra Dellios and Eureka
Henrich; individual chapters, the contributors
The right of Alexandra Dellios and Eureka Henrich to be identified
as the authors of the editorial material, and of the authors for their
individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77
and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or
reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or
other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying
and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system,
without permission in writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks
or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and
explanation without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
A catalog record for this book has been requested
ISBN: 978-0-367-34848-9 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-0-367-34846-5 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-0-429-32840-4 (ebk)
Typeset in Bembo
by Apex CoVantage, LLC

CONTENTS
List of illustrations
List of contributors
Acknowledgements
Series general co-editors’ foreword
viii
x
xiii
xiv
1 Migratory pasts and heritage-making presents: theory
and practice
Alexandra Dellios and Eureka Henrich
1
PART ONE
Challenging official heritage and national
historiographies: expanding heritage-making theories 19
2 Heritage-making, borderwork and (multi)cultural
organisations in the north of England
Susan L.T. Ashley
21
3 The Noncitizen Archive: transversal heritage
and the jurisgenerative process
Christian Rossipal
36
4 Objects mediating identity, belonging and cultural
difference in Australian museums
Karen Schamberger
52

vi Contents
5 Erasing migrant bodies: curating violence and exhibiting
migrants on the Mexico–US border
Robert Mason
68
PART TWO
Place, placing memories and the politics of race
and diversity 85
6 Intangible heritage and the built environment: using
multisensory digital interfaces to map migrant memories
Alda Terracciano
87
7 Place-making and the Finsbury/Pennington migrant
hostel: capturing 45 years of refugee and migrant heritage
Karen Agutter, Rachel A. Ankeny, and Linda Lacey
102
8 Cosmopolitan capitals: migrant heritage, urban tourism
and the re-imagining of Australian cities
Justine Greenwood
119
9 The dialectics of xenophobia and cultural creolisation
in post-apartheid South Africa
Khanyile Joseph Mlotshwa
133
10 The politics of mnemonic ‘restorative practices’: contesting
memory, mobility, identity and objects in post–‘refugee
crisis’ Lesbos
Alexandra Bounia, Andrea Witcomb, and Evthymios
Papataxiarchis
148
PART THREE
Community participation and collaboration
in diasporic heritage practice 165
11 Humanizing migratory heritage: activating new heritage
through people-centred, creative practices
Emily C. Arauz
167
12 Monumentalizing refugee heritage: Vietnamese boat people
memorials
Torgrim Sneve Guttormsen
182

Contents vii
13 Definition, participation, and exceptionalism:
an empirically based discussion of three key issues
in migrant heritage practices
Jozefien De Bock
198
14 Heritage regeneration in response to attempted ‘cultural
genocide’: the case of the former Yugoslavia in the UK
Gayle Munro
215
Index 229

Figures
3.1 Melody of Exile by Vladimir Castillo Gamboa, from the
exhibition Oppositional Looks in Belgrade, Serbia, 2018 (image
uploaded to the Noncitizen Archive). The exhibition was
opened in conjunction with a workshop organized by Jelena
Jovičić, in collaboration with Noncitizen 39
3.2 Picture from a Noncitizen event, December 2017 44
4.1 Anna Apinis’ Countermarch floor loom, c.1945 57
4.2 ‘Roll Up, No Chinese’ banner, Lambing Flat Folk Museum 58
5.1 Memorial to women killed outside the Palacio del Gobierno,
Chihuahua, 2017 72
5.2 Migrant sandal, Museum of US Border Patrol, El Paso, 2017 75
5.3 Disused Gallery to Memory and Reconciliation, with
Memorial to Fallen Officers in foreground, Chihuahua, 2017 77
6.1 Zelige Door on Golborne Road installation 94
7.1 Beginning of the Bronze Diary inscription from memories
of Alicia Villaroel (who immigrated from Peru in the
mid-1970s), part of the Garden of Memories at the Pennington
Migrant Hostel, constructed by the local artists Angela
and Hossein Valamanesh in 1993 107
7.2 Senior Kaurna Custodian, Karl Winda Telfer, and City
of Charles Sturt CEO Mark Withers dedicating the Kaurna
recognition marker at the launch of the renovated Pennington
Gardens Reserve, October 2013 109
7.3 The Nissen hut–inspired barbecue shelter at the Pennington
Gardens Reserve 110
ILLUSTRATIONS

7.4 Oversized sculpture of dining items marked
with Commonwealth hostel logos at the Pennington
Gardens Reserve 112
7.5 Use of the public art by children from families who have
recently migrated to Australia and are now residing in the
Council area at the launch of the renovated Pennington
Gardens Reserve, October 2013 113
10.1 The little church of Mermaid Madonna at the port of Skala
Sykamnias 150
10.2 A double-meaning ‘souvenir’: symbol of a life interrupted left
on the shore of the way to a new life, new hopes and new loves 153
10.3 A personal collection of memorabilia from the ‘refugee crisis’
donated to the ‘new museum’ 159
12.1 The installation of and ceremony for the Norwegian–
Vietnamese boat people memorial, held at the Norwegian
Maritime Museum in Oslo in 2015 191
13.1 Large column at the ‘Rainbow Church’ 201
13.2 A guided tour with the participants in the project 202
1 3.3 Screenshot of the homepage of the website
www.blijvenplakkeningent.be 20 3
13.4 Screenshot from the page ‘Mokabon’ on the website 211
Table
12.1 Vietnamese Boat People monuments worldwide 186
Illustrations ix

CONTRIBUTORS
Karen Agutter is a migration historian with a particular interest in the receiving-
society/migrant relationship. Karen is Visiting Research Fellow at the University
of Adelaide.
Rachel A. Ankeny is Professor in the Departments of History and Philosophy
in the School of Humanities at the University of Adelaide. She is an interdisci-
plinary scholar who does research and teaches in fields ranging from migration
history and bioethics to food studies and the history and philosophy of science.
Emily C. Arauz received her PhD from the Department of Archaeology and
History of Art at Koç University in Istanbul. Originally from the United States,
she has worked on archaeological site management and urban heritage issues in
Turkey. Her current research investigates alternative, creative models of partici-
pation in cultural heritage.
Susan L.T. Ashley is a senior lecturer in the Department of Arts and AHRC
Leadership Fellow in (Multi)Cultural Heritage at Northumbria University in
Newcastle, UK. She is a cultural studies scholar interested in the ‘democrati-
sation’ of culture and heritage institutions, especially in relation to access and
expression by minority groups.
Alexandra Bounia is Professor of Museology at the University of the Aegean in
Greece, and she has published in Greek and international journals and books. She
also coordinates the MA Course in Museum and Gallery Practice in UCL in Qatar.
Jozefien De Bock received her PhD in history from the European University
Institute, Florence, in 2013. Since then, she curated an open-air and digital

Contributors xi
exhibition on the history of migration for the Ghent City Museum and held
a postdoctoral position at Ghent University dealing with return migration and
mobility among post-war labour migrants.
Alexandra Dellios received her PhD from the University of Melbourne. She is
a historian and lecturer in the Centre for Heritage and Museum Studies at the
Australian National University. Her research considers the public and oral his-
tory of migrant and refugee communities in Australia and the UK.
Justine Greenwood received her PhD from the University of Sydney. She is
an Australian historian whose research focuses on aspects of immigration and
tourism across the twentieth century. Justine is currently a Research Associate
at the University of Sydney on the ARC Discovery Project, ‘Post-war Russian
displaced persons arriving via the China route’, and a lecturer in Australian his-
tory, politics and culture at New York University’s Sydney campus.
Torgrim Sneve Guttormsen is an archaeologist and a research professor at the
Norwegian Institute for Cultural Heritage Research (NIKU). His previous and
ongoing research and publications comprise studies including theories of heri-
tage, heritage politics and management, heritage routes, memorials and monu-
ment studies, difficult heritage, urban heritage and immigrant heritage.
Eureka Henrich received her PhD from the University of New South Wales,
Sydney. She is a lecturer in history at the University of Hertfordshire, UK. Her
research explores histories of migration, health, heritage and memory in Austra-
lian and transnational contexts.
Linda Lacey is a passionate cultural tourism practitioner with a comprehensive
background in local cultural heritage management. She has extensive experience
in the local government sector, having worked with councils in South Australia
and NSW. Currently, she leads a place-making and cultural development team
at the City of Charles Sturt in Adelaide’s western suburbs.
Robert Mason is Senior Lecturer in the School of Humanities, Languages and
Social Science at Griffith University. His research focuses on how societies expe-
rience and discuss historical and contemporary violence. He is particularly inter-
ested in Spanish- and Portuguese-speaking communities in Asia, Australia and
North America.
Khanyile Joseph Mlotshwa is a PhD candidate in media and cultural studies at
the University of KwaZulu-Natal in Pietermaritzburg, South Africa. His research
is conceptualised as a postcolonial and decolonial critique of the intersections of
the media, migration and the urban in representations of Black subjectivity in
post-apartheid South Africa.

xii Contributors
Gayle Munro is Head of Research and Evidence at the National Children’s
Bureau, London. Gayle has worked in research within the voluntary sector for
20 years. Her PhD research in geography at the University College London
explored the transnational connections of migrants from the former Yugoslavia
living in Britain.
Evthymios Papataxiarchis is Professor of Social Anthropology in the Depart-
ment of Social Anthropology and History at University of the Aegean. He has
published extensively in Greek, English and French on gender, kinship and
power; extra-domestic sociality; the anthropology of emotions and the politics
of locality.
Christian Rossipal is a PhD candidate in cinema studies at Tisch School of the
Arts, New York University (NYU), and is also part of the Culture and Media
Certificate Program at NYU’s Anthropology Department. His current research
considers ways in which cultural heritage, screen cultures and biopolitics inter-
sect in the humanitarian sector.
Karen Schamberger received her PhD from Deakin University. She is a histo-
rian and museum curator who has worked on environmental history and migra-
tion exhibitions at the National Museum of Australia and Immigration Museum
in Melbourne. She is interested in cross-cultural relations, migration and trans-
national histories, as well as material culture and museology.
Alda Terracciano is an artist, a curator and Honorary Research Associate at
UCL where she is co-leader of the Centre for Critical Heritage Studies (CCHS) –
a collaboration with Gothenburg University. Her artistic practice research focuses
on critical heritage, participatory methodologies, immersive technologies and
migration. She is chair and co-founder of the African, Asian and Caribbean per-
forming arts archive Future Histories.
Andrea Witcomb is Professor of Cultural Heritage and Museum Studies at Dea-
kin University, Australia. Her work teases out the ways in which objects and
accompanying interpretation strategies can be used to build affective modes of
interpretation aimed at supporting revisionist interpretations of the past.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The authors would like to thank the series editors, William Logan and Laurajane
Smith, for their encouragement and guidance; Heidi Lowther and Katie Wakelin
from Routledge, for shepherding the volume from proposal to publication with
patience and professionalism; and the three anonymous reviewers for their criti-
cal and constructive feedback. Thanks to the many authors who responded to
our initial call for papers – your work and interest indicated to us an exciting and
rich field of scholarship and practice in migrant heritage. To the 17 authors who
worked with us to bring this volume together, we are incredibly grateful for all
your hard work and investment in the aims of the volume. It was a pleasure to
work with you.

