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Nucleus and Nation

Nucleus and Nation
Scientists, International Networks,
and Power in India
Robert S. Anderson
The University of Chicago Press
Chicago and London

Robert S. Anderson is professor in the School of Communication at
Simon Fraser University in Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada.
The University of Chicago Press, Chicago 60637
The University of Chicago Press, Ltd., London
©
2010 by The University of Chicago
All rights reserved. Published 2010
Printed in the United States of America
19 18 17 16 15 14 13 12 11 10 1 2 3 4 5
ISBN-13: 978-0-226-01975-8 (cloth)
ISBN-10: 0-226-01975-6 (cloth)
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Anderson, Robert S., 1942–
Nucleus and nation: scientists, international networks, and power in India /
Robert S. Anderson.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN-13: 978-0-226-01975-8 (cloth: alk. paper)
ISBN-10: 0-226-01975-6 (cloth: alk. paper) 1. Science—India—History—
20th century. 2. Nuclear industry—India—History—20th century. 3. Saha,
Meghnad, 1893–1956. 4. Bhatnagar, Shanti Swarupa, Sir, 1894–1955. 5.
Bhabha, Homi Jehangir, 1909–1966. I. Title.
Q127.I4A69 2010
509.54’0904—dc22 2009036012
a The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the
American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper
for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1992.

Dedicated to the scientists, technologists, observers, historians, and teachers who
have given their time and insights so generously to me, and to this book

C ont ents
Preface / xi
Acknowledgments / xvii
Note on Spelling, Photographs, and Currencies / xxi
Map of Atomic Energy, Space, and Defense Research Centers in 1974 / xxii
Atomic Energy, Space, and Defense Research Centers in 1974 / xxiii
List of Abbreviations / xxv
one / Introduction / 1
t w o / Building Scientific Careers in the 1920s:
Saha and Bhatnagar, from London to Allahabad and Lahore / 23
thre e / The Bangalore Affair, 1935–38:
Scientists and Conflict around C. V. Raman / 57
four / Imagining a Scientific State:
Nehru, Scientists, and Political Planning, 1938–42 / 79
five / Homi Bhabha Confronts Science in India, 1939–44 / 97
six / Indian Scientists Engage the Empire:
The CSIR and the Idea of Atomic and Industrial Power / 107
seven / Saha, Bhatnagar, and Bhabha in Contrast, 1944–45 / 123
eight / Restless in Calcutta:
Meghnad Saha’s Institution-Building / 133

nine / Bhatnagar Builds a Chain of National Laboratories and Steps
Upward / 149
t en / Bhabha Builds His Institute in Bombay / 169
eleven / The Politics of the Early Indian Atomic Energy
Committee and Commission / 183
TWEL VE / Scientists’ Networks, Nehru, and India’s Defense
Research and Development / 205
thirt e en / A Scientist in the Political System:
Professor Saha Goes to Parliament, 1952–56 / 227
fourt e en / The Indian Cabinet and Scientific Advice in the 1950s
and 1960s: Bhabha, Atomic Energy, and Reforming Scientific
and Industrial Research / 249
fift e en / A New Scientific Elite:
Sarabhai Builds Another Atomic Energy Network, 1966–71 / 277
six t e en / A Day in the Life of Two Research Institutes
in Bombay and Calcutta / 291
sevent e en / Governance, Management, and Working Conditions
in Research Institutes Founded by Saha and Bhabha / 311
eight e en / Governance and Influence in the Research
Institutes Bhatnagar Built / 351
nine t e en / Articulating Science and Technology Policy
for Indira Gandhi’s Cabinet / 369
t w ent y / Building a High-Technology Economy through
Atomic Energy, Space, and Electronics / 395
t w ent y - one / Nuclear Expectations and Resistance
in India’s Political Economy / 427
t w ent y - t w o / Scientists in India’s War over Self-Reliance / 443

t w ent y - thre e / The First Bomb Test: Its Context, Reception,
and Consequences in India / 479
t w ent y -four / The Scientific Community, the State of Emergency, and
After, 1975–80 / 499
t w ent y -five / Conclusions / 523
Chronology of Events / 571
Biographical Notes / 577
Notes / 591
Index of Names / 671
Subject Index / 677
A gallery of photographs appears following page 226.

Preface
Early in 1962, when I was a nineteen-year-old university student at San-
tiniketan in rural West Bengal, we all experienced a rare conjunction of eight
planets called “astograha.” This three-day period was accompanied by a
popular idea that the world might end in catastrophe as a result of this con-
junction. Experts in Hindu cosmological theory sounded the alarm, and I
watched large numbers of people coming together to spend the chilly winter
night, wrapped in shawls and huddled in blankets, under tents and awnings
outside their houses in the nearby town of Bolpur, warming fires flickering
in the moonless night. They expected an earthquake or some other disaster
to befall them. This conjunction was observed in many parts of India; it
lasted for a few nights, and then the blanket-bundled groups diminished
and ultimately disappeared back into their houses. Though learned astro-
logical pundits debated the consequences of the rare event, I heard a few
of my university classmates joke about it. The paper of record in English at
that time in Bengal, the Statesman of Calcutta, cautioned people not to be
persuaded by “unscientific thinking” and quoted distinguished scientists
urging people to reason about this conjunction, to understand that rare
cosmological events did not necessarily have disastrous consequences. I
had never before met or seen large numbers of people expecting the end of
the world, and my feeble Bengali was just good enough to understand that
these people really expected a disaster. Though I don’t think I had yet met
any Indian scientists, in an inchoate way I sensed that there was an impor-
tant and interesting relationship between science and culture in India, and
that “unscientific thinking” must have a very special meaning.
I returned from India in 1962 to study at the University of British Co-
lumbia and began to think about science and culture in India. Employed
in 1963 as an assistant in a research project on the experiences of foreign

students in Vancouver, I became aware, when talking with young Indian
scientists and engineers, that some of them experienced a tension with their
families, their cultural origins, and their professional futures. I did not in-
vent this tension just for something to talk about—they volunteered it; they
tended not to see science as fully situated in the India they were returning
to. My meeting with older and more mature scientists from India gradually
confirmed that very interesting questions could be asked about the culture
of science and scientific institutions in India.
I formulated this subject for an honors essay in 1964, with the guidance
of my teachers in sociology, religious studies, and anthropology. Focusing
on the experience of young Indian scientists, I tried to address the questions
raised by C. P. Snow in The Two Cultures and the Scientific Revolution and
Thomas Kuhn in The Structure of Scientific Revolutions.
1
I then discovered
the marvelous books of Joseph Needham, which had begun to appear in
the late 1950s, and looked for something comparable about India. One of
my teachers, Cyril Belshaw, then handed me Edward Shils’s book on Indian
intellectuals, and I audaciously wrote to Shils, asking questions about his
contact with scientists and sending a draft of my honors essay in 1964.
2
At
twenty-two, I hardly knew the context of what I was talking about. I had
no formal training in science, little study in the history and philosophy
of science, and one year’s experience in India. But Shils suggested I apply
for graduate studies at the University of Chicago, which I did. I remember
first meeting members of the Committee on South Asia at the University of
Chicago in 1965, to discuss my “ideas,” such as they were, particularly with
Milton Singer, who, it turned out, had been trained in the philosophy of
science and had spent time in South India, thinking about these questions.
Though I was generously supported by scholarships, as a poor graduate stu-
dent at Chicago in the summer of 1966 I needed a part-time job, and got
work as a scanner in the high-energy physics bubble chamber group at the
Enrico Fermi Institute for Nuclear Studies; now I thought I could understand
things from the inside. If my choice of this subject for a dissertation was
seen as rather eccentric, this perception arose in an anthropological com-
munity quite full of eccentrics.
I proposed a masters thesis about the social organization and culture
of experiments and theoretical work at the Fermi Institute at the univer-
sity, and my objective was diplomatically introduced to the Fermi Institute
by Edward Shils, whose book about the consequences of secrecy was well
known among nuclear physicists at Chicago.
3
I realized in 1966–67 that
while working among this historic community of scientists, I was stumbling
through the echoes of a history of science and physics in America, and I
xii / Preface

had better begin at “the beginning” (an arbitrary point, nevertheless). In a
private sense, many physicists were very interested in history, but the history
of the Fermi Institute was in their “collective” mind and not on paper. I was,
to my surprise, allowed to read Fermi’s own papers and files, held in a giant
steel filing cabinet. Near the spot where the first sustained chain reaction oc-
curred in 1942, I read and talked with people who knew Fermi and his col-
leagues; these conversations and files took me right back to the organization
of the Metallurgical Laboratory, which housed the Manhattan Project.
4
I understood that I was now in touch (through memos, scribbled notes,
etc.) with Fermi, one of the deities of modern science, viewed widely as a
genius for his combination of theoretical sophistication and experimental
ingenuity. I also saw how he raised money and defended his staff from the
intrusions of the government bureaucracies that funded their work. I read
the file on his notes for the defense of Robert Oppenheimer and then came
across the extraordinary papers of Leo Szilard. I think there was then no
modern “history of science” of these phenomena, or individuals, and no
histories of the Manhattan Project or the postwar period, for it was all still
seized in secrecy. But I was learning that there is a politics of science, with-
out which scientists seem not to function. I had not yet met historians like
Charles Weiner at the American Institute of Physics, who had begun to put
together the vast archives needed to do this kind of institutional history. But
probably more important, I thought I was becoming an anthropologist and
not an historian, preparing to go to India to do fieldwork in laboratories for
two years, not in archives; I was to be prepared in the same way some of my
classmates prepared to go to rural villages.
5
But the work of the historian
was just waiting around the corner for me.
When I looked around, there was only one complete ethnographic study
of a scientific institution done in the manner I intended. Its author, Gerald
Swatez, had just moved in 1965 from studying the Lawrence Radiation Lab-
oratory at the University of California, Berkeley, to work at the University
of Chicago.
6
Swatez gave me good advice and continuing friendly and wise
support throughout my work toward the dissertation. I assembled every-
thing written at the time about scientific institutions and communities, tak-
ing a sociological-anthropological-cum-historical approach.
From anthropology I walked over to physics. I began a series of conver-
sations with S. Chandrasekhar about scientists in India and attended his
lectures, understanding little except his strong emphasis on the aesthet-
ics of mathematical choice. But our stimulating conversations persisted. I
remained an innumerate kind of Alice in Wonderland among physicists,
who, it turns out, had Alice as a cultural heroine among them. The Physics
Preface / xiii