SERIES GENERAL CO-EDITORS’
FOREWORD
The interdisciplinary field of Heritage Studies is now well established in many
parts of the world. It differs from earlier scholarly and professional activities that
focused narrowly on the architectural or archaeological preservation of monu-
ments and sites. Such activities remain important, especially as modernisation
and globalisation lead to new developments that threaten natural environments,
archaeological sites, traditional buildings and arts and crafts. But they are sub-
sumed within the new field that sees ‘heritage’ as a social and political construct
encompassing all those places, artefacts and cultural expressions inherited from
the past which, because they are seen to reflect and validate our identity as
nations, communities, families and even individuals, are worthy of some form of
respect and protection.
Heritage results from a selection process, often government-initiated and sup-
ported by official regulation; it is not the same as history, although this, too, has
its own elements of selectivity. Heritage can be used in positive ways to give a
sense of community to disparate groups and individuals or to create jobs on the
basis of cultural tourism. It can be actively used by governments and communi-
ties to foster respect for cultural and social diversity, and to challenge prejudice
and misrecognition. But it can also be used by governments in less benign ways,
to reshape public attitudes in line with undemocratic political agendas or even
to rally people against their neighbours in civil and international wars, ethnic
cleansing and genocide. In this way there is a real connection between heritage
and human rights and wider struggles for social and economic justice.
This series of books canvasses key issues dealt with in the new Heritage Studies.
It seeks to address the deficiency facing the field identified by the Smithsonian
in 2005 – that it is ‘vastly under-theorized’. It looks again at the contestation that
inevitably surrounds the identification and evaluation of heritage and finds new
ways to elucidate the many layers of meaning that heritage places and intangible

Series general co-editors’ foreword xv
cultural expressions have acquired. Heritage conservation and safeguarding in
such circumstances can only be understood as a form of cultural politics and that
this needs to be reflected in heritage practice, be that in educational institutions
or in the field.
The series also recognises that heritage protection does not depend alone
on top-down interventions by governments or the expert actions of heritage
industry professionals, but must involve local communities and communities of
interest. It is critical that the values and practices of communities, together with
traditional management systems where such exist, are understood, respected and
incorporated in heritage management plans and policy documents so that com-
munities feel a sense of ‘ownership’ of their heritage and take a leading role in
sustaining it into the future.
This series of books aims then to identify interdisciplinary debates within
Heritage Studies and to explore how they impact on the practices not only of
heritage management and conservation, but also the processes of production,
consumption and engagement with heritage in its many and varied forms.
William Logan
Laurajane Smith

1
MIGRATORY PASTS AND
HERITAGE-MAKING PRESENTS
Theory and practice
Alexandra Dellios and Eureka Henrich
On 12 July 2019, hundreds of protestors occupied the Pantheon in Paris, the
historic monument and mausoleum housing the remains of revered French citi-
zens. The protestors were immigrants without papers or sans-papiers, identify-
ing themselves as ‘Gilets Noirs’ (black vests) in reference to the recent ‘Gilets
Jaune’ movement. Their press release explained: “we are not simply fighting for
documentation, but against a system that makes us undocumented migrants”
( Euronews 2019). The protestors’ calls for the regularisation of their immigra-
tion status and the release of their fellow migrants in detention were rejected by
French Prime Minister Edouard Phillipe. After police escorted the protestors
from the Pantheon, and arrested 37 of them, Phillipe tweeted that “France is a
state governed by the rule of law”, which implies “respect for the rules that apply
to the right of residence, respect for public monuments and for the memory they
represent”.
1
These events are the latest in a history of migrant rights protest in France
( Freedman 2008). They are also a vital reminder of the role heritage plays in
political discourses about migration, citizenship, belonging, and human rights.
The symbolic impact of some 700 Black migrant protestors in the heart of the
French capital was a shrewd choice – in their words, “We are occupying the
graves of your great men to denounce your profanations . . . France is continuing
slavery in a different way” (Euronews 2019). The Pantheon also featured in the
Prime Minister’s response, becoming almost a metonym of the French state and
its laws. Yet the stated “respect for monuments” and the “memory they repre-
sent” begs the question: whose memories?
Human movement has become intrinsic to larger global political trends, chief
among them being the recent rise of right-wing populism across the world’s
democracies and its attendant anti-migrant and anti-refugee sentiment. From

2 Alexandra Dellios and Eureka Henrich
2015, rising numbers of people seeking refuge in EU nations from across the
Mediterranean Sea or overland through Southeast Europe – known as the
‘refugee crisis’ – precipitated many European countries to enact harsher bor-
der controls. Despite EU and UNHCR relocation schemes, many individual
nation-states have enforced increasingly draconian measures at their borders to
deter or contain the movement of ‘unauthorised’ bodies – including a refusal to
rescue those at risk of drowning at sea (Public Radio International 2019; Giuf-
frida 2019). Other ‘crises’ have emerged, including that which continues to occur
on the US–Mexico border, where thousands seeking asylum are apprehended by
US Border Protection off icers each month (Hamilakis 2017). Whether ‘migrant’,
‘immigrant’ or ‘refugee’, mobile peoples are positioned in these ‘crisis’ discourses
as aberrations – inconvenient and undesirable problems that demand swift solu-
tions. Counter-arguments can be correspondingly problematic, casting grateful
newcomers as valuable contributors to their host nations, enriching core cultures
with their colourful traditions. Rarely do we encounter these subjects as indi-
viduals, as creators and translators of their own heritages, cultures and politics,
and as definers of their own positionality, which may or may not embrace the
categories of ‘migrant’ and ‘refugee’ which the global immigration debate has
fetishised (Crawley and Skleparis 2017).
The idea of a ‘refugee crisis’ is a challenge to intra-national and transnational
mechanisms for receiving and settling mobile peoples. And while the fever-pitch
coverage of these ‘crises’ can be dismissed as misleading or politically driven, the
knock-on effect on everyday attitudes, beliefs and behaviours is harder to ignore.
Some commentators have labelled the European crisis a ‘turning point’ in com-
munity attitudes towards human mobility and the rights of refugees, noting also
a new backlash against the idea of multiculturalism and cosmopolitanism more
broadly, although the latter two concepts often relate more explicitly to longer
settled cohorts of migrants and their descendants. For instance, while Australia
did not see a massive increase in refugee arrivals in the twenty-first century, its
public and political culture has displayed an intensified anti-immigrant rhetoric,
including the mainstreaming of explicitly xenophobic and Islamophobic senti-
ments, which have come to target even long-settled communities, like descen-
dants of Lebanese refugees who arrived in the 1970s (Anderson 2016). Some
of the anti-immigrant narratives that circulate have a much longer lineage –
particularly those that evoke the spectre of the boat or the wall to justify ever-
more punitive measures at the border (Walker 1999). The politics of race, and
the politics of refugeehood, can play out differently in different national contexts
(and according to the legacies of colonialism in respective nation-states). It is,
however, possible to generalise that the spread of a rights-based and globalising
rhetoric has been met by a reiteration of right-wing nationalist causes, and the
legitimisation of cultural racism through the popularisation of previously mar-
ginal political parties, especially in the decade since the ‘global financial crisis’
from 2008. An embrace of nativism has lent sanction to attitudes which glorify

Migratory pasts and heritage-making 3
ethnic homogeneity, and online platforms have enabled these views to spread
unchecked, as the tragic events in Christchurch in 2019 demonstrated.
In response to the rhetoric of ‘crisis’ and claims of a ‘turning point’, histo-
rians have reiterated their call for a longer historical consideration of the limits
of governmental and intergovernmental humanitarianism and border control –
issues that feature in many histories of human mobility and forced migration
( Guiraudon 2017; Holmes and Casta?eda 2016; Lucassen 2017). That is, we need
to historicise social and political responses to migration, and make more apparent
the social structures that have historically constrained movement and settlement,
rather than accept the inevitability inherent in a language of ‘crisis’ and its atten-
dant moral panic. However, it’s one thing to consider the situation facing refu-
gees from, for example, Bosnia in the 1990s or Southeast Asia in the late 1970s,
and another to draw parallels. While we’re asked to consider the long history of
human mobility, and the long history of racism and xenophobia that states deploy
to police their internal and external borders, it’s also worth revisiting these his-
tories and their current representations as a means to challenge stereotypes, con-
flations and misunderstandings; to assert that not all these historical experiences
are the same; not all of these migrations are the same. This, in part, is the vital
work of public historians, heritage practitioners, community actors and all those
interested in the use of the past in the present.
This book is a contribution to that body of work, within and beyond the
academy, which demands a re-examination of our migratory past in order to
better understand the politics of the present. In our case, an appreciation of the
complexity of migration history is a precursor to interrogating the processes and
practices at play in migrant heritage today. With this in mind, we ask the fol-
lowing questions: what is the life and impact of migrant heritage in these some-
times hostile and contradictory political and social contexts? How are migration
histories (including those from newer and much older migrant communities,
‘ethnic minorities’ and racialised ‘non-Whites’, as well as subsequent genera-
tions of citizens and noncitizens, forced and ‘undocumented’ migrants and asy-
lum seekers) made public in the wake of rhetorical and physical violence against
the cultural ‘Other’? Where can we locate the memories and lived realities of
migrants themselves – in what place and space are their collective and individual
stories told? Or alternatively, how are these stories used to express ideas of
belonging in and of place – for now and into the future? How do cultural insti-
tutions representing cities and towns with long histories of migration manage or
contain their multicultural histories or, conversely, their histories of emigration
and their diasporic links? We contend that in the face of various global ‘crises’
(refugee, financial, environmental), the role of heritage is especially important:
heritage is a stage for the negotiation of shifting identities and the legacies of race
and racism; for the rewriting of traditions and historical narratives of belong-
ing and becoming; and heritage is a tool for legitimising and contesting politi-
cal visions for the future. The history and heritage of migration and migrants

4 Alexandra Dellios and Eureka Henrich
is obvious terrain for battles over identity and questions of national and transna-
tional communities.
What is the heritage of migration?
In this collection we focus on the creation, regulation and reception of what we
broadly, in the first instance, call ‘migrant heritage’ – that which is made with,
by, for, or in reaction to community groups and individuals who have, or whose
ancestors have, moved across borders and/or cultures. Defining the heritage
associated with migration and delineating it from other forms of heritage is no
easy task. As historian Dan Stone recently wrote in relation to histories of refu-
gees, “in writing the past, [historians] construct it, and thus . . . they have to be
wary of taking as a given the phenomenon whose constitution they are seeking
to describe and analyse” (2018: 103). As historians of migration and heritage
scholars, we are keenly aware of our own roles in constructing ‘migrant heritage’
and wary of flattening the complexity of human mobility in the past and pres-
ent. Whether ‘refugee’, ‘migrant’, ‘immigrant’ or ‘foreigner’ or any other label
given to those who are on the move, in this collection, all mobile peoples and
their descendants are included as instigators and makers, as well as subjects, of
the heritage processes under study. In its broadest sense, then, we see migrant
heritage as the political, cultural and social process of representing and preserv-
ing migratory experiences – the temporal and spatial dimensions of mobility and
its emotional, familial, and community aftermath, both tangible and intangible.
Efforts to represent these experiences can, and often do, involve cultural insti-
tutions, government bodies and non-government organisations, but they also
occur in opposition to, and separate from, state structures.
‘Migrant heritage’ can stretch beyond borders and across generations, and
people who may not identify as migrants themselves recognise migrant heri-
tage in their own families, neighbourhoods, or cities. Yet to evoke the ongo-
ing connections between peoples in different locations and the shared sense of
belonging and communal identity that can flourish from those connections,
‘diasporic heritage’ offers a different entry point. Cultural theorist Ien Ang has
argued that heritage strategies that incorporate and validate migration heritage,
such as immigration museums, “tend to simplify the complex instabilities of
the diasporic experience by reducing the diasporic subject to the frozen, one-
dimensional identity of the ‘immigrant’’’ (2011: 90). For studies of heritage,
which are so often nation-bound, diaspora is a potentially disruptive concept
to engage with – a subject position made possible not necessarily through the
experience of a journey (as ‘migrant’ or ‘refugee’ may be) but through a shared
history of migration and mobility and the active creation of hybrid identities that
embrace transnational belonging. The process by which these histories become
heritage is complex and contested, involving multiple actors, including those liv-
ing in diaspora ‘homelands’ and those who wish to remain connected to them.
As a result, as Ann Reed reminds us, “diasporic heritage is unstable and always