Colloquium at Chicago was an invaluable experience; attending it with
physics graduate students, particularly with my roommate G. Srinivasan,
I came to understand the public culture of physics in America, physics on-
stage, so to speak. I recall even now the excitement of the presence in the
colloquium of someone who had just won the Nobel Prize and could see
people among whom I worked (as their research assistant) catching some
stardust in his presence, all in the human hope that it would lift them up in
that direction. As a “scientific worker” in a bubble chamber group, I learned
a lot about the electron that spins off when a muon decays from a pion col-
liding with a hydrogen atom, at certain specific energy levels (in my case 21
million electron volts), when an accelerator beam passed through a cham-
ber of extremely compressed liquid hydrogen. I looked for that electron in
hundreds of thousands of photographs, and gasped “yes” with excitement
when I found and recorded one of our few perfect specimens. Tired or bored
co-workers gathered round to compare my pi-mu-e result with their best
ones. Now I knew how an experiment had to be organized and managed,
though little more.
Though I had prepared for research in India, by 1967 I had actually to go
and do it. Introductory letters were written from the University of Chicago
by S. Chandrasekhar, E. Shils, and space physicist John Simpson to Vikram
Sarabhai, the new chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission. Sarabhai
liked the idea of anthropological study of scientific institutions and had
already encouraged them in his own organizations; he introduced me to the
director and council of the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research (TIFR),
and the director of the Saha Institute of Nuclear Physics (SINP). I was based
in Bombay but traveled everywhere to other sites of the scientific commu
nity’s work. After a year in Bombay, I arranged to work for a year in the Saha
Institute in Calcutta (1968–69), for purposes of comparison with TIFR. Be-
ginning in the late 1960s, I have enjoyed hundreds of conversations about
the lives of scientists and the life of science in India, on buses and trains,
at seminars and conferences, in airports and markets, waiting for rockets to
launch or balloons to fly, building telescopes or culturing organisms in petri
dishes, and returning back to the lab from their home village.
I saw the old musty archives of Kolkata, but I could barely touch the
histories of the Indian Association for the Cultivation of Science, the Bose
Institute, and the Indian Statistical Institute, even Science College. More
important, I could learn only a little at that time about the lives of Meghnad
Saha, Shanti Bhatnagar, and Homi Bhabha, three people who dominate
this book. Everything written about them was too thin to be interesting and
too exemplary. I privately asked questions about each of them like “Did he
xiv / Preface

take short-cuts? Did he have disappointments? Did he reach dead ends in
his thinking? Was he ever opposed? Did he have a sense of humor?” I was
asking how different epochs perceive the acts of great scientists, and how the
heroic narratives about them are created and developed: the cultural expec-
tations seemed to be that these scientists must be both romantic intellectual
virtuosi and cunning bureaucratic strategists (and in India, good “family
men”), all at once. And, in these biographies, where were all the people who
made the work of these heroes possible?
But there was simply too little information then to answer these ques-
tions. I did what I could but encountered a respectful and secure wall around
Bhabha, a decorative fence of flowers around Saha, and almost nothing
around Bhatnagar. I learned about (but did not see) Bhabha’s office, un-
touched since his recent death, and observed a 1967 visit to TIFR by his
lifelong companion Pipsi Wadia for the first time since the 1966 plane ac-
cident. I looked many times at Homi Bhabha’s paintings, and strolled often
in his garden at the institute. I picked up Bhabha stories and Saha stories,
some of them very interesting, but I had mostly to rely on authorized and
rather administrative memorials. Bhabha’s story was more closed because
of his knowledge of the major strategic questions recently facing nuclear
India. I read the published biographies and speeches of Shanti Bhatnagar
but found little more written about this influential person. When I moved
to the Saha Institute in 1968, Meghnad Saha had been dead for more than
twelve years, but he at least had authorized a frank and colorful biography
for his sixtieth birthday, just before his death. I saw only Saha’s published
speeches on science, statements in Parliament, and editorials from Science
and Culture, but none of his copious correspondence, available only thirty
years later. Though most of his immediate family was still alive, and his son
Ajit Saha was a physics professor in the institute, I learned only enough to
make a sketch and now knew how big a hole I would have to fill if I were to
understand properly the lives of these men and their historic contexts: who
was I, a mere dissertation writer, to fill that hole anyway?
While working with postwar refugees in Bangladesh in 1972–73, in
communities with numerous Saha families in them, I was inspired to visit
Saha’s native village about an hour by bus north of Dhaka. I began to pre-
pare a manuscript from the first chapter of my dissertation, and this was
published two years later as Building Scientific Institutions in India: Meghnad
Saha and Homi Bhabha.
7
When that monograph went to press in early 1974,
this subject was, in North America at least, regarded as very obscure indeed.
Then a few months later the first Indian nuclear test in the Rajasthan Desert
changed that, and suddenly though briefly it was important to understand
Preface / xv

science and scientists in India. But since my book contained little more
about the nuclear weapon readiness of India than could be seen in the pages
of the New York Times or the Times of India, it appealed more to those with
a long-term view of how science and technology developed in India and
other poor countries. Although not easily available, the book was serial-
ized in India in three issues of Science Today (then published monthly in
Bombay by the Times of India), and thus reached about 1 million readers in
India during 1976.
8
Apart from an article in Contributions to Indian Sociology
in 1977, I accepted the disinterest in this subject in the world around me
and turned to other research on tropical forests and rice cultivation systems.
But eight months before the second Indian nuclear tests in 1998, I was in
Cambridge as a visiting fellow and began to realize how many new sources
were available to fill out the earlier picture I had formed, including formerly
secret documents. People were now more willing to speak about the past. So
I began to rework my earlier book on Saha and Bhabha, decided to include
the new material on Bhatnagar, and began to build what is now seen in your
hands. I visited India in January 1998 and had the conversations described
in chapter 1, unaware of the preparations for the second nuclear bomb test
a few months later.
xvi / Preface

Ackno wle d gments
This book has been so long in writing that many people may now be oblivi-
ous of the debt I owe them. I wish I had thanked them earlier. In some cases,
unfortunately, my appreciation is expressed posthumously. Some named
here engaged in occasional yet important conversations; others helped over
many years, as friends, teachers, and guides. Throughout this work I have
received the kindness of strangers, and though I don’t really know how to
reciprocate, I only trust that this result is of value to most of them. I recog-
nize that I may omit from acknowledgment some important names, and
apologize now if this occurred. My colleagues in India always persuaded
me that this work was worth rethinking and writing, after twenty-five years
away from it.
Following a lucky introduction to India as a young student at San-
tiniketan and Madras Christian College in 1961 and 1962, I stumbled upon
this subject. I learned first from my teachers at the University of British Co-
lumbia, particularly social scientists Kaspar Naegele, Joseph Richardson,
and Cyril Belshaw, physicist Myer Bloom and a host of Indian students
of science and engineering, most of whom will have forgotten their Cana-
dian encounter with me in the 1960s. Later, in Vancouver, I had continu-
ing support from Barrie Morrison, Michael Ames, John Wood, Edwin Levy,
Tirthankar and Mandakranta Bose, Tony Beck, and in Seattle from Paul
Brass. The regular collegial meetings of scholars of South Asia in Vancouver
and Seattle kept me informed about studies of India.
At the University of Chicago, I am indebted to Edward Shils, who very
patiently supervised the original dissertation in his thoughtful and penetrat-
ing manner (though it terrified me at moments). To my teachers Milton
Singer, Bernard Cohn, McKim Marriot, Nur Yalman, A. K. Ramanujan, M. N.

Srinivas, Claude Lévi-Strauss, David Schneider, Clifford Geertz, Saul Bellow,
Louis Dumont, Hannah Arendt, and Mircea Eliade, I offer a long and belated
gesture of thanks. I am always grateful also to astrophysicist S. Chandrasekhar,
experimental physicist Roger Hildebrand, and space researcher John
Simpson for many conversations about research and the steps they took to
facilitate my work in India. And to fellow students G. Srinivasan, Akos Os-
tor, Lina Fruzetti, and Paul Rabinow—now all distinguished researchers—I
owe the debt for challenging conversations and the buzz of graduate student
life in Chicago. To David DeVorkin at the National Air and Space Museum,
Washington, Indira Chowdhury at TIFR, and Abha Sur at MIT, I send thanks
for an exchange of ideas about Meghnad Saha and Homi Bhabha.
At the Centre for Developing Area Studies at McGill University in Mon -
treal in 1970–71, I began the first version of this book, called Building Sci-
entific Institutions in India: Meghnad Saha and Homi Bhabha (1975). The
anthropologist Richard Salisbury, who graciously wrote its preface, and
Rosalind Boyd-Jeeroburkhan, who skillfully edited it, both gave steady and
thoughtful encouragement. I am grateful for the centre’s permission to in-
clude that material here.
Some of the work for this book was done while I was a visiting fellow at
the National Institute of Science, Technology, and Development in Delhi
in 1998, and I am grateful for the facilities and encouragement provided
for me there. I recommenced this project while a visiting fellow at Corpus
Christi College in Cambridge in 1997 and 1998, and I thank the Master Sir
Tony Wrigley and Fellows for that extraordinary opportunity.
In Delhi in 1998, I was aided by Ashok Jain, director of the National
Institute for Science, Technology, and Development Studies, and his col-
leagues S. Irfan Habib, Dinesh Obrol, Druv Raina, and Rajeswari Raina, and
encouraged by Shiv Visvanathan at the Centre for the Study of Developing
Societies, Deepak Kumar and V. V. Krishna at Jawaharlal Nehru University;
I began invaluable conversations with A. Rahman, Ashok Parthasarathy,
Upen Trivedi, Sukhamoy Chakravarty, Kamla Chowdhury, Ram Prasad, and
a couple of other experts who asked not to be named.
I am very grateful for conversations with or support by individuals in
Kolkata, Himani Banerji, Satyendranath Bose, Shantimoy Chatterjee, B. D.
Nagchaudhuri, Sajni Kripalani, Indranil Chakraborty (for his assistance with
the photographs), and particularly at the Saha Institute, Manoj Pal, Dipti Pal,
Bikash Sinha, Binayak Dutta-Ray, and Atri Mukhopadhyay; in Mumbai, I
am indebted to Vikram Sarabhai, Rustom D. Choksi, B. Choksi, J. J. Bhabha;
and particularly at the Tata Institute, M. G. K. Menon, Virendra Singh, P. P.
Divakaran, Yash Pal, Obaid Siddiqi, R. Narasimhan, B. M. Udgaonkar,
xviii / Acknowledgments