Migratory pasts and heritage-making 5
part of a creative social process involving routes and roots” (2015: 394). People
who define themselves as part of Chinese, Syrian, Latvian, African, Yugoslavian,
Turkish, Moroccan, and Vietnamese diaspora groups feature in the chapters that
follow.
Finally, to capture a broad field of theory and practice, this book includes
‘multicultural heritage’ as a third category of analysis. ‘Multicultural’ is a messy
term, used frequently by states to celebrate (or bemoan) cultural diversity and to
characterise contemporary societies in contrast to an imagined monocultural
past. It has been mobilised as the vanguard of progressive public policy (for
instance, in Singapore following independence in 1965 or in Australia in the
late 1970s), decried as an abject failure of immigration policy (in the UK and
Europe in the early 2000s) and is still blamed for all manner of social ills, with
‘culture’ often standing in for ‘race’ as a more socially acceptable definer of dif-
ference. Again, context is important here: while human mobility has always been
a process that states have sought to contain and manage, only in the late twen-
tieth century did immigrant-receiving nations devise ‘multicultural’ policies to
manage and police this increasing internal diversity. The twenty-first century
retreat from multiculturalism and a resurgence of assimilationist discourses in
many immigrant-receiving nations, along with a scapegoating of minority (and
often racialised) communities by majority populations frustrated with austerity
measures, has obvious implications for the framing and representation of migrant
and migration heritage. As chapters within this collection demonstrate, some
‘migrant heritage’ practices have developed in response to multicultural policies
and priorities, initiating a dynamic process by which value is ascribed to cultural
diversity at a state level and taken up (and challenged) by groups wishing to gain
cultural, economic, or social benefit.
Heritage scholars have been alert to these discourses. While more than a
decade has elapsed since the publication of Ashworth and Tunbridge’s Pluralis-
ing Pasts: Heritage, Identity and Place in Multicultural Societies (2007), the tension
identified by the authors between the state impulse to use heritage as a tool of
social cohesion while pursuing the apparently contradictory trope of ‘celebrat-
ing diversity’ invites further analysis, especially in light of recent global political
shifts. When does migrant heritage become ‘multicultural’? Where states invoke
this term, creating an ‘us’ who share in a ‘multicultural heritage’, whose interests
are served? And, as Littler and Naidoo asked in their exploration of the legacies
of race in the UK, ‘what are the possibilities for radical heritage agendas that can
imagine decentred, hybrid and culturally diverse narratives’ of national histories
and identities? (2004: 2).
These questions remain relevant, and recent developments demand a re-
examination of the possibilities of heritage beyond official or imagined borders.
This collection features case studies of migrant, multicultural, and diasporic heri-
tage existent in the nation-states of Australia, Belgium, Britain, Canada, Greece,
Germany, Indonesia, the United States, Mexico, Malaysia, the Netherlands, Nor-
way, Sweden, South Africa, Bosnia, Kosovo, and Croatia. They are presented by a

6 Alexandra Dellios and Eureka Henrich
host of passionate authors, including historians, heritage scholars, heritage and
museum professionals, and activists. The collection as a result is innovative
and interdisciplinary, and draws on rich and overlapping fields of both theory
and practice relating to heritage, memory, and migration. Its urgency reflects the
high stakes of the topic at hand in today’s world.
Critical heritage studies, memory and migration
In order to locate our work and that of the authors in this volume, we first need
to map the terrain of the fields of scholarship which have shaped our approaches
and ideas. Of the works that address and examine the intersections between
human mobility and its tangible and intangible manifestations in the present,
three related clusters have been particularly important to us – memory studies,
migration studies, and heritage studies, broadly defined. With their interest in the
connection between the production of memory and the construction of identity,
memory studies scholars from the 1960s laid the groundwork for those writing in
the fields of heritage and museum studies in subsequent decades. The umbilical
connection between memory, heritage, and identity was entwined in the field’s
theoretical underpinnings. Clarifying his oft-cited ‘sites of memory’ concept in
the preface to the English language edition of Realms of Memory in 1996, Pierre
Nora explained:
[A] lieu de memoire is any significant entity, whether material or non-mate-
rial in nature, which by dint of human will or the work of time has become
a symbolic element of the memorial heritage of any community.
(xvii)
While imagined national communities were Nora’s focus, his argument also
accommodates communities constructed within, beyond, and between borders.
It is little wonder that scholars of migration have been interested in the memorial
heritages of those whose journeys they study, whether they be represented in lit-
erature, passed down through families, or etched into the memoryscapes of cities,
online spaces and film. Edited volumes like Julia Creet and Andreas Kitzmann’s
Memory and Migration: Multidisciplinary Approaches to Memory Studies (2014) and
Irial Glynn and J. Olaf Kleist’s History, Memory and Migration: Perceptions of the
Past and the Politics of Incorporation (2012) both make a strong case for the recog-
nition and further exploration of migration as a key theme of memory studies
literature. A thread in these works also taken up by authors in this collection is
the question of the archive, broadly conceived. How are memories of migration
recorded, preserved, and accessed? What institutions govern these processes, and
is it possible to transgress them in order to secure memories that do not conform
to the confines of the nation-state and its regulatory apparatus?
Museums, acting as the material archives and memory repositories of mod-
ern societies, have provided the focus for one of the richest veins of scholarship

Migratory pasts and heritage-making 7
on the intersections between memory, heritage, and migration. Practitioners are
often authors in the field, self-reflexively claiming and questioning their author-
ity as curators, collectors, and interpreters of migrant memories in the present.
Edited collections including Museums, Migration and Identity in Europe (White -
head, Eckersley, Lloyd and Mason 2016) and Changes in Museum Practice: New
Media, Refugees and Participation ( Skartveit and Goodnow 2010) have brought
together academics and practitioner scholars to consider the representation of
human mobility in different frames – be it through place and belonging, or
through social inclusion and participation. The first overview of the repre-
sentation of migration in museums appeared in 2014. Laurence Gourévidis and
a host of scholars (including contributors to this volume Susan L.T. Ashley and
Andrea Witcomb) demonstrated the breadth and range of migration exhibitions
across the world, a phenomenon which has flourished since the 1980s. Aus-
tralia was at the forefront of this memory work, and recent scholarship indi-
cates the ongoing impacts of these early initiatives (Darian-Smith and Hamilton
2019). Other studies have attempted to encourage institutional recognition of
migration or ethnic-minority heritage in libraries and museums (Light 2017;
Neumann 2019; Witcomb 2003). They generally assess institutional exhibitions
or collections that attempt to include or ‘speak’ to racial and ethnic minorities
within nation-states.
Recent studies in this field have been shaped by significant supranational
investment in museums as agents of social change, as the European Museums in
the Age of Migration (MELA) project, funded by the European Union between
2011 and 2015, demonstrated (MELA Website). Perla Innocenti’s concept of
‘migrating heritage’ is worth revisiting in this context, as it formed part of the
MELA project. As she explained in 2014:
Migrating heritage encompasses not only the migration and mobility of
post-colonial artefacts, but also migration of people, technologies and
disciplines, crossing boundaries and joining forces in cultural networks
and partnerships to address new emerging challenges for social inclusion,
cultural dialogue, and new models of cultural identity, citizenship and
national belonging.
(p. 2)
As a result, older conceptions of nationally bound or ethno-specific heritage
were irrevocably changed. Innocenti asked how museums, primarily those in
Europe, were evolving and adapting in response. While adding to this growing
literature on museums and migration, this book is also concerned with the heri-
tage management sector and authorised heritage discourses, a sector governed by
separate charters and conventions at the state, national, and international levels.
This collection also reflects a discerned shift in the field from narratives of social
inclusion and belonging to an assertion of migrant rights and the value of activ-
ism, co-curation, and participation as strategies of heritage-making. Accordingly,

8 Alexandra Dellios and Eureka Henrich
our authors include curators and heritage workers, activists and archivists, work-
ing within and without mainstream institutions.
Lastly, in the growing field of critical heritage studies, intersections with the
history of migration are less pronounced. Perhaps this is because the temporal,
rather than the spatial, has been more familiar terrain for scholars of the migrant
experience, whereas scholars in heritage studies, integrating expertise from
archaeology and geography, often privilege spatial applications of concepts like
identity and memory, locating material manifestations in a specific place and
space (and often bound by case studies), and the tangible implications of ‘manag-
ing’ those manifestations. But this is nonetheless too simple a description of the
critical heritage studies field, which is still developing.
From the early 2000s, critical heritage studies emerged to challenge and cri-
tique heritage-making practices defined by a dominant Western paradigm and
the power dynamics that determine what pasts become privileged in the pres-
ent (Macdonald 2013; Urry 1995; Smith 2006; Harrison 2012; Kirshenblatt-
Gimblett 1998; Harvey 2001). Drawing on earlier pioneering works from Stuart
Hall (1999) and Raphael Samuel (1994) and debates about the ‘bogus history’
offered by a national heritage industry (Lowenthal 1998; Hewison 1987, 2007),
scholars have produced a body of work that challenges ideas of ‘expert’ author-
ity and the Western logic behind the intragovernmental bodies that codify and
police ‘best practice’ and sites worthy of inscription. This is best encapsulated
by UNESCO conceptions of heritage and the impetus to categorise and reg-
ister places according to a set of expert-devised definitions that often stress the
monumental and a Eurocentric aesthetic. Working at the intersections between
policy, practice and theory, heritage studies scholars have developed a dynamic
consideration of ‘heritage’ and its preservation – one which rejects the notion
of heritage as a static, unmediated, and fabric-bound remnant of the past (Urry
1995; Smith 2006). Rather, heritage is conceived of and studied as a process and
a practice (Harvey 2001), with ‘value’ increasingly understood as a contested
concept that can be conferred differently by individuals, communities, and insti-
tutions (Clark 2014). In some ways, critical heritage studies is one offshoot of
the wider multidisciplinary field of memory studies – with input from historical
archaeology, cultural anthropology, and landscape geography. The field has been
able to offer close and detailed case studies of place and space, with an eye to
community engagements with the past, identity formation, and the relationship
between identity and the landscape.
More recently, the field has been shaped by a turn to affect and emotion
( Smith, Wetherell and Campbell 2018) and a consideration of the use of emo-
tion in heritage-making practices, in museums and commemorations, in politi-
cal rhetoric, and debates over social memory. As Smith asserts (2017 : 69): “there
is a complex interplay between processes of remembering, identity construc-
tion and emotional affirmation and investment that works to legitimize and
justify particular historical and social narratives”. Wetherell has been most useful
in putting forward an “affective practice” as a basis for critical social research:

Migratory pasts and heritage-making 9
approaching affect as a distributed phenomenon – not localised in the psychol-
ogy of the individual or as “unmediated excess”, but involving meaning-making
that is situational and historically bound, “socially consequential and bound up
with ongoing social relations” (2018: 5). A consideration of emotion has had
great utility in critical heritage studies, encouraging scholars once again to move
beyond the Eurocentric and materialist, beyond a tangible/intangible heritage
divide and towards a socially mediated and historicised understanding of per-
sonal and collective engagements with and manifestations of heritage processes.
This volume makes further inroads into the relationship between affect and heri-
tage, encompassing the emotions of those who move across borders and those
who work with them to represent or preserve their heritage, including artists, aid
workers, activists, and museum staff (see Bounia, Witcomb and Papataxiarchis,
Mason, Terracciano, Arauz, and De Bock in this collection).
While historians demand that we consider chronology and context, other
scholars in the humanities have also responded to the ‘refugee crisis’ by offering
critiques of the role of public art, heritage, and museums in fostering new ways
to discuss human mobility. They have explored new concepts for engendering
‘empathy’ and global solidarity with those forced to migrate, and advocate for the
creation of a more cosmopolitan and ‘post-national’ practice, politics, and ethics
towards those seeking safety and dignity (Mason 2013). These studies too draw
on new ideas in the study of emotion, and how emotions may structure collective
and individual encounters with the Other.
The chapters that follow contribute to the intersections between heritage,
memory, and migration in three ways – challenges to nation-based heritage dis-
courses, explorations of place and the politics of race, and diasporic heritage
practice with and by communities. Each section provides detailed ‘snapshots’
of heritage-making today and the ways in which these practices are informed
by or relate to theories of heritage which themselves continue to evolve and
change. The dynamism and adaptation that characterise histories of migration
are reflected in these case studies of migrant, diasporic, and multicultural heritage
from across the globe.
Part One: challenging official heritage and national
historiographies: expanding heritage-making theories
Part One is presented as a challenge to nation-bound heritage discourses, reflect-
ing on what Denis Byrne has critiqued as ‘methodological nationalism’ in heri-
tage industry practice: “in its nation-building guise, heritage discourse promotes
the idea of an abiding, quasi-cosmological affinity of citizens, heritage sites, and
national terrain” (2016: 2363). The authors in Part One offer socially engaged cri-
tiques of relational, widely networked, transversal, and border-crossing heritages
that move us beyond the territorialised nation-state and beyond state-sanctioned
institutions. The contributions of these authors rest on their collaborations with
and roles as diasporic community members and practitioners.

10 Alexandra Dellios and Eureka Henrich
Chapter 2 by Susan L.T. Ashley looks to on-the-ground engagements,
rather than mainstream institutional disseminations of cultural heritage. This
work feeds into growing academic and practitioner debates about the need to
engage communities of interest, to move beyond tried ideas of ‘collaboration’
and towards co-design and participation (see Crooke 2008; Waterton and Smith
2010; Flinn and Sexton 2018). Ashley also contributes to familiar critiques of
English heritage (Hall 1999; Smith and Waterton 2012) – bound by structural,
‘grand’ and elitist definitions – by adding social detail through her ethnographic
work with community groups. She provides evidence of heritage-making out-
side the ‘National Trust’ space, in which Black and ethnic minority groups
in northern England strategically assert their voices in the public sphere and
through networked relationships that necessarily cross borders.
Continuing this challenge, Christian Rossipal in Chapter 3 offers an ‘unset-
tling’ of state-centrism and methodological nationalism in academic practice,
looking to contemporary cultural archiving undertaken by ‘noncitizen’ activists
(refugees, asylum seekers, sans-papiers or the ‘undocumented’); but he also moves
beyond conventional understandings of trans nationalism in heritage studies, urg-
ing us to consider how cultural heritage is “entangled in the aporetic tension
between the national, the transnational, and what I call the transversal”. The
study is an attempt to unpack the epistemological horizon of the nation-state that
is also complicit in a transnational framework, bound as it is by a territorial and
sovereign imperative. Balancing an understanding of the role of the state in shap-
ing cultural boundaries (including transnational manifestations) with a critique
of the transversal (“dwelling in movement and movement indwelling”), Rossipal
offers a robust new understanding of migration heritage and the cultural arte-
facts of radical statelessness.
In Chapter 4, Karen Schamberger, also engaging with radical identities and
the formation of new relationships and entanglements between peoples and
objects, explores the biographies of two museum objects. Both hold significance
for the migration and settlement histories of different, and differently racialised,
communities in Australia. From a curator’s perspective, she explores the cogni-
tive dissonance associated with these museum objects, objects that have mediated
relationships between people of different cultural backgrounds throughout Aus-
tralia’s contentious history of race relations, identifying and tracing the shifting
politics of belonging that plays out in this ‘migrant nation’.
In Chapter 5, Robert Mason turns our attention to the violence that the bor-
der can inflict against the migrant body – looking to the Mexican–US border
and two heritage sites in order to unpack new approaches to museology and
migration. The chapter locates the deeply political and ultimately vulnerable
nature of the migrant body in these two interconnected examples of heritage
sites. In these memory cultures, the migrant is rhetorically presented as an object
of anger, terror, and horror. Mason urges us to consider how emerging heritage
practices can reconcile these rhetorical acts of emotional distancing and histori-
cally locate moments of violence and their impacts across borders.

Migratory pasts and heritage-making 11
Part Two: place, placing memories and the politics of race
and diversity
While issues associated with the shifting constructions of race feature through-
out the collection, Part Two concentrates these concerns on the nexus between
place, memory, and politics – and thus refuses the de-politicisation of race that
is often inherent in liberalist multiculturalism and the trope of ‘celebrating
diversity’.
Discourses of race are coded and historically contingent; the meanings and
boundaries of race have changed over the nineteenth and twentieth centuries
(Gunew 2013). Gunew, in her exploration of the colonial dimensions of mul-
ticulturalisms in the UK, Canada, and Australia, has questioned whether ‘new
racism’ (or ‘culturalism’), with its focus on ‘culture’ and its retreat from the older
‘scientific racism’ that developed from the late eighteenth century, serves to
camouflage issues to do with unequal power relations (Gunew 2013: 20). Her
response has been to centre minority perspectives, and to use minority perspec-
tives to critique dominant discourses and practices (including heritage practices)
associated with state multiculturalism.
Place and the amorphous notion of ‘belonging’ in place also speak to these
discourses of race – especially in populist rhetoric that conflates ‘belonging’
with a static notion of inherence and racial purity. This rhetoric stresses ‘roots’
of belonging, in contrast to critical heritage approaches to transnational heritage,
which emphasise ‘routes’ as a source of collective identity. In Chapter 6, Alda
Terracciano engages with these debates in a British context, drawing on her arts-
based heritage practice with Moroccan communities in London. The chapter
traces the intangible heritage of migrant communities, considering also the sen-
sory experience of this heritage, augmented through technologies aimed at wid-
ening access and participation. Terracciano’s work demonstrates how place-based
identities are, nonetheless, rooted and routed – in the sense that they depend on
evolving, dynamic and generational relations to the built environment, which
can in turn have implicit and explicit links to other places, a temporal and spatial
transnational relatedness that has long been the subject of diasporic studies.
Drawing on their close involvement with a public history project in the state
of South Australia, Karen Agutter, Rachel Ankeny and Linda Lacey in Chap -
ter 7 trace the project’s genesis, construction, and reception by implicated local
community groups. The Pennington Gardens Reserve on the site of the former
Finsbury/Pennington migrant hostel was constructed with a ‘diasporic history
of the place’ in mind – a culturally aware space that nonetheless encountered dif-
ficulties over the inevitable dissonance of its migratory heritage.
These first two chapters in Part Two speak to on-the-ground community-
engaged and place-based heritage practices that connect (or reconnect) commu-
nity memories and identities with histories of place and the built environment
of local places. Alternatively, academics Justine Greenwood (Chapter 8) and
Khanyile Joseph Mlotshwa (Chapter 9) conducted ethnographic work in order

12 Alexandra Dellios and Eureka Henrich
to unpack the lived realities of cosmopolitanism in two different urban land-
scapes. Greenwood turns our attention to the link between nation-building
and cultural tourism – focusing on the two Australian cities of Canberra (the
national capital) and Cabramatta (in Western Sydney). This analysis traces the
efforts of various promoters and government bodies, in conjunction with ethnic
minority groups, to publicise migrant heritage and multicultural arts as tourist
attractions. Greenwood thus elucidates the evolving public politics of multicul-
turalism, and its operationalisation in urban landscapes and local environments.
Khanyile Joseph Mlotshwa draws on concepts of embodied and intangible heri-
tage to stress an alternative narrative about the multicultural communities of
Johannesburg, South Africa. It’s a narrative that recognises xenophobic conflicts
among the African diaspora, but, through Mlotshwa’s focus on the Nigerian
dish kwasakwasa, it also recognises the double-meaning of postcoloniality in this
context, the exploitation and resistance of diasporic subjectivities, which can be
located in and around the practices of intangible heritage. Understanding these
‘prolonged historical entanglements’ between colony and metropole, too, is part
of unravelling the heritage now consumed in the new ‘global cities’ (Hall 2017:
12) like Johannesburg.
In Chapter 10, Bounia, Witcomb and Papataxiarchis then take us to Les-
bos, an island at the forefront of Europe’s latest refugee crisis. Here, their field
research considered the layered histories of refuge and reception contained in
two small local history exhibitions. They unpack the histories of silence, the pol-
itics of memory and race in Greece, and the idea of a restorative museum in the
context of humanitarian crises. This final chapter in Part Two draws attention
to the influence of small local collecting institutions on the memory cultures of
local communities.
Part Three: community participation and collaboration
in diasporic heritage practice
As indicated, heritage scholars (Ashworth, Graham and Tunbridge 2007; Byrne,
Brayshaw and Ireland 2003; Clark and Johnston 2003; Mydland and Grahn 2012;
Smith 2006; Waterton and Smith 2010 ) have long challenged institutional heri-
tage practices that devalue community knowledeges. Waterton and Smith (2010 )
argue that while the notion of ‘community’ has been adopted by dominant dis-
courses about heritage, the deployment of ‘community’ in heritage management
practice privileges restrictive assumptions about homogeneity and consensus,
which can ignore and even actively mask the extent to which social systems
like heritage regimes are tied up with issues of social justice, political recogni-
tion, and subordinate status. The net result of this depoliticised use of “com-
munity” is the disappearance of dissonance and nuanced ways of understanding
heritage. Despite intermittent and sometimes token efforts to address gaps, state-
funded heritage projects, conservation efforts, and state and national heritage lists
and grants continue to perpetuate the invisibility of migration and settlement

Migratory pasts and heritage-making 13
histories, and the diverse backgrounds of ‘Other’ settlers. In the Western world,
more ‘traditional’ bodies, such as the UK’s National Trust and the National Trust
of Australia, are purportedly loosing their cultural consensus and traction as their
membership numbers drop.
While the rhetoric around community, especially in academic work, has
been about challenging the role of heritage ‘experts’ and their privileged con-
trol over the public past (Byrne, Brayshaw and Ireland 2003), its practice in
large state-funded initiatives (in Australia, the Australian Heritage Commission
funded Migration Heritage Kit in the early 2000s, and the discontinued NSW
government-funded digital archive Migration Heritage Centre comes to mind)
ensures the continued misrecognition of community within the heritage man-
agement process – causing Waterton and Smith (2010: 5–6) to ask: how many
projects are done with communities rather than for them?
Part Three brings together different approaches to these questions about com-
munity participation and collaboration in the practice of building and repre-
senting migrant, multicultural, or diasporic heritage. Featured throughout this
collection is an emphasis on community-initiated heritages or approaches that
attempt to privilege or centre ‘non-expert’ voices. The ethnographic literature
on reflexive practice is extensive. And the authors here build on these approaches
to ‘shared authority’ (Frisch 1990) by exploring case studies that attempt to close
the ‘participation gap’ that can sometimes typify ethnographic research with
migrant community groups. Like all sections in this collection, Part Three brings
together the work of both practitioners and academics who draw on innovative
and creative practices to either assess or foster a diasporic yet located sensibility.
In Chapter 11, Emily C. Arauz draws on interviews conducted with Syr-
ian asylum seekers and refugees, participants in two community art projects in
Berlin and Amsterdam. Both projects are offered as examples of cultural self-
representation by members of migrant populations. Arauz urges us, as heritage
practitioners, to go further than community negotiation and move towards
collaboration, a practice that allows migrant participants agency in controlling
their narratives. Similarly, in Chapter 13 Jozefien De Bock’s discussion of her
community-engaged practice as a public historian working in the Belgian city of
Ghent focuses on participation and the barriers that inhibit it. De Bock unpacks
the processes and outcomes of a city-wide migration heritage project and the
debates about the project conducted by members of the public and heritage prac-
titioners. The chapter ultimately offers recommendations for future work that
might more effectively mainstream migrant, diasporic, and multicultural voices.
In Chapter 12, Torgrim Sneve Guttormsen examines the memorial practices
surrounding the Vietnamese refugee diaspora in a number of national contexts.
He too offers recommendations for heritage management moving forward, in
addition to exploring more broadly the influence of the phenomenon of forced
and undocumented migration on memorial cultures. Finally, in Chapter 14
Gayle Munro continues this focus on ‘dissonant’ and politically or diplomatically
contentious heritage, by exploring the diasporic response to the violent break-up