Govind Swarup, Oindrila Ray, and B. V. Sreekantan; in Ahmedabad, I was
greatly helped by Padmanabh Joshi and writer Amrita Shah; in Pune, I was
kindly assisted by S. Ananthakrishnan and G. S. Swarup; in Chennai, by S. C.
Sathya, formerly of Indian Space Research Organization, and N. Ram, editor
of the Hindu; in Bangalore, I am grateful for guidance from G. Srinivasan,
Sir C. V. Raman, Satish Dhawan, B. V. Subbarayappa, A. Ratnakar, V. Nan-
jundiah, M. N. Srinivas, Girija Srinivasan, and Amulya Reddy. In Tiruvan-
thapuram, I am grateful to writer Gopal Raj; I recognize particularly the
work and influence of physicist and historian G. Venkatraman (formerly of
Bhabha Atomic Research Centre and now at Puttaparathi), a person who
has made the history of science in India come alive through his books and
whose insight and sharp memory are seldom equaled.
In Cambridge, during a number of visits as visiting fellow at both Corpus
Christi College and Clare Hall since 1997, I was encouraged and assisted by
Sir Christopher Bayley, librarians and the weekly seminar on South Asia,
the late Raj Chandravarkar, James Crawford, Romila Thapar, Asiya Siddiqui,
Haroon Ahmed, Benjamin Zachariah, Sulagna Roy, Christopher Andrew,
Arne Wested, Ekhard Salje, Stephen Hugh-Jones, and Alan Macfarlane.
Archivists have been most helpful and courteous to me at the following
archives: Churchill College, Cambridge; University Library, University of
Cambridge; the Royal Society, London; National Archives, Kew, London;
British Library, London; Saha Institute for Nuclear Physics, Kolkata; Tata
Institute for Fundamental Research, Mumbai; National Institute for Science,
Technology, and Development (CSIR), Delhi; National Archives of Canada,
Ottawa.
The financial support from Canada Council for support for the field-
work in India in 1967–69 is gratefully acknowledged, as is the University
of Chicago’s financial support for my original studies. I have visited India
numerous times since 1961 and have written books about forestry and rice
agriculture there. All the ensuing experience provided the context for inter-
preting the evidence in this book. I thank again those hundreds of Indian
researchers who spoke to me and acknowledge here that their insights about
the sciences and the larger scientific community have been invaluable: their
generosity of ideas is like a grand sunrise, and I could not have succeeded
without their clarity and candor over the years. My graduate students at
Simon Fraser University have also kept me informed about India. A Simon
Fraser University President’s Research Grant in 1997–98 and a University
Publication Grant in 2008–9 supported completion of this work; the expert
administrative team at the School of Communication under Lucie Menkveld
cheerfully enabled me to complete this work.
Acknowledgments / xix

My editors Christie Henry, Jean Eckenfels, Erin DeWitt, and Dmitri Sand-
beck at the University of Chicago Press and indexer Margaret Manery have
been able to turn an average writer’s prose into something finer, and I am
very grateful to have had their guidance and support.
It is customary to acknowledge the support of family and friends when
putting a book to bed. Over such a long period, our children have grown
and my dear wife, Kathy Mezei, has generously accompanied and loyally
encouraged me all along, including during separations caused by this work.
And because friends have grown to wonder about my long study of a subject
so far away, in reply, here it is.
Robert Anderson
Vancouver, 2009
xx / Acknowledgments

N o t e on Spelling , Pho t o graphs, and Currencies
Many of the quotations are from British and Indian sources and where pos-
sible those original spellings have been conserved. Changes in the names
of cities like Kolkata (Calcutta), Mumbai (Bombay), Pune (Poona), and
Chennai (Madras) occurred after most of the usage in this book, so the
original spelling has been largely conserved. Note also that names were and
are variously spelled and printed in India, so that the same person Asutosh
Mookerjee is also sometimes Asutosh Mukherjee, and B. D. Nag Chaudhury
is also sometimes B. D. Nagchaudhuri.
All photographs are used with prior permission, as credited. Photogra-
phers are unfortunately unknown, except where mentioned in captions. In
many cases the captions had to be verified by circumstantial evidence as
original notes were unavailable. Note that a large photographic archive in
Delhi associated with Shanti Bhatnagar of the CSIR appears to have been
destroyed recently by administrative mistake, so that there are few pictures
of him available. There is also an overrepresentation of certain scientific
leaders in the available photographic archives, and this constraint explains
the limits on the range of pictures shown here.
The rupee was exchanged at a stable rate with the UK pound and US dollar
between 1926 and 1966, at Rs 4.75 = $1.00. The rupee was devalued 36 per
cent in 1966, and it thereafter exchanged at Rs 7.5 = $1.00 officially until
1975, when it rose to Rs 8.4 = $1.00. Though in 1980 the exchange rate was
Rs 7.8 = $1.00, by 1985 the rate had fallen to Rs 12.4 = $1.00. Through this
period it was pegged to a basket of trading currencies. But these official values
do not account for the unofficial exchange rate, which in 1970 was Rs 13.00 =
$1.00 (compared with the official rate of Rs 7.5 = $1.00) and in 1975 was
Rs 16.00 = $1.00. Between 1969 and 1979 the unofficial value of the rupee
with the UK pound declined by half. As a rule of thumb, before 1966 to con-
vert rupees to dollars, divide by five; after 1966 up to 1980, divide by 8.

Atomic energy, space, and defense research centers in 1974

Atomic Energy, Space, and Defense Research Centers in 1974
Ahmedabad: Physical Research Laboratory
Experimental Satellite Communications Earth Stat ion
Satellite Instructional Television Experiment
Alwaye: Rare Earths plant
Bangalore: Indian Space Research Organisation
Baroda: Heavy Water Plant
Bombay: Tata Institute of Fundamental Research
Microwave Antenna Systems Engineering group
Tata Memorial Medical Centre
Calcutta: Saha Institute of Nuclear Physics
Variable Energy Cyclotron
Chandigarh: Terminal Ballistic Research Laboratory
Chavara: Mineral Sands Extraction
Delhi: Atomic Minerals Division
D efence Science Laboratory
Gauribidanur: Seismic Station
Gulmarg: High-Altitude Research Centre
Hyderabad: Nuclear Fuel Reprocessing Complex
Electronics Corporation
National Balloon Launching Facility
D efence Metallurgy Research Laboratory
D efence Research & Development Laboratory
Jaduguda: Uranium Corporation Mine and Refinery
Kalpakkam: Atomic Power Station
Breeder Reactor Research Station
Manavalakuruchi: Mineral Sands Extraction
Nangal: Heavy Water Plant
Ootacamund: Radio Astronomy Centre
Pokhran: Nuclear Bomb Test Site
Poona E xplosive Development Research Laboratory
Armament Research & Development Laboratory
Rana Pratap Sagar: Atomic Power Station
Heavy Water Plant
Sriharikota: Rocket Launching Station
Solid Propellant Plant
Static Test Evaluation Complex
Tarapur: Atomic Power Station

Thumba: Sarabhai Space Science and Technology Centre
Equatorial Rocket Launching Station
Rocket Propellant Plant
Rocket Fabrication Facility
Trombay: Bhabha Atomic Research Centre
Tuticorin: Heavy Water Plant
Note: Map place-name spellings are consistent with usage in 1974.

A b breviations
AEC Atomic Energy Commission (India)
BARC Bhabha Atomic Research Centre, Trombay
BEL Bharat Electronics Ltd.
BHEL Bharat Heavy Electricals Ltd.
CANDU Canada Deuterium Uranium (reactor)
CIRUS Canada-India-US Reactor, Trombay
COST Committee on Science and Technology
CSIR Council for Scientific and Industrial Research
DAE Department of Atomic Energy
EPW Economic and Political Weekly
FRS Fellow of the Royal Society, London
IACS Indian Association for the Cultivation of Science,
Calcutta
IIM Indian Institute of Management
IISc Indian Institute of Science, Bangalore
IIT Indian Institute of Technology
ISC Indian Science Congress
ISRO Indian Space Research Organisation, Bangalore
NCL National Chemical Laboratory, Poona
NCST National Committee on Science and Technology
NPL National Physical Laboratory, Delhi
PRL Physical Research Laboratory, Ahmedabad

SACC Scientific Advisory Committee to Cabinet
SINP Saha Institute of Nuclear Physics, Calcutta
SNEPP Study of Nuclear Explosions for Peaceful Purposes,
Trombay
TIFR Tata Institute for Fundamental Research, Bombay
xxvi / Abbreviations

O N E
Introduction
When important discoveries about fission occurred in 1939, a handful of
scientists in India read the news, understood the physics, and realized its
implications. They passed the war in relative isolation until 1944, when
they began to plan nuclear research and went on a tour of atomic research
facilities in Britain, Canada, and the United States. Revealing curiosity and
awareness while visiting some of these facilities, they were questioned by
American intelligence officers early in 1945 to uncover how much they re-
ally “knew.” This was six months before the first atomic bomb tests in New
Mexico. On the eve of India’s Independence in 1947, more than a handful
of her scientists understood the potentials and risks of nuclear weapons and
nuclear power: an Indian physicist had already been sent by the govern-
ment of India in 1945 to ground zero at Hiroshima and returned to Delhi
to report on the destruction. Scientists established the Indian Atomic Energy
Committee in 1946, obtained hard currency for research and development,
and, away from the sight of the preoccupied British governors, forged a
program that eventually built laboratories, started research, and sent people
abroad for training. They were building upon international networks they
had already established over many years, long before this nuclear opportu-
nity presented itself.
At this stage “nuclear India” was hardly taken seriously outside the coun-
try except by a few foreign scientists who in 1947–48 appreciated the intel-
lectual sophistication of India’s scientists and by a few strategic planners in
four or five countries who wished to create a new relationship with India
for their benefit. But even if a “nuclear India” was not taken seriously in its
early days, not everyone was indifferent to India’s usefulness to their inter-
ests, interests that were surely among the stimulants of the Indian nuclear
program. Well before its Independence in 1947, India had more than a

/ Chapter One
handful of people who anticipated what a modern scientific community
would look like and what its scientific institutions would require to survive.
Based in scientific institutions already established, this nucleus of scientific
founders sought the ways and means to build new institutions that would
both resemble those they admired abroad and be effective in the Indian
context. They believed science was worth pursuing for its own sake, and
for their own sake too. Equally important, they understood the implica-
tions for India of many of the strategic developments of their day. They
had longed for the opportunity to get to work, on their own terms, in their
own country. Nuclear development was at the center of those ambitions,
and it took on an allure, an attraction, and importance that overshadowed
other scientific initiatives. They expected that with political independence
could come industrial and energy independence. At this stage in 1947–48
only one country had built an atomic bomb, and there is no evidence that
Indian scientists thought that India should or could do so. But they viewed
nuclear power to be clearly superior as a source of cheap energy. This was to
be the inspirational basis for India’s nuclear program, seen in the context of
“scientific development.”
Moreover, this nucleus of scientists starting to experiment with nuclear
development had already established relationships with individuals in other
countries who were engaged in similar applications of science to strategic
development. People in political power in India, right up to the prime min-
ister, thus relied heavily on the opinion and judgment of these scientists in
a rapidly changing technical field. These scientists had earned international
reputations, and India did not yet have much of an international reputation
that could be used in the inevitable negotiations and transactions which In-
dependence brought. Collectively and individually, well before 1947, scien-
tists had set in motion the efforts to build new institutions to do research at
international levels and train new generations of competent scientists who
would stay and work in India. Scientific leaders sought to insert these new
institutions into the financial bloodstream of the new state, to install and
manage them as securely as their political influence would allow, and to at-
tract people to come from abroad and work in these laboratories, including
people not born in India.
There are few countries as large and complex as India or with as long a
history of scientific inquiry and engagement with the intellectual scientific
traditions of other countries. This has been, to use a tired phrase, a “centuries-
long encounter.” The sciences in India, as elsewhere, were site-specific and
context-sensitive, drawing on the special characteristics of the cultures and

Introduction /
societies in which they grew. The scientists who formed the nucleus of
a scientific community were about to learn just how context-sensitive sci-
ence would be and how dependent on India’s special characteristics. The
youngest among them were also about to learn that a skeptical critique of
science and scientists would grow up around them and that a resistance to
big and expensive scientific projects, even an antiscience attitude, would
eventually assert itself in the 1970s. Their seniors did not live long enough
to see this happen: Meghnad Saha, Shanti Bhatnagar, Homi Bhabha, whose
lives form a nucleus of the story here, and their patron Jawaharlal Nehru
died before that more critical attitude flowered. For the younger scientists,
this resistance contradicted and shook their confident belief in the virtues
of scientific thinking and research. But India had many other needs and
wants, and a creative and innovative scientific community was only one of
them. More important, some of those other needs were unmet for an un
acceptably long time, even according to most Indians. But, like other modern
societies, India addressed, accommodated, and integrated that skepticism
about scientific projects—an accommodation that is itself a key strand of
the evolution of the sciences in every country.
1
It is not an exaggeration to say that the nucleus of scientists only learned
about the revolutionary and confrontational quality of their work as they
went along. Though confident, they were relying most on their imagina-
tions. There was no textbook for the development of science and technol-
ogy, no formula for managing its relationship with power, no theoretic or
conceptual analysis of the process, no workshops to attend. And they did
not have a broad grasp of what had gone before the mid-twentieth century
in India because they could not obtain one: the synthesis had not been
carefully done, much of the evidence about the history of modern science
and technology was lost from mainstream understandings, and the role of
science and technology had been inevitably tucked in to some other sweep-
ing interpretation of history that (often) sought to break fiercely upon
the bulwark of colonialism. When I began this study in the 1960s, there
was almost no sustained writing, based on empirical sources, about sci-
ence and technology in the twentieth century in India.
2
Therefore, not only
scientific leaders but also the Indian public and its leaders had incoherent
and incomplete understandings of the institutional and individual origins
of the development of science and technology, when this building of nu-
clear India began. Their view of scientific policies and practices thus had
an incomplete and ineffective quality for a long time, at least until a more
holistic grasp of the situation was possible. Then those understandings rose

/ Chapter One
to address and contest one another, leading to a theme of this book con-
cerning the disagreements about the path toward self-reliance in a high-
technology economy.
From being slightly marginal and rather eccentric intellectuals at the
beginning of the twentieth century, by its middle, scientists commanded
great respect. That some of them concentrated on nuclear power and nu-
clear weapons is not surprising; they were acting in concert with their peers
all over the world, and they knew it. This book focuses on the long institu-
tional and individual preparations for the first nuclear test in 1974 and its
immediate consequences. Though some abhorred it, the first bomb test was
the sign of achievement some scientists were waiting for. The test’s conse-
quences confirmed to the prime minister and her advisors both the risk and
the advantages that they suspected lay in the test. But along the way a large and
complex scientific community was created, without whom none of this would
have been possible. Secrecy began to segment the work of some individuals
and groups away from mainstream discourse. But if one focuses too narrowly
on the threads leading to the bomb, one misses the complex embedded-
ness of these people, their research groups, and their institutions in a wider
and supportive community. That very community lifted their careers and
projects on a rising tide.
3
Though important and interesting, this theme of
the bomb should not mislead us into thinking that those threads, broken or
interrupted in places, stand all on their own; this book is about a texture, not
some threads. Nor should we think that physics and engineering stand in for
all the sciences; each has its distinct history, all forming part of the texture.
Nucleus and Nation
Although great attention has been paid to why India developed an atomic
bomb, much less attention has been paid to how this was done, by whom,
and with what means and objectives. Building on primary research in
archives, personal interviews, observations, and newspapers, combined
with the research and thoughts of others, I explore the establishment of the
necessary scientific institutions and how they evolved to maturity, support-
ing a substantial scientific community. There emerged a nucleus of individ-
uals who knew the physics, chemistry, mathematics, and engineering, made
the plans, or built the context and apparatus for the nuclear explosion in
1974. Meanwhile the values of this scientific community and the interests
of its institutions were articulated by a few individuals who are the heart
of this story. Though their objectives could never be reduced simply to the
construction of a bomb, they had long imagined a nuclear India and were

Introduction /
dedicated to building a modern scientific state in which they would have a
central place and key role.
The definition of “community” is stretched widely here, beyond phys-
ics, to include most of those people who considered themselves part of the
scientific community. Thus, not just mathematicians and astronomers but
also doctors, engineers, lab technicians, industrial and medical researchers,
and technologists were included by definition in India’s scientific commu-
nity. Indeed, a central figure in this story was trained as a colloidal chemist.
This inclusiveness is necessary because in India all these occupations and
professions were thought (by others) to embody scientific thinking or the
scientific spirit. In the popular imagination, because doctors know chemis-
try and engineers know physics (no matter how much), they were included
as members of the scientific community, even though only a few doctors or
engineers would attend the annual Indian Science Congress, where scien-
tists gathered to meet the prime minister. Nevertheless, even though their
professions differed greatly, science was a point of reference for all these
people with respect to values and their fascination with their subjects. They
saw science more as a movement than as an institution, thus enabling them
to join together. All of these different kinds of people would have been
among the million people who read India’s Science Today in the 1960s and
1970s. All these people would have stood up and testified in court on be-
half of science, so to speak, particularly if scientists were contradicted or
confronted by unscientific ideas or unscientific people.
4
They would have
pointed unhesitatingly to their own scientific values. Much of the concluding
chapter addresses how they articulated and defended these values when
some thought they were at risk.
In the title of this book, “nation” has three senses, including first the
mythic entity imagined by people in the pre-1947 period; second, the grad-
ual political unification of the society’s heterogeneous composition (eventu-
ally twenty-four “official” languages and twenty-eight states); and third, the
instruments of a sovereign national state that were used from 1947 onward
to define and control national sovereignty and finance its institutions. “Nu-
cleus” in the title has two senses: one refers to a small group of influential
scientists and the other to a tiny invisible entity in physics that many of
them studied. The term “power” also has two senses here—the political
variety and the physical variety; the first is the capacity to influence others
and mobilize resources toward desired outcomes (“power over” and “power
to”), and the second is the power that generates; for example, electricity
generated by steam power heated by burning coal or by “burning” uranium
fuel rods. This electrical power was to be the key to a modern industrial