14 Alexandra Dellios and Eureka Henrich
of the former Yugoslavia. Returning again to the UK, Munro offers a multis-
calar examination of the heritage-making practices of migrants from the former
Yugoslavia – considering their response to heritage ‘threat’ in the home and in
the diasporic community, and in relation to shared and highly contested cultural
repositories originating across the region of the former Yugoslavia.
Conclusion
Contemporary migration, as Crawley and Skleparis have recently argued, belies
the clear-cut legal categories of ‘refugee’ and ‘migrant’ and instead requires us
“to engage with the complex economic, social and political realities of the ‘in
between’’’ ( 2017: 49). It is this ‘in between’ in which the lived experience of
people on the move, and those to whom they are connected, takes place. In
this volume, we have sought to reflect on, rather than elide, the messy, fluid
and ever-changing nature of migration and its legacies past and present, mani-
fest in heritage. Our scope is broad, but not comprehensive, with Europe, Aus-
tralia and the United States most prominent among the chapters. Nor can we
claim any representativeness in terms of the selection of case studies and authors.
The nature of academic scholarship necessarily invites contribution from those
already within the system and those in positions of institutional authority. We
are, however, proud that early career scholars appear here alongside seasoned
heritage theorists, and that many of the chapters reflect the collaborative and
co-authored nature of heritage scholarship and practice in different institutional
contexts.
Questions of integration and social inclusion or fostering diversity – terms
favoured by the State and linked to many government-backed controls across the
world – are tried and tested topics in this field of migration and memory stud-
ies more broadly. However, as we’ve outlined in this chapter, new possibilities
emerge if we shift our attention to the intersections between emerging critical
heritage studies theories, and the history and heritage work of heritage profes-
sionals and institutions as well as migrant communities themselves. This collec-
tion is about the creation of new histories beyond and within the postcolonial
nation-state – Australia, Belgium, Britain, Canada, Greece, Germany, Indone-
sia, the United States, Mexico, Malaysia, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden,
South Africa, Bosnia, Kosovo, and Croatia. Accordingly, the authors engage
with the diasporic, transnational, reterritorialised, hyper-diverse, and cosmopol-
itan messiness of peoples’ heritage-making today. While the collection contains
case studies primarily based in Europe, Australia, and the United States, the con-
tent of these cases is also relevant to Asia and other parts of the world – not least
because all the case studies speak to widely networked, transversal, and transna-
tional manifestations of heritage that have potential connections to other events
and diasporas around the world.
We have attempted to offer locally situated case studies of migration heritage
together with an open and interdisciplinary approach that avoids universalising

Migratory pasts and heritage-making 15
language and Eurocentric concepts and methods or perpetuates a methodologi-
cal hegemony. This is important if we are to present robust and nuanced stud-
ies of migration heritage, which we believe can have implications for heritage
processes and expressions of professional practice, and aide historically informed
understandings of transnational and transcultural experiences of migration and
settlement. We hope that the result is a collection which underlines what migrant
heritage does in national, transnational, and transversal spaces and recognises the
value of heritage work in today’s world. Most importantly, it is our sincere wish
that this book provoke and inspire future scholarship and practice in the fields of
migrant, diasporic, and multicultural heritage.
Note
1 English translation provided by InfoMigrants website (2019).
References
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PART ONE
Challenging official heritage
and national historiographies
Expanding heritage-making theories

2
HERITAGE-MAKING,
BORDERWORK AND (MULTI)
CULTURAL ORGANISATIONS
IN THE NORTH OF ENGLAND
Susan L.T. Ashley
This chapter discusses heritage, broadly defined, and the networks of Black and
ethnic minority cultural organisations that address heritage-related issues. I ask
questions about why, how and for whom such organisations operate, taking a
‘cultural democracy’ approach as per Mulcahy, rather than institutional ‘democ-
ratising of culture’ (Mulcahy, 2006). By this I mean, studying how people on the
ground engage with culture and heritage on their own terms through their own
activities, rather than how mainstream institutions disseminate and assist access
to pre-inscribed ideas about culture and heritage. As Hadley and Belfiore noted,
such research work tries to circumvent the “hierarchies of cultural value [that]
have always been, and always will be, bound up with questions of power and
authority” (2018, p. 222).
The research presented here examines the deployment of ‘heritage’ by Black
and minority ethnic groups in the north and north-east of England – people
who are immigrants or marginalised by race or ethnicity. The project studied
the place of these minority ethnic people within local cultural environments,
both in terms of representation and access, and in terms of agency. The research
positioned minority-led cultural activities at the centre of enquiry, rather than
as an adjunct to mainstream museums’ social engagement work. The project,
funded by the UK Arts and Humanities Research Council, was called ‘(Multi)
Cultural Heritage: New Perspectives on Public Culture, Identity and Citizen-
ship’. It asked, what are the ways that minority ethnic cultural organisations
express and engage with heritage; what are the aims and challenges of those
organisations; what are the UK cultural and heritage policy implications and
possibilities of their cultural work.
Immigration issues have become a central political concern in the UK, with
global movements of people, ideas and ways of life coming into conflict with
local realities. Creating a ‘hostile environment’ for immigrants has been a central

22 Susan L.T. Ashley
UK government policy (Travis, 2013). The Brexit vote in the UK – the 2016
public referendum to depart the European Union – reflected this social conser-
vatism (Pendlebury & Veldpaus, 2018). In the region encircling Newcastle upon
Tyne, an area of industrial decline with less ethnic diversity than most other parts
of the country, Brexit and this attitude to migrants was supported.
In recent years, the north-east has experienced increasing migration from
the Middle East, Somalia, Pakistan and Bangladesh with the number of resi-
dents not born in the UK rising by over 40 per cent since 2008 (Wieser, 2019).
Despite this fact, Wieser notes that migration still does not figure in mainstream
self-narratives of the ‘heritage’ of the north-east of England, and has attracted
only limited historical or heritage research and few institutional representations.
Thus, the (Multi)Cultural Heritage project sought to highlight knowledge-
making by immigrant and ethnic groups as an integral part of the history, society
and culture in the north of England. By drawing attention to the motivations and
impacts of the voices, activities and self-representations of multicultural organ-
isations, the research aimed to tackle inequalities in determining what is desig-
nated and legitimised as culturally ‘valuable’ (EHRC, 2016). It also intended to
further equality and capacity in the heritage sector through direct exchange with
culture and heritage policy managers of bodies such as National Trust, English
Heritage and Arts Council of England. Several types of cultural organisations
in the north of England were partners in the research, affiliated with different
groups: the Centre for Chinese Contemporary Art and the Jewish Museum in
Manchester; Eclipse Theatre which focuses on theatre produced by Black artists;
the virtual site called Everyday Muslim, and in Newcastle-Gateshead, the North
East of England African Community Association (NEEACA), Vamos Festival (a
Latin American group); Sangini Arts (a mixed Hindu group); the Angelou Cen-
tre serving primarily Black women, and GemArts with its mixed minority eth-
nic scope. The project hoped to promote and facilitate a self-sustaining network
among these practitioners and facilitate their contributions to social equality and
cultural democratisation.
The study inspected the participants’ organisational activities around art, cul-
ture and identity to get a better sense of what the concept of heritage meant and
why it was important to people. The chapter presents the ways that ‘heritage’
was implied or demonstrated in these organisational expressions, and how their
cultural labour had aesthetic, social, pedagogical and political motivations and
impacts. Heritage was understood as a process of cultural production and active
‘making’ of individual and community senses of self. The analysis offers insights
into how the negotiation and adaptation of heritage represents a potential source
of tension, as well as solidarity, within both communities and wider society.
Particular attention is paid to the ways that such heritage-making might be seen
as ‘borderwork’ located outside of mainstream museums and arts organisations:
as boundary-making (Rumford, 2006) or as contact zone (Clifford, 1997) or as
engines of connectivity (Cooper & Rumford, 2011).

Heritage-making, borderwork 23
What is heritage?
Heritage was examined in this study not as buildings or preserved landscapes
but as traditions, expressions, identities and cultural practices linked to the past.
This follows from the critical heritage studies tradition ( Smith, 2006; Water-
ton & Smith, 2010 ), where heritage is understood as a discourse and process
practised by groups and individuals to create alternative and plural understand-
ings of the past. Heritage in this view is positioned as a relational and meaning-
making process more so than preserved objects or resources – a designation of
significance (Ashley, 2016). Heritage is then the practices that signify the past,
as well as the goods and things that we raise up as an important inheritance
from the past.
I was interested in the ways that people produced heritage as a do-it-
yourself process – how they chose to signify or mark the past and traditions
and culture in some way. It centred on those Black and minority ethnic
organisations that had deliberately focused on their particular cultural identi-
fiers to organise their community development and arts activities. This is not
to say that anyone actually used the word heritage to describe this ‘cultural
thing’ that they did. Heritage was a foreign word to many. But they did mark
and signify aspects of their culture that are drawn from the past as essential
to their group and personal identities, and demonstrated a desire to pass this
on as a legacy for future generations. Their sense of heritage, or relationship
with the past, tended not to be connected to the past represented through pre-
served buildings, monuments or exhibited objects in their newcomer country
(the UK).
The research project looked at how and why such Black and ethnic organisa-
tions expressed cultural heritage, studying their organisational environments
and their practices, including creative, exhibitionary or performance or com-
munity development activities. As already mentioned, several multicultural
organisations agreed to give their time to the research. The study was guided
by three primary questions: firstly, considering comparatively why each organ-
isation existed – what issues affected them, who had a stake in their operations,
their audiences and the nature and impacts of their public activities. Secondly,
how heritage was constituted through each organisation’s representations and
activities, to critically analyse what aspects of the past were valued. Thirdly,
what was the political and policy context of their activities. The research
employed qualitative data-gathering within the participatory research and
‘engaged scholarship’ tradition (Cuthill, 2010) using grounded theory analysis.
This involved document, ethnographic, interview and activity-based audience
methods, as well as visual and textual media analysis, combined with four col-
laborative workshops that brought all partners together to discuss issues and
impacts, in intense full-day group dynamics. This chapter focuses on the first
area of research: the motivations, operations, issues, and impacts of the organisa-
tions themselves.

24 Susan L.T. Ashley
Outside the mainstream
Key to this project was understanding those multicultural organisations that
were positioned outside the mainstream, that is outside the normalised spaces
of Whiteness that are constituted by British museums and galleries and per-
formance spaces. The goal was to think about how communities engaged with
their sense of heritage through cultural organisations which they led. This is a
different organisational environment than inside mainstream culture or heri-
tage institutions where terms like ‘social inclusion’ and ‘diversity’ are used –
concepts, however, that normalise Whiteness as the example of what heritage
means in the British world (Naidoo, 2016). Mainstream diversity initiatives tend
to situate ethnic minorities as receivers of institutionally generated programs,
as beneficiaries of social inclusion (Lynch, 2013, 2017), in order to further the
‘democratisation’ of mainstream culture (Mulcahy, 2006). In those institutions,
Black or minority heritage tends to be restricted to representation rather than a
meaningful, committed, resourced, long-term process of shifting power dynam-
ics. Solving the diversity ‘problem’ in such cases often involves reaching out for
the handful of well-known names in Black or minority ethnic communities to
sit on committees or ‘co-create’ heritage activities. Cultural production is often
directed towards existing White audiences or to stimulate additional non-White
audiences; it is about assimilation to an entrenched sense of ‘Britishness’ (Hall,
2004).
Scholars have written about the importance of increasing representation
within mainstream British and European White culture in an attempt to raise
awareness among White audiences and ensure that non-White audiences see
themselves legitimised within most cultural venues (Littler & Naidoo, 2004;
Lynch, 2013 ). However, practices often situate people as ‘giving voice’ (Lynch,
2017), rather than recognising that people and organisations are already express-
ing those voices. Such ways of legitimising what is heritage tends to result in
misrecognition and a sense that heritage-making is a White-only practice (Nai-
doo, 2016).
The aim of the (Multi)Cultural Heritage research was to bring to the centre
the perspectives and activities of minority cultural producers themselves. Every-
one has culture and heritage, although theirs might be marginalised from the
mainstream. What kinds of arts, cultural and heritage work were people doing
on their own? Sadiya from Everyday Muslim, an online heritage site, found that
‘doing’ heritage in her small organisation made her community realise it already
had a voice:
When I was talking to other heritage organisations about the idea of creat-
ing a museum, they were very cynical because they just thought Muslim
communities just don’t engage with heritage, they’re not interested, they
don’t really care, it’s not really on their radar. But then I found that was