/ Chapter One
economy, and rapid rural electrification in countries like the Soviet Union
and the United States excited scientists in India and citizens alike.
“International networks” here describe a number of elastic coalitions,
formal alliances, and professional friendships by means of which informa-
tion was exchanged and influence flowed. Networks often ran through in-
stitutions and were molded by technical things (like certain types of nuclear
reactor and their fuel cycles), so these networks were always a combination
of personal and material things. The properties of technical things, such as
their difficulty, their scarcity, their risk, their beauty, their cost, and their
unexpected applications all shaped and changed networks. The personal
and material became inseparable in these networks, operating at a barely
conscious level. But it is the information about these technical things,
and the flow of influence around them, that gave life to these networks.
These networks also ran both secretly and openly, along parallel paths. The
secrecy required by the state was balanced by the openness required by sci-
entific communication; the friendship or familiarity that made many links
in these networks viable was both instrumental and deeply personal. Thus
the faces of secrecy, professional openness, and private friendships were in-
herent properties of the networks, and each actor presented all three of these
faces during their work. Actor network theory has guided my approach; in
the networks shown here actors mobilize their resources and allies through
their networks, constantly building and adding to them while letting drop
those inactive parts. Actors perform well or poorly, mobilize widely or nar-
rowly, and as agents often get themselves into irreversible situations (a
form of entrapment, allocating more resources when earlier similar com-
mitments have borne no fruit). Big technical projects like reactors or rockets
were absorbed in the consciousness of scientists and technologists, so that
the networks acted through these material things but were by no means
reduced to them. Even those big things like reactors were unthinkable and
undoable without very small things like calculators, slide rules, probability
theory, data books—all of which were essential to these networks too. This
complexity means that speaking in shorthand about them here leaves much
important detail out, which cannot be helped. In this volume part of the
activity of these networks is missing, in that some of the international and
multilateral connectivity is treated in a following volume on nuclear bar-
gains and bargaining.
5
My focus is less on the first Indian bomb itself than on the nucleus
of people who made it possible, whether knowingly or not, and on their
relation to the nation and its political leadership, right up to prime minis-
ters. The bomb is set in a web of prerequisites and long-term entailments,

Introduction /
like nuclear reactors and their physicists and engineers, heavy water and
its chemists, missiles and their metallurgists, and the money, power, and
financiers necessary to their assembly and deployment. The purpose of this
book is to see these developments through Indian lenses, and largely as an
extension of Indian interests, which were naturally very sensitive to inter-
national trends and influences. The bomb and the reactors are a focusing
device to understand the scientific community in India. This volume is a
companion to Negotiating Nuclear Power: Bargains, Reactors, and the Bomb in
India, where the operation of these networks and their developments will
be seen through the lenses of foreign powers and interests, largely as exten-
sions of their nuclear power.
The Indian Scientific Community and the 1998 Nuclear Tests:
Why Does the History of Science and Technology Matter?
In May 1998 the desert under Rajasthan heaved, melted, and echoed with
the blast of a series of nuclear bomb tests, followed by a wave of public
enthusiasm and private apprehension. Almost immediately Pakistan tested
its own nuclear bombs, deforming a whole mountain near the capital Is-
lamabad. These were nuclear test explosions, devices more than bombs, and
definitely not military weapons. But everyone called them bombs. Since the
word is no longer reserved for something delivered and dropped from the
air, but also for something that can be left in a bag in a train to explode le-
thally in the middle of Mumbai or London, these Indian devices were bombs
after all. And the Indian path has been followed by others too—Pakistan,
North Korea, and eventually perhaps Iran. Curiously, many people outside
India (and some inside) thought the 1998 test was the first Indian nuclear
test, didn’t know about the 1974 test, and knew little about the history of
science and how India’s scientific institutions had made this possible. Such
a history is now being told, notably by Perkovich, Abraham, Chengappa,
Parthasarathi, Srinivasan, and others, and this book contributes an essen-
tial part of that deeper understanding.
6
Far from putting other science and
technology activities “on hold,” the 1998 bomb tests were embedded in a
vast matrix of personal, institutional, national, and international initiatives,
some routine and others extraordinary. The Economic and Political Weekly
immediately chastised the chairman of the AEC, physicist R. Chidambaram,
for saying that “without assured national security, development falters.”
7
In
this section I lay out what part of that matrix looked like in 1998. This is the
approach I have taken to a detailed understanding of the matrix of initia-
tives surrounding the first atomic bomb test in 1974.

/ Chapter One
Though there was jubilation, there was also criticism of the tests in 1998,
and condemnation by some countries, silence among others. While the
prime minister talked naively of carrying Pokhran’s blasted earth around
India for people to see, dissenting voices emerged, and within the scien-
tific community a disagreement with nuclear policy percolated again to the
surface. Six months later, in November 1998, new legislation created the
National Security Council involving the prime minister’s office, the minister
of Defence, and chiefs of staff in nuclear weapons decisions: it was striking
that scientists were no longer to be included in the inner circle of nuclear
deliberations, a break with forty years’ practice. Also in November of that
year state elections were held, and the prime minister’s party, the Bharatiya
Janata Party (BJP), did not gain seats or states, but lost them. At this stage he
decided to appoint Abdul Kalam as principal scientific advisor to the gov-
ernment, a role that held cabinet rank: Kalam, whose professional origins
lay in the satellite and missile program, was widely seen as a leader in the
second bomb test program of 1998. On the first anniversary of the 1998
tests (known as Pokhran II) the prime minister celebrated the triumph of
India’s emergence (again) as a nuclear power, but now with an accurate mis-
sile delivery system that did not exist in 1974. He called it “a day of pride.”
But he did this from an election campaign trail he was forced onto when
his government lost a confidence vote in Parliament. Again, it is unlikely
that nuclear weapons enhanced the political fortunes of the people (and
parties) who ordered them, although the tests confirmed the importance
of the institutions, individuals, companies, and international relationships
that made them possible.
Shortly after the first anniversary of these 1998 tests, 50,000 Indian
troops were locked in high-altitude combat with 50,000 members of the
Pakistan army at Kargil on the border of Kashmir in 1999, combat in which
almost 1,700 Indian soldiers and about 700 Pakistani soldiers were killed.
8

There is evidence to suggest that one effect of this military confrontation
on a strategically insignificant glacier was the reelection four months later
of Prime Minister Vajpayee and the BJP, and a consensus suggested this
combat in Kashmir, rather than the bomb, was decisive for that BJP election
victory. The enthusiasm surrounding the previous year’s nuclear tests alone
did not seem to have provided the BJP with a reelection success in 1999.
This is the not the first government to enjoy electoral support following an
armed conflict, but this particular conflict was played out for the first time
in the shadow of military nuclear bombs on both sides.
During 1998 and 2005 I revisited a number of scientific institutions in
India, discussing the subject of this book with people I have known for

Introduction /
thirty years, as well as people I had never met before.
9
The themes of these
conversations circled around self-reliance in science and technology, the
contest over intellectual property rights for ancient knowledge in India, ar-
resting the brain drain of well-trained people out of India, and resistance
to interference from outside India. Their other preoccupations in 1998 in-
cluded how scientists are treated in the news and how to find ways to make
scientific institutions innovate, produce revenue, and be less dependent on
government funding. Each of these themes is dramatically foreshadowed
during the history of modern science and technology from 1920 to 1980;
each has a lineage back through the twentieth century that this book uncovers
and explains.
My first stop in January 1998 was for the Indian Science Congress at
Hyderabad, where a full day was given to celebrating and questioning the
achievements of the nuclear power program.
10
Nuclear leaders all spoke
about the huge demand for electric power and the limited means in In-
dia to generate it, concurring that nuclear sources still account for only a
very small percentage of the total electrical supply in India and admitting
that most nuclear power plants still do not produce electricity up to their
technical capacity. There was a strong mood of optimism about the future
contribution of atomic energy to India’s energy budget. By 2006 there were
fourteen power reactors operating with an installed capacity of 6,600 MW, all
running at an (official) average of about 85 percent capacity, on a par with
reactors in other countries. The capacity thus had doubled since the begin-
ning of the century. This electricity, however, still provided a very small
percentage of the country’s overall requirements, and some experts did not
accept the official operating performance data.
Five months before the Pokhran II tests, experts at the Science Con-
gress made numerous references in 1998 to the effects of a “technological
embargo” imposed by the United States because India had not signed the
Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. The discussion revolved around the re-
cent achievement of an operational fast breeder reactor that will use India’s
300,000 tons of thorium deposits and allow conversion of spent natural-
uranium fuel into plutonium for the fast breeder reactor. According to one
press report, the imported component of the fast breeder, including pay-
ments for French design and know-how, was about 22 percent of the overall
cost.
11
In 1998 India was also building a reactor with Russian design and
assistance in South India, puzzling local experts who expected that, after
forty years, India would insist on doing such projects on her own. The Indian
refusal to sign the NPT had its origins in a number of factors, among them
the perceived hypocrisy of the Nuclear Club accepting China as a member

10 / Chapter One
but excluding India: this was one reason for the 1998 atomic tests. Another
reason for the tests was the mirror of the previous one—that China was
acknowledged as a great power with a seat on the Security Council whereas
India was not. So, after much debate and handwringing, the United States
and Canada both agreed on nuclear cooperation with India in 2005 (in the
American case as part of a huge proposed sale of F16 fighter jets and in the
Canadian case on terms that were characteristically more vague). Though
the embargo was lifted in 2005–6, it was not until 2008 that these relation-
ships were operational.
Irritation with the technology embargo was also evident in the pub-
lic media in 1998, loudly amplified by attempts of US firms to establish
patents on a number of plants and substances traditionally used in India,
like neem, mustard, basmati rice, Darjeeling tea, among others. US patents
have been taken out on these and many other plants, perhaps as many as
one hundred patents, according to media reports. A patent granted by the
US Patent Office for the wound-healing properties of turmeric powder was
challenged by the government of India and overturned in August 1997, to
much popular satisfaction in India. Another patent was filed in the United
States for a strain of basmati rice. This was portrayed in India’s popular
media as an American attempt to ignore India’s historical genetic heritage
and traditional knowledge and manipulate the market to American advan-
tage (no other country was singled out for this disapproval). The Council
of Scientific and Industrial Research was advised by the prime minister, the
chair of its board, to copy the powerful companies and countries and to re-
write India’s intellectual property rights law in order to protect its heritage.
12

This book provides an account of the politics of the intellectual property
issue from the time in which India introduced its own systems of patents.
Involved in “misappropriation” of computer software, some of it written in
India, and its unauthorized resale, Indians were told that they would have
to accept the rules of other nations if they were going to establish their own.
But they had a 200-year-long experience with rules set and manipulated by
others and have not forgotten it, so theirs was a contradictory spirit of defi-
ance (what’s in it for me?) and interdependence.
Caught up in their personal squabbles and volatile alliances, none of the
political parties campaigning for power in February 1998 seemed to under-
stand these technical issues or could position themselves in a credible sci-
entific sense for the election. One person, however, caused a stir inside the
scientific community because he joined the BJP on the eve of its election,
saying that he did so to bring this party into the world of science and tech-
nology, the party likely to govern. M. G. K. Menon disturbed many of his

Introduction / 11
colleagues by joining the BJP’s Manifesto Drafting Committee, explaining
confidently (in his defense to a colleague) that the BJP had no one with a
scientific background and he was necessary in order to provide ideas for pol-
icies. What surprised others was that Menon (seventy years old in 1998) had
held most of the top positions in the scientific elite (see Short Biographical
Notes) and could have gracefully retired. Acquaintances argued that Menon
overlooked the deeper reason why the Hindu-oriented and traditionalist
BJP had no core members with a scientific background and had no posi-
tions on science and technology issues, touching on very old sensitivities
about the scientific community’s commitment to political secularism going
back more than one hundred years. The following chapters examine the
tension between scientists and the appropriation of ancient beliefs in India,
beliefs embodied in the BJP’s outlook, particularly the section in chapter 25
on the “scientific temper” movement that began in the 1950s. In the subse-
quent years of the BJP government until its defeat in 2004, M. G. K. Menon
was not made a cabinet minister or an ambassador.
At the conclusion of an academic session on science and society at the
1998 Indian Science Congress at Hyderabad, a very large crowd gathered
and the path was strewn with rose petals by beautiful young women, pre-
paring for the arrival of Swami Ramachandran. The “Hindu consciousness
movement,” linked with international communities of Hindus, including
temple-based money-raising activities among the diaspora in other coun-
tries, has long engaged in outreach to sympathetic non-Hindus and was
able to mobilize large amounts of money, both outside and within In-
dia. This lecture by the swami was separated from the rest of the Science
Congress session but held in the same buildings at the same time, and the
swami spoke in English to an overflowing and attentive crowd on science
and spirituality, stressing the high calling of each “profession” (scientist and
swami) and their potentially deep affinities in the study of the complex and
the mysterious, a message of no-conflict and synthesis between spirituality
and science, all for the greater glory of India, what publicists were soon to
call “India shining.” A swami’s presence was unthinkable in the first Science
Congress I attended thirty years before (1968), but it was approved and ac-
ceptable now in 1998.
Many scientists took acute interest not just in the operatic dramas of
the mighty ones, but also in the quiet, sometimes tragic lives of ordinary
scientists: they directed me to a hot issue in early January 1998, namely, the
suicide of a scientific worker and the court case brought by CSIR’s Scientific
Workers Association against the CSIR. In the archives I discovered that there
was a record of suicide among scientific workers, beginning in 1960 with

12 / Chapter One
perhaps a total of thirty suicide deaths in the scientific community since
then, some widely publicized, others not (see chap. 14).
13
It is not the first
time scientists had taken their employers to court in order to release an
official inquiry’s report about their working conditions, the very conditions
that are often blamed for amplifying suicidal tendencies. But this was appar-
ently the first case of filing for public interest litigation.
14
The old debate of the 1940s and 1950s about self-reliance and the brain-
drain shifted in the late 1990s to focus on the export of scientific and intel-
lectual skills, particularly in software design, in which the classic fear of a
“loss” presented itself again. This time the brain drain appeared in the form
of the career drift of twenty-two-year-old whiz kids, trained in the Indian
Institutes of Technology and other universities and polished in private com-
puter schools. Offered twice the salaries even of their professors, they were
then snapped up by multinationals in India, while ignoring good positions
in scientific institutions in India—positions their professors had struggled
long and hard to create. Enticed by other countries, many moved abroad. By
1999 during the dot-com bubble, it was quite easy to get a green card to work
in the United States, at least until the crash of 2001. But a deeper apprehen-
sion was that the whiz kids were no longer coming to study mathematics
and physics and other natural sciences—their traditional destination. By
2005 this apprehension had become a tough reality in scientific recruitment,
matched by competition from other countries for the opportunity to train
these same young people.
Studying patent regulations in the United States, contesting inequity in
Indian labs, finding the right people to recruit to work in research groups—
all of these issues have very old roots, as this book demonstrates. Ultimately
this work must take its place among the histories and sociologies of sci-
ence and technology in India, but that placement now cannot be my pur-
pose. An excellent historiographic map is provided by Dhruv Raina.
15
He
charts the ascendance in India of the idea of science as a transcendent and
culturally universal enterprise, noting the tension between scientism and
romanticism, or more precisely an overcommitment to scientific thought
and practice as the answer to almost every question (scientism) and the
deep skepticism about “modern and/or western” scientists and science in
favor of alternate sciences including indigenous knowledge. In the 1970s,
says Raina, there was a decline in the commitment to scientism and to Neh
ruvian socialism. Raina examines the objectives underlying the creation of
and writing in the Indian Journal of the History of Science and decodes the
tendencies of its authors and editors, up to the 1992 special edition on
science in India 1900–1980, written by subject-specialists (e.g., botany by

Introduction / 13
a botanist) about the intellectual traditions and challenges of their subjects
but without much thought about the institutional or policy environments
in which this took place. Raina calls it “a lost opportunity for the history
of science” and “a product of the institutional dependence of the history of
science on the world of science” (pp. 127, 131).
The Scope of This Book
The units of analysis in this book have to be not only the individual scientist
but also the working group and the whole lab—with particular attention to
the scientific elite and decision-making processes in and for the scientific
community. These individuals and groups, and not just impersonal forces,
built the networks, fashioned the scientific community in India, and ex-
ercised (or criticized) the power. Although there were other candidates for
these roles, it was these key individuals discussed in this book, with these
lives, who turned out to be the important agents and the embodiment of
these wider forces and processes. Nevertheless, all along there were imper-
sonal forces running through all their opportunities, posing the possibilities
or obstacles to which individuals responded. The scientific community was
built by a good deal of competition, imitation, repetition, and some raw
genius. These stories are thus a little more about their “institutional lives”
than their strictly professional scientific lives, and it was these lives through
which individuals contested the limits set by an imperial-colonial system,
demonstrating that those excluded (for, say, being Indian) would have to
be admitted to the international system for reasons of their high perfor
mance (as scientists). Kumar, Baber, and Arnold provide an excellent ac-
count of the late nineteenth-century interplay of “European” and Indian
working relations in science in places like Calcutta, giving us clear pictures
of an almost apartheid-like working arrangement that was gradually break-
ing down in some places around 1914. The compulsion among British and
Indian scientists to communicate and collaborate was, when this story be-
gins in 1920, gradually having an effect. When Independence was achieved
and the exclusionary principles of socioeconomic class and status became
more powerful among Indians, a superior performance in science and tech-
nology remained an open path by which to contest and transcend limits set
by others; these individual pioneers blazed trails for many followers.
Frequent reference is made in India to the exemplary lives and abili-
ties of the scientist-founders of its scientific community—often without
knowledge of what their lives really were. In part this is so because realistic
accounts of these scientists’ lives have simply not been available and in