Heritage-making, borderwork 25
completely wrong, I think what it has been is that they’ve never been rep-
resented and therefore have thought that was not a space for them.
The goal of the (Multi)Cultural Heritage project was to realise the agency of
‘outside’ voices to advocate whose heritage is important and how society should
value them in real economic, social and political terms. Cultural production
should ‘decolonise’ not just diversify, and demand that funders, universities, and
other players in the heritage and cultural sectors deal with inequality, racism and
White privilege head on. This implies structural changes to how heritage deci-
sions are made and who gets to make those decisions.
Borderwork
This kind of research is inherently about ‘borderwork’. Borders imply a boundary
or an edge or periphery, often on a nation-based scale (Rumford, 2006). Power
relations saturate such borders, defining the conditions of knowledge produc-
tion. On this border, each side has its own agendas and knowledge is negotiated
across this space of difference (Somerville & Perkins, 2003). Yet, such boundaries
also imply that something is shared, where two sides meet ( Star, 2010 ).
Rumford (2006) writes that borderwork requires thinking about the role of
ordinary people in making borders, rather than assuming that this is always the
business of the state. Borderwork and acts of bordering can be an everyday activ-
ity, sites for bringing together diverse, if unequal, communities of knowledge.
Such actions have been defined as “acts of citizenship” by which “non-status
persons constitute themselves as being political” to work to shift established
practices, status and order and create new possibilities (Isin, 2008, p. 16). This
borderwork can be “the stuff of action” to produce new knowledge ( Star, 2010,
p. 603). Wilson adds to this argument that ‘creativity’ is itself borderwork, a
social process located in boundary spaces of human interaction that “thrives at
the edge of things, in the gaps” (2010, p. 368).
By virtue of the research focus and the selection of case studies, I have defined
the work of heritage-making by multicultural organisations in terms of borders,
positing an inside and outside in relation to the mainstream. The organisations
involved in the research project placed their own work as on the margins or
marginalised, implying a boundary between themselves and others. This very
fact separated them out, situating them as bodies and communities who are not
inside in the dominant sense – and separate. Critics argue that placing those
voices to one side of mainstream culture sidesteps inclusion and further mini-
mises them – they are described as ‘cultural silos’ (Fleras, 2009). In the UK in the
2000s, New Labour actively worked to break down such silos through policies of
‘social inclusion’ that sought to integrate communities into culture and heritage
institutions through regulations (Mason, 2004). Such single-voice cultural and
heritage organisations might be considered isolating, in terms of participating

26 Susan L.T. Ashley
in the broader public sphere (Brown, 1993). However, from the point of view
of users, those people within minority or immigrant cultures, their single-voice
organisations on the borders or margins are active locations to assert their cre-
ativity and their own authority.
But there can be different understanding of the rules of engagement within
this process, most often because of the workings of power and who is in control.
Yuval-Davis, Wemyss and Cassidy argue that the impact of everyday border-
work must also be understood in a situated intersectional way, considering the
differential perspectives of the social actors who are taking part in bordering
encounters (2018, p. 229). The experiences of bordering can depend on social
positioning and the situated gaze affected by citizenship status, ethnicity, race,
gender and educational and professional positionings. While clearly a complex
process of intersectional positionings, the borderwork of my partner organisa-
tions will be discussed here from two perspectives: as ‘boundary-making’ – a
wall that contains and separates – or as a location that enables exchange, a ‘con-
tact zone’. The wall or boundary invokes edges and barricades. But the contact
zone positions the organisation as a site for drawing together, negotiating and
bridging or even disagreement among those inside and those outside the border.
Somerville and Perkins (2003) describe the two positions as ‘border mainte-
nance’ and ‘border crossing’ – the first making clear the nature of difference
between inside and outside, and the second about translation and hybridity across
this in-between space. Both concepts invoke some form of relation or mediation
or transaction across a zone of interaction (Message, 2009).
Contact zone is a term famously used in museum studies, proposed by Mary
Pratt (1992) and James Clifford (1997) as a space for colonial encounters. Pratt
describes the contact zone as a space in which “peoples geographically and histor-
ically separated come into contact with each other” and characterised by unequal
power relations (Pratt, 1992, p. 7). The contact zone is then that space of com-
munication where performances are enacted by both sides. The contact zone is
an in-between space, characterised by Homi Bhabha (1994) as the ‘third space’
where identity is constructed through the negotiation and holding-together of
difference and opens up a possibility of hybridity.
The analysis offered in the following sections considers the inward-looking
and outward-looking positionalities of the borderwork of project partners:
their boundary-making and contact zone motivations, who was considered an
‘insider’, looking in or looking out, and the effects of these positions.
Boundary zone – looking inward
In the cases of some of the project partners, the motivation for establishing a
border organisation reflected both making a wall and a contact zone and looking
inward and looking outward. But the primary need for some kind of protective
space was expressed by most organisations. Borderwork here was about creating
safe spaces either for their marginalised community or in some cases specifically

Heritage-making, borderwork 27
for women. This was physical and mental protection of bodies and ideas, some-
times expressed as a ‘behind the scenes’ space of private interactions away from
the eyes of the dominant society ( Shryock, 2004).
Inherent in this protected space was the enhancement of group belonging – a
way of ensuring community, reinforcing identity and maintaining connections.
Yuval-Davis et al. point out that belonging relates to emotional attachment and
feeling ‘at home’ as part of this safe space (2018, p. 230). Sadiya from the project
partner Everyday Muslim summarised this feeling: “I think the basic aim is really
to create a sense of belonging for the community, to be able to say this is who
we are and this is our home as much as anybody else”. Kath, a Caribbean woman
who sat on the NEEACA executive, said of their New Year’s community social,
“this is my place where I can let my hair down”. During the Angelou Centre’s
heritage BAM! Sistahood!, one participant said, “I enjoy being around all the
other women. Learning, sharing together”. Another remarked, “It’s very big
for me to talk, because opening heart is hard, we suffered lots of things . . . I’m
learning to be strong, to talk and stand up for myself and stand up for others”.
At its core, belonging also invoked a sense of heritage – an identity affirmed
by ways of doing or thinking drawn from grandparents, or in other cases an
intangible cultural expression like music or food or dress. Sadiya said she wanted:
To raise awareness of what Muslim heritage is and to engage with people in
understanding how they perceive their heritage from the community . . .
From a personal perspective, my children have very little connection with
back home. With generations that come after, it’s to be able to say this is
my heritage, this is who I am.
The socials and special events of NEEACA were affirmations of belonging and
safety in the midst of White society, where members definitely let their hair
down, but also participate in heritage-based talks and arts expressions. Accord-
ing to Beverley:
I think for me one of the interesting things is how as a group we understand
culture, and how we pass on culture . . . Africa is a huge continent. It’s
not just one country which many people presume it is. Very diverse, very
varied, very modern as well . . . So I think we felt that in a sense when we
promote African culture, we have to promote the diversity of our culture,
rather than giving either a homogenous picture or a picture of Africa as a
place of jungles, which is what people often associate with Africa.
Beverly was clear that her organisation was meant to bring together people
with African roots, and friends, in social gatherings. But their motivation also
extended to sorting out, as a group, the cultural meanings of being African, in its
complexity, a mission that also had outward-looking aspirations of ‘promoting’
African culture and correcting misperceptions or stereotypes.

28 Susan L.T. Ashley
Sharing traditional culture and heritage with next generations was essential for
all groups. Vamos focused much of its festival programme on different children’s
events, for example Mexican Day of the Dead costumes and processions focused on
recalling memories of ancestors. CFCCA promoted Chinese New Year children’s
arts and crafts as well as artistic and digital YouthLab activities. NEEACA empha-
sised African-based culture through kids’ activities like storytelling by Grace Hall-
worth and movement with Gateway Studios, passing on sensibilities and expressions
thought to be important, as well as histories that had Black or African roots. Bever-
ley from NEEACA recalled the importance of their memory work with children,
citing how schools routinely overlook stories of Black history. She said:
it’s a massive amount of work to be done for everybody – schools, white chil-
dren, Black children, children with one white parent . . . In a sense what we
want to do begin to sort of chip away at that ignorance in a very positive way.
Some groups maintained ethnically based boundaries in order to focus spe-
cific training and development, for example the support of minority artists. It is
not easy to gain access to the cultural sector as an ethnic actor or artist or film-
maker. Traditional art galleries and performance spaces can feel quite alienating.
“These places are not for the likes of me” was often repeated. Organisations like
Eclipse Theatre, Sangini and Vamos gave minority artists the platform and the
experiences so that they can be gainfully employed in their field.
The Angelou Centre used its arts and heritage-related training programmes
to offer Black women new skills in areas like taking oral histories, develop-
ing exhibits or creating films, but also practical tasks like filling out arts grant
application forms. There was a level of comfort in learning to do new things
through a minority-led organisation like the Angelou that offers protection.
Learning through socialising and arts or heritage expressions reduces the sense
of exposure, risk, and fear that can accompany public interactions in the outside
world. The accreditation of this training was an important aspect of their work,
considering many of the users have no higher educational training that is recog-
nised in the UK. The Angelou’s training and art sessions also produced materials
exhibited in displays and presented at events, such as poems, prints, felting, and
embroidery. The writing and art sessions served to record many of the women’s
personal experiences and their relationship with their heritage. One filmmaker
promoted by the BAM! Sistahood! project was enthused about “being part of
a very determined group of women who had this vision about having a place
where Black women could come and be trained, be educated . . . and reach a
point where they could work”.
Contact zone, looking outward
The second way of looking at this borderwork is as a site to establish relations
with outside or mainstream society – the contact zone, an interface for insid-
ers and outsiders to come together and meet. But to move from boundary zone

Heritage-making, borderwork 29
to contact zone requires courage and self-confidence on the part of minorities
because of their lack of power. Participants must feel that they are equals and will
derive equal benefit from the exchange, not just participating in token represen-
tation. Sara Ahmed (2012) writes eloquently about the perils of being the token
person of colour within institutional spaces that see her as speaking for all of her
ethnicity, or whose presence is used as an indicator of how ‘diverse’ the cultural
institution has become. Token representation by heritage sector employers is
being challenged by groups such as Museum Detox in the UK, led by youthful
Black workers. They ‘campaign, lobby, debate, advocate’ for changes to struc-
tures and practices, and their White Privilege Test confronts museum leadership
and employees to self-scrutinize in a transparent way (museumdetox.com).
This borderwork carries with it risk, as participants with less power can be
exposed and vulnerable. bell hooks describes this space as one of “radical open-
ness . . . a margin – a profound edge” and found that “locating oneself there is
difficult yet necessary. It is not a ‘safe’ place. One is always at risk” (hooks, 1990,
p. 149). The collaborative work here as a minority participant is precarious, risky
and emotionally difficult.
Padma, another partner from Sangini, expressed a sense of obligation to rep-
resent her community and take a leadership role in working with outside main-
stream cultural institutions. She felt that not participating could have negative
consequences, and said “nothing about us, without us”. Co-production of exhibi-
tions with community-based partners has become an important ingredient in
the museum field. Within the UK social engagement agenda, finding ‘minority’
partners is an essential requirement for funding (Lynch, 2013; Thomson & Chat-
terjee, 2014). But for Padma, such external or contact zone activities had to have
real impact for her organisation, and she carefully weighed her precious time,
energy, and labour. Being asked to participate in external relationships requires a
lot of free labour: there are significant material consequences of being asked and
feeling obliged to constantly ‘engage’ or ‘participate’ or ‘represent’. Padma said:
The emails came around ‘would you like to take part?’ I am being very
selective now. I used to say yes because I am so passionate about things, but
now I am really careful as to how much, you know, I can, and because I
am working now more and more in my own right as an artis . . . I am fine
with this [MultiCultural Heritage] because it is something I believe in, the
whole idea of migration, heritage, identity.
Project participants talked about the draining nature of working in their own
organisations – most were volunteers labouring from a passion to preserve and
promote community and identity. They were responding to community-level
needs that valued kinship obligations, social networks, language and cultural
knowledge (Yuval-Davis et al., 2018). Beverley from NEEACA said:
I remember meeting one Iranian women, that was looked up to in her com-
munity, but she was tired. She was pulling the strings for the community

30 Susan L.T. Ashley
on her own. She tried to get some people involved, but she said to me when
it came to actually doing something, they disappeared. But she struggled
on because the pride for her culture, where she comes from, [but she] was
tired, just trying to get money, the community expecting so much and not
helping as much. But she was motivated because she wanted the best for
her community.
The research workshops affirmed this sense that to operate within ones’ own
small organisation to promote culture and a sense of heritage was draining but
fulfilling. To move on to engaging with mainstream organisations in a contact
zone – including my demands as university researcher wanting to ‘collaborate’ –
also required exceptional commitment.
Engaging in the contact zone was frequently cited not as a cooperative
engagement or exchange but as a more assertive pushback position. Here it was
about asserting a visibility within the surrounding mainstream culture. NEEACA
was adamant that a primary motivation was to demonstrate “the importance of
African culture, and the importance of fighting racism and ignorance that there
is”. A Caribbean arts partner, Kath, said, “we want to and need to show our dif-
ferences, and to challenge the sameness of the dominant culture”. Degna from
Eclipse Theatre said bluntly, “we want to shake up whiteness”.
In workshops and interviews we came back repeatedly to their problems with
racism or misogyny in mainstream society. This was especially important for
Black-led organisations. Beverley from NEEACA felt that racism affected their
ability to work as an organisation:
What we are very keen on is to see the links between Black culture and
fighting racism, and to see black culture as being very diverse, not some-
thing static that’s been imported from Africa and is the same for everybody
for all time . . . It was very clear that the government was very anxious
about the existence of black groups . . . I think for them unless they are
involved in controlling it, they don’t feel safe . . . So although you can get
funding . . . for things that are cultural . . . what is much harder to get
funding for is things that are around fighting racism, things about influ-
encing policy, things about making a change.
Borderwork in the contact zone also meant an intersectional advocacy role
for minority organisations. Rosie from the Angelou Centre, for example,
believed deeply in the feminist work she did as a means to change the world.
She expressed the importance of minority women validating their own heri-
tage first, expressing and sharing those ways and ideas, as an essential precursor
to their own demands for equality with men and in society as a whole. She
said that by expressing and celebrating their heritage differences and commonali-
ties, the women could advocate for equality. Her organisation, one of the lon-
gest-running Black cultural organisations in the north-east UK, foregrounded

Heritage-making, borderwork 31
relationships between people and the use of culture, arts and heritage to act
together communally.
In a project policy workshop, Rosie bluntly and eloquently reminded all part-
ners that inequality was fundamentally a structural problem within mainstream
society, saying:
there is mass structural inequality within government and public bodies,
and a disconnect between public policy, (the) cultural sector, and culture
and heritage practices . . . Heritage, arts and culture are entwined with
public bodies which we need to accept, otherwise we are not facing real-
ity . . . [E]quality work is absolutely tied in with protecting and respect-
ing people’s rights . . . When we are looking at equality and how it filters
through – heritage, arts and culture are not stand alone.
Key for Rosie was that borderwork could not be standalone but a foundational
and equal part of a networked environment where human rights was central.
She said:
Our communities are not an add-on, equality is not an add-on and it has
to be central in everything that we do – equality must be a central part
of public institutions and bodies . . . Yet, a range of equality practices and
issues are not being actioned by major public institutions who receive the
larger proportion of government funding . . . [O]ur organisations need
strategies and tools to monitor public bodies.
Her advocacy position was that work from the border could be a force in chang-
ing mainstream systems and structures, not only a position just for protection or
interactions. Such a position would actively work at cultural bridging.
Cultural bridging
GemArts also stressed their mission to provide such advocacy for social change
and equality, and for them, this work lay in the arts. Vikas, the director of
GemArts, said, “we use arts and culture to actually address issues . . . [W]e
know that we can use creative practice to address issues but also to celebrate
complex identities within communities”. GemArts receives significant gov-
ernment funding from the Arts Council of England, and thus straddles both
sides of borderwork, as a minority-facing organisation and as an outward-
facing group aimed at addressing White audiences and furthering national
policy goals. Vikas cautioned, however, about the difficulties of this dual role
wherein he felt larger institutions sometimes would take on the ‘creative’ ele-
ments of artistic projects, and ask his organisation to do the aspects aimed at
‘community’ or ‘heritage’, ticking required diversity boxes rather than con-
ducting true collaborative work.

32 Susan L.T. Ashley
Arts expression was about heritage expression for Vikas: creative perfor-
mances of deeply held senses of ‘self’ and of ‘difference’, connected to the past
and tradition, in order to speak out for equality. For example, the annual sum-
mer Masala festival celebrates South Asian Arts, and the mini-Masalas take these
out into schools and children’s workshops. But GemArts also takes an additional
step in adapting and evolving new artistic and cultural forms, and ‘making’ new
forms of heritage – that is, new ways of responding to the past to create some-
thing different. This bridging, expanding or creating something new was a key
component of their borderwork. Most project partners agreed that creating new
cultural forms was essential to connecting second- and third-generation young
people with their heritage cultures. While their organisational goals were to pass
on traditional knowledge and histories to new generations, they also said that
the dynamism that comes from multicultures offers new life and relevance to old
cultures. This is most evident in music – the blending of musical styles of hip
hop, rap, pop with ancestral music produced new sounds and different flavours,
while still drawing on the deep identity recognition that comes from ‘heritage’
forms of artistic expression. Vikas felt that “such hybrid music-making makes
a difference to young lives”. He cited his multicultural youth group North by
North East and the internationally touring Meza Boys comprised of Czech and
Roma immigrant youth as prime examples of this work.
Vamos Festival places this philosophy at the centre of their arts practice, an
annual Latin American festival that began in Newcastle and since 2015 has also
taken place in Leeds. Nik, the director of Vamos, felt disconnected with his
‘heritage’ and also felt that Latin culture was oversimplified and even racist in
its depiction in the UK. His festival was his way of helping people make con-
nections across cultures and inspiring people through each other’s ethnic perfor-
mance of art. He said:
I had a personal connection to Latin American cultures, and felt they were
kind of invisible and they weren’t really that engaged in the city and the
cultural activities. And I knew a lot of people who are not Latin American
who were passionate about those cultures or knowledgeable or studying
in some area related to that or had travelled or had a passion for music.
So there is that drive for me . . . to sort of try and bring those two groups
together.
Vamos was clearly expressed here as a contact zone that used music to bridge tra-
ditions but also to create something new. Organisers at both Vamos and GemArts
believed that their efforts could change the ‘cultural ecology’ of the north-east
UK. They felt they were drivers of the cultural agenda, rather than being invited
by mainstream institutions. Instead of responding to questions from the outside,
they were the ones asking the questions and taking the initiative to build bridges
as part of their heritage borderwork.

Heritage-making, borderwork 33
Reflections
While the (Multi)Cultural Heritage project revealed the complicated nature of
the borderwork undertaken by these minority-led organisations, the research
also offered insights about those people who were committed and engaged emo-
tionally within these organisations. These participants demonstrated wide social
networks and communities of practice, participated in the political decision-
making for ‘their’ communities and experienced deep forms of belonging and
nuanced senses of heritage. Interviews indicated that the very action of participa-
tion within these enterprises generated rich levels of social and cultural capital
for those who were actively committed to them, both within their communities
and in wider society.
These observations were a product of intense one-on-one interviews and
group workshops that were themselves contact zones requiring commitment and
productive tension from university researchers and collaborating partners. The
time asked from participants, in light of their own precarious organisational and
personal demands, revealed their heartfelt dedication to the topics of heritage,
identity and culture. Most were well aware of the ‘bordering’ nature of their
organisations’ work – shielding, promoting and nurturing community values,
while at the same time keenly desiring to share and translate their experiences
across cultures. Somerville and Perkins (2003) have called this space the ‘dis-
comfort zone’, with all parties coming together from unequal subjectivities to
create new knowledge.
I wanted to think about this research project in terms of creating a ‘cultural
ecology’, perhaps potentially within its dynamics altering the cultural ecology of
the north-east UK. The idea of a cultural ecology as a response to ‘borderwork’
is an attractive idea based on systems thinking, which encourages us to see cul-
ture and heritage as a dynamic, changeable and interconnected ecosystem, with
elements that interact in a chaotic fashion to affect the social fabric over time
( Makeham, Hadley, & Kwok, 2012). In this research we brought together Chi-
nese, Caribbean, Latin American, Pakistani, Indian, European, and Iranian artists
and community organisers, mostly women, in dynamic, exciting and sometimes
awkward cross-cultural exchanges. As noted in Somerville and Perkins’ work,
participants positioned themselves diversely and intersectionally according to
organisational and discursive roles, aff iliations or personal histories. This border-
work was more about ‘collected’ than ‘collective’ heritage. Such thinking seems
a little bit akin to the idea of ‘boundary-making’ but more fraught with conflict
and precarity than the usual interpretation of ‘contact zone’. But we were creat-
ing an ecology here, a tangled network of signification, in this heritage-thinking
work.
The commitment of my partners to come together and think differently about
heritage-making was to me the real impact of this project. It was the sharing of
this, the bonds formed, and the relationships communicated through heritage
consciousness-raising in all its complexity that was essential – the importance of

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Selected List of
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For SUBJECT INDEX, see pp. 27-32.

Abdy-Williams. Novels by E. M. AÄdy-Wiääiamë :
Two Ifs. 1 vol. ed. Cr. 8vo. 3s. 6d.
Forewarned! Fcap. 8vo. 1s.
For his Friend. 3 vols. Cr. 8vo 31s. 6d.
Adams. Novels by Mrë. LeitÜ-Adamë. Cheap Editions.

Each vol. cr. 8vo, cloth extra, 3s. 6d.
Geoffrey Stirling.
Madelon Lemoine.
Cosmo Gordon. [Shortly.
Lady Deane. [Shortly.
Adams, Rev. F. A. My Man and I; or, the Modern Nehemiah. 8vo,
cloth, 7s. 6d.
Adams. Books by W. H. Davenport Adamë:
A Book of Earnest Lives. With 8 portraits and plates. Demy 8vo,
cloth gilt, gilt edges, 7s. 6d.
Dean Colet, Roger Ascham, Lady Mary Montagu, Robert
Raikes, Lord Brougham, Dr. Arnold, J. F. Oberlin, Mary
Carpenter, Wm. Wilberforce, Sir T. F. Buxton, John Eliot,
John Howard, Mrs. Fry, Mrs. Mompesson, Sister Dora, and
others.
Battle Stories from English and European History. Second
Edition. With 16 plates and plans. Demy 8vo, cloth gilt, gilt edges,
7s. 6d.
European: Byzantium, Cressy, Poictiers, Navarette,
Agincourt, Lützen, Blenheim, Malplaquet, Pultowa,
Waterloo, Inkerman. English: Hastings, Falkirk,
Bannockburn, Bosworth Field, Flodden Field, Marston
Moor, Naseby, Culloden. Anglo-Indian: Plassey,
Haiderabad, Guzerat; and others.
Girlhood of Remarkable Women. Second Edition, enlarged. With
8 plates. Demy 8vo, cloth gilt, gilt edges, 7s. 6d.
Harriet Martineau, Fanny Burney, Elizabeth Inchbald,
Charlotte Brontë, Sara Coleridge, Mary Somerville, Mary