14 / Chapter One
part because such references were less about realism and more about praise
and celebration. The appetite for information about the “institutional lives”
of these famous people continued undiminished but largely unsatisfied.
Moreover, very little was written about the culture and organization of the
scientific institutions that enabled scientists to establish and refresh their
reputations, recruit new scientists, and sustain their relations with the pow-
ers in India and the rest of the world. Such research requires sustained and
observant presence “in the field,” an assiduous reading of boring adminis-
trative reports (if available), conversations involving patience and diplo-
macy: in short, “being there.”
16
It is sometimes said in India that to examine these great scientists’ lives
carefully is to disrespect them. But this is like saying that the critical analysis
of poetry demeans it. We need to understand how these scientists and tech-
nologists overcame the many obstacles they faced and to understand the
lessons their lives teach us. If we make a critical examination, then their
achievements stand out more clearly, along with their own critical assess-
ment of national development. The lives of scientific leaders under historical
analysis become exemplary in a new sense; no longer are they superhumans
or saints. Their stories are very human and demonstrate what others too
could accomplish if they tried; they would learn what has been tried, and the
consequences. In addition to their professional scientific achievements, we
are drawn to these remarkable people because of their complexity, tenacity,
and imagination. In fact with so few models available to them at the time,
much of their work was an exercise in the imaginary.
17
This book examines the careers of three men beginning in the 1920s,
their interaction with each other, and their relations with other significant
individuals like Jawaharlal Nehru. Meghnad Saha, Shanti Bhatnagar, and
Homi Bhabha are ideal illustrations of general patterns because of the vivid
contrasts between them. The book portrays their lives in terms of the insti-
tutions they built, the policies they pursued, and the battles they fought. In
addition, I discuss other scientists no less interesting: C. V. Raman, P. C. Ma-
halanobis, K. S. Krishnan, S. K. Mitra, S. N. Bose, D. S. Kothari, all of them
physicists, some with outstanding international reputations. Each of these
contemporaries deserves biographical attention in his own right, but only
C. V. Raman and to a lesser extent Meghnad Saha have received it. Finally,
this book examines the activities of new leaders like Vikram Sarabhai and
his colleagues who reconstituted the scientific establishment from the mid-
1960s onward. I consider Sarabhai and his successors in the 1970s (M. G. K.
Menon, Raja Ramanna, Homi Sethna, Satish Dhawan) and the institutions
they directed to be the “offspring” of Saha, Bhatnagar, and Bhabha and

Introduction / 15
their contemporaries like Raman and Krishnan.
18
These are the two genera-
tions that led India toward its high-tech future. But the collective memories
of Saha, Bhatnagar, and Bhabha were at risk of becoming overdetermined,
making them distorted historic “figurines,” in that they carried too much
baggage, were used to answer too many questions, and (like Nehru) over-
shadowed others who also had a right to be known on the historical stage.
I have tried to unwind those distortions here, using archival material when
possible.
19
These individuals formed a nucleus of the scientific community; they
built the labs, sat on the committees, managed the funds, and persuaded
the powerful to support them and their institutions. They achieved interna-
tional recognition, and they achieved recognition inside India far beyond
the scientific community. They advanced their students and younger col-
leagues. Through their international networks they articulated new ideas
and programs of action, and these networks reminded the powerful in India
that the planning and development of science was a major responsibility
that nonscientists had to acknowledge and allow scientists a free hand. They
were the nucleus of a powerful new elite capable of exercising new kinds
of power in a new country, and keen to do so.
20
Most of these ambitious
individuals realized that the structure of the “other” nucleus (in this case of
uranium and other radioactive fissile materials like thorium) was a source
of potential industrial and military power.
In 1947, India’s loss of oil fields in Burma and Pakistan brought the sharp
realization that the petroleum path to wealth, so easily followed by India’s
neighbors Iran and Iraq, was barred. But, if correctly handled, they reasoned
that the fissionable nucleus could carry the scientific community, and per-
haps the nation itself, onto the world stage where India rightly belonged.
Moreover, the “nucleus” would accomplish this by making India into a
self-reliant, self-sufficient nation, and never again would she be a depen
dent colony, particularly not in energy. The potential political and economic
power of nuclear fission was increasingly clear to them, even if their path
to its effective applications was not: indeed the path often looked blocked.
And equally important in this entire process were Jawaharlal Nehru and his
daughter Indira Gandhi, prime ministers who for thirty-two years between
them held the cabinet portfolios directly related to atomic energy research
and development. Others held the portfolio for five years in the interim, but
the cumulative influence of the Nehrus was profound.
Power was available to this nucleus of scientists through the prime min-
ister, but they had to find the ways to create an environment in which they too
could be powerful. There was no recipe book of methods to achieve this, nor

16 / Chapter One
could they agree on the right strategies to follow. They were not seizing an
old kind of power from someone else, but fashioning a new kind of power.
Even while cooperating, they competed for national attention and resources
and for the means to compel (or seduce) the political and economic pow-
ers in India to underwrite their strategies. They also had to adapt to changes
in international relations and the power politics of leading nuclear nations
and to do so in and through their own networks of influence. International
recognition and reputation was an essential dimension of their adaptation.
To hold the attention of more powerful people, they engaged in discourse
about industrial power, dams, solar power, petrochemicals and refineries,
fertilizers and heavy water, and atomic energy reactors. All these projects
required large amounts of electricity, which India did not have, one reason
why atomic power reactors were seen so widely as the key to India’s future.
More ambiguous, they had to contemplate a military-industrial com-
plex of their own, one that would contain armaments, rockets, satellites, jet
fighters, and submarines, and the means to design and produce them. Such
a complex would arise where nothing of the sort had previously existed and
where part of the population was opposed to it. Many scientists did not re-
ally want this complex either.
21
This industrial project was not necessarily
in the sphere of their scientific expertise, their original scientific passion, or
their personal ethical values; nevertheless, they gradually engaged with this
larger vision. By and large scientists had been told by activists in the nation-
alist movement to stay out of jail, and so their engagement with the state
was different from those who went to prison. Not motivated by personal
ambition alone, they also knew that only the larger vision would convince
more powerful agencies to allow this “nucleus” to build the scientific com-
munity in its own way. Only this larger vision, repeatedly and relentlessly
articulated by “political scientists,” could persuade the commanding heights
of the state to give them enough freedom and capital to increase their in-
ternational participation and to address pressing national objectives. Only
the realization of this larger vision would enable them to be left alone, to
pursue research independently. All along they had to demonstrate that they
merited these privileges and that they were pulling at the wheel of national
development. When they succeeded in this persuasive effort, they held a
new kind of power in their hands and induced generations of young people
to think that science would be both a noble and rewarding life.
Though this book is not exclusively about nuclear power or weapons,
these themes run through it because of their great symbolic and material
importance. Like rockets and satellites, nuclear reactors and weapons are,
for some at least, not just good to build, see, and hold, but, like all symbols,

Introduction / 17
they are good to think, as Claude Lévi-Strauss reminded us forty years ago. I
have been asked if this book is about science and politics in India in general
or about atomic science and politics in particular? The book’s thesis is that
there would not have been a sustained atomic energy program without a
coevolving relationship between science and politics, which resulted in a
large scientific community. A single political party and four prime minis-
ters—all closely related (two were Nehrus)—were responsible for the justi-
fication for and furtherance of “the scientific community” and the atomic
energy program within it through to 1980, the end of the book. The chief
scientific protagonists for the program were not North Korean or Iranian
specialists working in protected isolation behind walls; they were world-
renowned experts deeply embedded in the open politics of the broader
scientific community and articulating the whole of science’s relationship
to Indian history and culture—nothing less. Their lives are crucial to our
understanding of the war over self-reliance, a war that moved the atomic
energy program and the bomb ahead rapidly during the 1970s. All that
occurred in the context of the government’s pursuit of the “commanding
heights strategy.” So things like steel or fertilizer, which appeared to have
had little to do with “atomic science and politics,” need to be understood
in this wider context.
This cannot be a history of everything related to India’s science and tech-
nology, and so it omits health, agriculture, and environment, among other
interesting subjects; such a larger multidisciplinary project is beyond my
scope here. There are other modern histories of other sciences and tech-
nologies running in parallel here and those are yet to be written. Nor can I
fully audit the process of innovation and R&D for any particular technol-
ogy: issues like heavy water for reactors, solid and liquid fuel for rockets,
cosmic ray and cyclotron experiments are explored because they illustrate
a broader picture. I follow the patterns of interplay between institutions,
individuals, and technologies surrounded by socioeconomic planning and
power dynamics in the scientific community, all in relation to the political
systems of India. Therefore, this is not and cannot be a complete history in
the actuarial sense of reactors, space, or any other facet of India’s high-tech
economy, and some will be disappointed that their part in the drama has
been missed, or perhaps obscured by others; it is not my intention to do so.
I emphasize that for some situations in this book I have had to rely on the
recollection of two individuals or even only one. Sometimes these sources
were the sole person still alive who was present at a significant event; in
other cases, individuals have offered their recollections of a key actor or
episode, which otherwise are difficult to verify. Through the Internet and

18 / Chapter One
e-mail I have received personal communications from individuals whom I
have not met and who are writing to me about things which had not previ-
ously been written down in answer to my questions. They have given me
permission to credit them as a source. This collection of information resem-
bles personal conversations with informants I had in the 1960s and 1970s
about things that had not previously been written down. Therefore some
of what is written here will contradict the experience or views of others and
may be contested and eventually rewritten. This process seems to me one of
the best ways to arrive at better understandings of the recent past and draw
conclusions from them.
But there is ample material here for those interested in postcolonial
theory to trace the continuities across pre- and post-Independence fron-
tiers and to witness the versatility of scientists who worked and lived in
two or three environments at once, managing loyalties to each of them.
There is a subaltern voice in the 1948 formation of the Association of Sci-
entific Workers of India, because it came to represent laboratory staff and
knowledge workers, at least in parts of the scientific community and vigor-
ously promoted improvement of the working conditions with which Nehru
was himself concerned; for this work its officers were sometimes disadvan-
taged or penalized. The book concludes with notes on the (indirect) role of
women in these stories, the discourse of the 1980s on “scientific temper”
initiated (in part) by Nehru, and discussion of the quiet yearning in India
for another Nobel Prize, “soon.” One of the encouraging initiatives was the
focus on subaltern histories starting from 1981; such historians will find
riches here, complete with ample references to boys and girls from low-
caste households embracing both experimental and theoretical research;
here too is reference to Brahmins working in high-tech projects along with
a son of a Muslim fishing boat owner, or to elitist scientists committed to
the scientific workers movement while cafeteria workers without toilets got
“hot” (radioactive) on the nearby beach. On the whole, however, modern
scientists and technologists have not interested global postcolonial and/or
“cosmopolitan” scholars very much, whether or not in India.
22
As you consider the evidence before you, watch how some influences
that appear to flow from the top down don’t actually occur unless there is a
concurrent movement from the bottom up, or from the sides inward. Watch
how these locations (top, bottom, etc.) are metaphors in a multilayered
structure, how they don’t make much sense without each other. And see
how that appearance of grand flow (top to bottom) misleads us away from
the intense interactivity of many levels, from the prime minister to the boys