Russell Mitford, Lady Morgan, Lady Jane Grey, Mrs.
Hutchinson, Countess of Pembroke, Margaret More, Lady
Mary Montagu, Catherine of Siena, Jeanne d’Arc, Mme. de
Miramon, Eliz. Carter, Caroline Herschel, Lady Fanshawe,
and others.
Celebrated Women Travellers of the Nineteenth Century.
Second Edition. With 8 plates. Cr. 8vo, cloth gilt, gilt edges, 3s. 6d.
Frederika Bremer, Ida Pfeiffer, Lady Stanhope, Lady
Brassey, Lady Morgan, Mrs. Trollope, Isabella Bird, Lady
Florence Dixie, Miss Gordon Cumming, Lady Barker, and
others.
Alberg. Books by AäÄert AäÄerÖ:
Gustavus Vasa and his Stirring Times. Third Edition. Illustrated.
Cr. 8vo, cloth gilt, gilt edges, 3s. 6d.
Charles XII. and his Stirring Times. Illustrated. Cr. 8vo, cloth
gilt, gilt edges, 1s. 6d.
“Alert.” Cruise of H.M.S. “Alert.” Four Years in Patagonian,
Polynesian, and Mascarene Waters. By R. W. Coppinger, M.D. (Staff-
surgeon on board). With 16 Plates and several cuts in the text from
drawings and photos by the Author and F. North, R.N. Fourth
Edition. 8vo, cloth, gilt edges, 6s.
Allen, Grant. The Evolution of Flowers. [In preparation.
Alpine Plants. See Seboth and Bennett; and Bennett.
Althaus. See Schaible and Althaus.
Andersen, Hans. Fairy Tales Set to Music by Annie Armstrong.
4to, cloth, 1s. 6d.; paper, 1s.
Arabian Nights, The New. Select Tales, not included in the
editions of Galland or of Lane. Translated by W. F. Kirby (British

Museum). Second Edition. Illustrated. Cr. 8vo, cloth gilt, gilt edges,
3s. 6d.
Armstrong, J. Birds and their Ways. Illustrated. Cr. 8vo, cloth
gilt, gilt edges. 1s. 6d.
Arthur, T. S. Ten Nights in a Bar-Room. New Illustrated Edition.
Cr. 8vo, cloth gilt, 2s.
Auerbach, Berthold. Two Stories (Christian Gellert and The
Stepmother). Cuts. Cr. 8vo, cloth gilt, gilt edges, 2s. 6d.
Austin, Jane G. Moonfolk: A True Account of the Home of the
Fairies. Second Edition. Illustrated by W. J. Linton. Cr. 8vo, cloth gilt,
gilt edges, 2s. 6d. [Fairy Library.
Axon, W. E. A. Gipsy Folk Tales. [In preparation.
Babcock, W. H. Cypress Beach: A Novel. 2 vols. Cr. 8vo, cloth,
12s.
Bagnall, J. E. Handbook of Mosses. With Numerous Woodcuts.
Cr. 8vo, cloth, 1s.
Baker, Ella. Stories of Olden Times. Drawn from History and
Tradition. Second Edition. Cr. 8vo, cloth gilt, gilt edges, 1s. 6d.
Barras. Works by Coäoneä Juäiuë Barraë.
India, and Tiger Hunting. 2 vols. cr. 8vo, ea. 3s. 6d.
The New Shikari at our Indian Stations. 2 vols. cr. 8vo, ea. 3s. 6d.
Baxter, Right Hon. W. E., M.P. England and Russia in Asia. Cr.
8vo, cloth, 1s. [Imp. Parl. Ser.
Bennett, A. W., M.A., B.Sc. Tourists’ Guide to the Flora of the
Alps. Edited from the work of Prof. K. W. v. Dalla-Torre, and issued
under the auspices of the German and Austrian Alpine Club in

Vienna. Elegantly printed on very thin but opaque paper, 392 pp.,
bound as a Morocco pocket-book. Pocket size, 5s.
Best Books, The. A Classified Bibliography of the Best Current
English and American Literature, with the Publishers’ names, the
prices, and the dates of each work. 4to. [Shortly.
Bevan, J. A., M.D. The March of the Strikers. 1s.
Bevan. Works by G. PÜiääipë Bevan, F.G.S., F.S.S.:
The Royal Relief Atlas of all parts of the Globe, consisting of
31 Embossed Maps. Second Edition. Royal 4to, 21s.
Each Map is separately framed, and the whole bound in one volume,
half persian.
The Home Geography. [In preparation.
Guide to Lichfield Cathedral. [In preparation.
Guide to Westminster Abbey. [In preparation.
Bickerdyke. Works by JoÜn Bickerdyke, M.A.:
With the Best Intentions: A Tale of Undergraduate Life at
Cambridge. Cr. 8vo, cloth, 2s. 6d.
An Irish Midsummer Night’s Dream. Frontispiece. Cr. 8vo, cloth
gilt, gilt edges, 1s. 6d.
Birthday Book, The Floral. By Fäorence DudÖeon . With Coloured
Plates. Imp. 16mo, cloth gilt, gilt edges, 3s. 6d.
Boger, C. G. Elfrica: An Historical Romance of the Twelfth Century.
3 vols. Cr. 8vo, cloth, 31s. 6d.
Bottone, S. R. The Dynamo: How Made and How Used.
Numerous Cuts. Cr. 8vo, cloth, 2s. 6d.
Bourne. Works by C. E. Bourne, Barrister-at-law:

Heroes of African Discovery and Adventure.
Series I.—To the Death of Livingstone.
Series II.—To 1883.
Each series in a Second Edition. With Plates and Coloured Maps. Cr.
8vo, cloth gilt, gilt edges, each 3s. 6d.
The Great Composers: Short Lives of Eminent Musicians.
Second Edition. With portraits and plates. Cr. 8vo, cloth, gilt edges,
3s. 6d.
Händel—Bach—Gluck—Haydn—Mozart—Beethoven—Weber-Schubert
—Rossini—Mendelssohn—Chopin—Schumann—Berlioz.
Life of Gustavus Adolphus. Illustrated. Cr. 8vo, cloth gilt, gilt
edges, 1s. 6d.
Bowker, J. Goblin Tales of Lancashire. Illustrated by Charles
Gliddon. Cr. 8vo, cloth gilt, gilt edges, 2s. 6d. [Fairy Library.
Bradshaw. Works by Mrs. JoÜn BradëÜaw.
Roger North. 3 vols. Cr. 8vo, 31s. 6d.
Merevale: A Novel. 1 vol. 6s.
Brant, Elizabeth, Head Mistress of the Granby Schools.
Systematic Cutting-out for the New Code, from Units of
Measurement. With Folding Diagrams in red and black. Cr. 8vo,
cloth, 2s.
Broadhurst and Reid. Leasehold Enfranchisement. By Henry
BroadÜurët , M.P., and R. T. Reid, M.P. Cr. 8vo, cloth, 1s. [Imp. Parl.
Ser.
Bulow. Works by the Baroness Büäow:

The Child and Child-Nature. Third Edition. Cuts. Cr. 8vo, cloth,
3s. [Kindergarten Manuals.
Hand-Work and Head-Work: Their Relation to One Another. Cr.
8vo, cloth, 3s. [Kindergarten Manuals.
Burke, Ulick J. Couleur de Rose: A Novel. 2 vols. Cr. 8vo, cloth,
21s.
Butler, E. A. The Entomology of a Pond. [In preparation.
Buxton, Sydney, M.P. Over-Pressure and Elementary
Education. Crown 8vo, 2s.; paper, 1s.
See also Imperial Parliament Series, p. 27.
Caballero, Fernan. Book of Spanish Tales. Third Edition.
Illustrated by Chas. Harrison. Cr. 8vo, cloth gilt, gilt edges, 2s. 6d.
[Fairy Library.
Caine, Hoyle, and Burns. Local Option. By W. S. Caine, M.P., Wm.
Hoyäe, and Rev. Dawëon Burnë, D.D. Second Edition. Cr. 8vo, cloth, 1s.
[Imp. Parl. Ser.
Cambridge Examiner, The. A Monthly Educational Journal
(except in July and August). Demy 8vo, Vols. I.—V. [1885], each 5s.
[48 pages, Monthly, 6d.
Camden. Tales by CÜaräeë Camden:
The Travelling Menagerie. Illustrated by J. Mahoney. Sm. 8vo,
cloth gilt, gilt edges, 2s. 6d.
Hoity Toity, the Good Little Fellow. Illustrated by J. Pettie, R.A. Sm.
8vo, cloth gilt, gilt edges, 2s. 6d.
Cappel, E. S. Old Norse Sagas. Illustrated. Cr. 8vo, cloth gilt, gilt
edges, 2s. 6d.

Aslog—Frithiof—Ingeborg—Ragnar Lodbrok—Sigurd—Wayland Smith
—Hamlet—and others. [Fairy Library
Chapman. Books by Wiääiam CÜapman :
Notable Women of the Covenant. With portraits and plates, Cr.
8vo, cloth gilt, gilt edges, 2s. 6d.
Notable Women of the Puritan Times. With portraits and plates.
Cr. 8vo, cloth gilt, gilt edges, 3s. 6d.
Notable Women of the Reformation. With portraits and plates.
Cr. 8vo, cloth gilt, gilt edges, 3s. 6d.
Life of Martin Luther. Cuts. Cr. 8vo, cloth gilt, gilt edges, 1s. 6d.
Life of John Wiclif. Cuts. Cr. 8vo, cloth gilt, gilt edges, 1s. 6d.
Children’s Journey, The, and other Stories. By the Author of
“Voyage en Zigzac,” etc. Second Edition. Illustrated by the Author. Cr.
8vo, cloth gilt, gilt edges, 3s.
Chitty. Coloured Books by Liäy CÜitty:
Harlequin Eggs. Twenty-four coloured plates by Lily Chitty. With
text by Ismay Thorn. 4to, 2s. 6d.
In and Out. Twenty-four coloured plates by Lily Chitty. With text by
Ismay Thorn. 4to, 2s. 6d.
Chitty, W. Practical Beekeeping. 12mo. [At press.
Churchill, Mrs. Spencer. Daisy Darling. A Novel. Cr. 8vo, cloth,
3s. 6d.
Church Rambles and Scrambles. Cr. 8vo, cloth, 2s.
Clarke. Short Biographies by F. L. Cäarke. Each vol. illustrated. Cr.
8vo, cloth gilt, gilt edges, 1s. 6d.

A Book of Golden Friendships. Illustrated. Cr. 8vo, cloth gilt, gilt
edges, 3s. 6d.
Childhood of the Prince Consort.
Charlemagne and his Times.
Life of William Tyndale.
George Stephenson.
Robert Stephenson.
Lives of George and Robert Stephenson (in 1 vol). Cloth gilt,
gilt edges, 2s. 6d.
Sir Walter Raleigh and his Times.
Claus—Sedgwick. Elementary Text Book of Zoology. By Prof.
W. Cäauë, edited by Adam SedÖwick , M.A., Fellow and Lecturer of Trin.
Coll., Cambridge, assisted by F. G. Heathcote, B.A., Trin. Coll., Camb.
Illustrated by 706 woodcuts drawn by Prof. Claus. In Two Parts.
Demy 8vo, cloth.
Part I. Protozoa to Insecta. 21s.
Part II. Mollusca to Man. 16s.
Clement, Dr. E. Tabular View of Geological Systems. Cr. 8vo,
limp cloth, 1s.
Cobbe, Lucy. Doll Stories. Cuts. Cloth, gilt edges, 1s. 6d.
Cockburn, Dr. Samuel. The Laws of Nature and the Laws of
God: a Reply to Prof. Drummond. Cr. 8vo, cloth, 3s. 6d.
Conn, William. From Paris to Pekin over Siberian Snows.
Edited from the Travels of Victor Meignan by William Conn. With 16
plates. Demy 8vo, cloth extra, 16s.

Contemporary Pulpit, The. A Monthly Homiletic Magazine.
Vols. I.-IV. Royal 16mo, cloth extra, gilt top, each 6s. [64 pages,
Monthly, 6d.
Cooke. Short Biographies by Franceë E. Cooke. Each vol. illustrated.
Cr. 8vo, cloth gilt, gilt edges.
A Boy’s Ideal. [Life of Sir Thomas More.] 1s. 6d.
True To Himself. [Life of Savonarola.] 1s. 6d.
Latimer’s Candle. [Life of Latimer.] 1s. 6d.
An English Hero. [Life of Richard Cobden.] 1s. 6d.
Cooper, A. J. Training of the Memory. 12mo. 3d.
Corbett, Mrs. George. Cassandra: A Novel. 3 vols. Cr. 8vo, cloth,
31s. 6d.
Cox, Sir Geo. W., Bart., M.A. The Little Cyclopædia of Common
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