Introduction / 19
in the lab; watch how that appearance of grand design and flow obscures
the density and complexity of the community being constructed, year by
year, stage by stage, among groups, circles, and networks with fractures and
fusions, quarrels and cooperation.
Outlook
In the context of large research institutes, networks affected how they re-
cruited new members and trained them for the renewal of research groups
and the scientific community. Most important for scientists, institutions
must provide the optimal supporting conditions not only for a new idea
but also for the sustained work of individuals who are its proponents. The
new idea was, after all, the central commodity in the process of scientific
production, around which other things and people revolve and into which
they must be enrolled. In an economy of novelty, the new idea must be
turned creatively into a technique or an answer to a question; it must be
made available to the processes of science, and this availability can then
reinforce the reputation of the individual(s) and the groups and the labs
where they work on that idea. Technique revolved around equipment and
other things as frequently as it did around concepts. In that sense, the new
idea must be thoroughly consumed to be acknowledged; it had to be fully
appropriated and consumed to have currency. It must be placed in the cy-
clic drama of scientific consumption and new production, whether to suc-
cess or disappointment. The best new idea for Indian scientists was the one
that became renowned, for example, the Raman spectra, the Saha equation,
Bhabha-Heitler scattering, or the Bhatnagar-Mathur magnetic interference
balance. Embodiment in a “thing with a name” contributed to the drama
of consumption and new production, satisfying the expectation that the
potentials of science could and therefore should be tangibly demonstrated.
This animated the networks and gave them their kinetics. Without sup-
portive conditions for creativity and innovation, most efforts to maintain
research institutions would be, at best, confirming and repetitive, and, at
worst, derivative and marginal. A laboratory in India that was derivative and
did not create new ideas was open to question. In this sense some of the
characteristics of actor-network theory appear in this story.
23
I also ask here particularly whether the separate organizational culture
that grew up around the “nucleus” had special “Indian” characteristics?
Were its projects—such as the DAE’s reactors—built and finished in a style
and speed comparable with other mega projects of the post-Independence

20 / Chapter One
period, or did they stand out as models of greater efficiency, humanity, and
planning? How did these projects articulate with the larger systems of power
inside and outside the country?
Finally, these ideas and institutions developed in a “laboratory state,” in
two senses. The first sense is that scientists before 1947 imagined a future in
which an independent state would be fully available for experimentation,
or more precisely, it was to be their state in which, and through which, their
experiments could be conducted. Planning was, in part, an experiment to
them. The second sense of “laboratory state” implies the state’s maintenance
of a relatively powerful apparatus, which—directly and indirectly—applies
scientific expertise to many, if not most, problems of social life (malaria,
AIDS, famine and malnutrition, polluted drinking water, train accidents,
etc.). In this particular role, of course, scientists were asked to provide opin-
ions, judgments, and solutions for most of the difficult questions facing the
state and society: should this rocket be built at the cost of 100 million ru-
pees? Should this chemical be banned from agriculture? Are these dams safe
to live beneath? Can India’s part in international trade in human body parts
be controlled? If a new nuclear reactor is built, what design should it have?
Is the test that shows that a fetus is genetically deficient and the infant will
have no feet really a reliable test? Visvanathan’s remarkable essay about “the
laboratory state” brings to light these issues, but I do not join in his conclu-
sion that development is a scientific project that is inherently genocidal.
24
I do, however, agree with many scientists in India, and other observers,
that some projects of the developmental state (and private ones too) have
been reckless in scale and indifferent to the rights of specific groups in the
name of “the greater good.” But most scientists in their time described here
thought science in the state and for the state would be liberating, not geno-
cidal. Indian scientists and their institutions were eventually confronted
with decisions on all these kinds of questions and imagined these questions
well before India was their “own country.” Their approaches and solutions
remain relevant to this day, though Indian science has not been able to re-
solve every task it addressed. Amid the sophisticated missiles and reactors,
there was still malnutrition, preventable disease, and unsafe drinking wa-
ter. This is a story about international scientific development with a special
focus on constructing India’s capacity to create, adopt, or adapt radically
new technologies. This is also a story about scientists and political power
with a special focus on reactors and their relationship with bombs, seen
through Indian lenses. It shows that Indian scientists were acutely aware of
the shortcomings of their institutions and the limitations of their role: not

Introduction / 21
uncritical or unaware of their privilege, some expected much more; a few
insisted on much more.
Finally a note about the tone and point of view I have adopted through-
out. I was asked by an anonymous reviewer “where is the author’s sense of
irony about these pipe dreams, the lack of realism in all these big projects,
and where is his criticism of the great-power dream of the Indian elites?” To
answer this important question I have decided to use the voices of others
to articulate the Indian sense of irony and the structural contradictions in
these large technical and industrial projects. India is usually characterized
as the land of contradiction, contradictions with which its citizens are quite
familiar. Though not wrong, too much is made of that characterization, be-
cause the sense of unease and criticism of a lack of realism is a very Indian
tradition too. Using this point of view, I want to convey the Indian sense of
proportion, and the double world in which they would acquiesce to some-
thing in public, even in writing, yet make sharp critical judgments in pri-
vate. My intent is that readers learn this Indian sense of ambiguity and irony
through Indian voices, rather than simply mine. This book demonstrates
that not all Indians had unrealistic great-power dreams and that there was
a contest among people (not simply in the elites) over the kind of power
India needed and how it should best be achieved.

T W O
Building Scientific Careers in the 1920s:
Saha and Bhatnagar, from London
to Allahabad and Lahore
Two young men sat drinking tea together in London in 1920, talking about
the future of science in India and their careers, forming a friendship that
would eventually be severely tested in their later years. Yet they were des-
tined to work together, become founders of India’s nuclear program, and
quarrel about its directions. One was a physicist, Meghnad Saha, and the
other, Shanti Bhatnagar, was a chemist. Both were twenty-six years old and
had arrived without a clear place or supervisor for research. Saha wanted to
be in Cambridge but could not afford to, and Bhatnagar, whose scholarship
was to study in the United States, could find no space on board any ship.
Both therefore stayed in London, not a first choice for either. Then the two
were guided by friendly intermediaries to the labs in London where they
eventually worked. Because of their records of excellent performance, they
were both given an office and place in a lab by two leading British research-
ers and freedom to work. Although in different fields, they had friends in
common, and thus they met almost daily. Living in London on low in-
comes, they both learned to cut corners there too, giving them insights into
the structure of British society.
Their scholarships, moreover, allowed for travel, and so Bhatnagar, hav-
ing first learned some French from his London landlady, went to Paris,
where he met the Curies and many chemists. He then went to Berlin, where
he joined Saha, who had studied German, again in 1921 and was waiting
outside the lab of Walther Nernst, along with a dozen other University of
London students, all bearing a letter of introduction from chemist F. G.
Donnan, who was also Bhatnagar’s thesis supervisor. Both of them benefited
greatly by this stay abroad, meeting the stars of European science; they also
encountered for the first time influential Indians, like Rabindranath Tagore

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qui seruoit de table, de siege
& de lict, & aux hommes &
aux chiens: c'est de là que
prouenoit la grãde
incommodité que nous
receuions de ces animaux, qui
portoient le nez dans nos
écuelles plustost que nous n'y
portions la main. C'est assez
dit des incommoditez des
maisons des Sauuages,
parlons de leurs viures.
serves as table, seat, and bed
both to men and dogs. From
this custom arose the great
annoyance we experienced
from these animals, who
thrust their noses into our
bark plates before we could
get our hands in. I have said
enough about the
inconveniences of the Savages'
houses, let us speak of their
food.
Au commencement que ie fus
auec eux, comme ils ne salent
ny leurs boüillons ny leurs
viandes, & que la saleté
mesme fait leur cuisine, ie ne
pouuois manger 46 de leur
salmigondies, ie me contentois
d'vn peu de galette & d'vn peu
d'anguille bouccanée, iusques
là que mon hoste me tançoit
de ce que ie mangeois si peu,
ie m'affamay deuant que la
famine nous acceüillist,
cependant nos Sauuages
faisoient tous les iours des
festins, en sorte que nous
nous vismes en peu de temps
sans pain, sans farine, & sans
anguilles, & sans aucun moyen
d'estre secourus: car outre
que nous estions fort auant
dans les bois, & que nous
fussions morts mille fois
When I first went away with
them, as they salt neither their
soup nor their meat, and as
filth itself presides over their
cooking, I could not eat their
mixtures, and contented
myself with a few sea biscuit
and smoked eel; until at last
my host took me to task
because I ate so little, saying
that I would starve myself
before the famine overtook us.
Meanwhile our Savages had
feasts every day, so that in a
very short time we found
ourselves without bread,
without flour, without eels, and
without any means of helping
ourselves. For besides being
very far in the woods, where
we would have died a
thousand times before [195]
reaching the French

deuant [195] que d'arriuer aux
demeures des François, nous
hyuernions de là le grãd fleuue
qu'on ne peut trauerser en ce
temps là pour le grand nombre
de glaces qu'il charie
incessamment, & qui
mettroient en pieces non
seulement vne chalouppe,
mais vn grand vaisseau, pour
la chasse, comme les neiges
n'estoient pas profondes à
proportion des autres années,
ils ne pouuoiẽt pas prendre
l'Elan, si bien qu'ils
n'apportoient que quelques
Castors, & quelques Porcs
epics, mais en si petit nombre,
& si peu souuent, que cela
seruoit plustost pour ne point
mourir que pour viure. Mon
hoste me disoit dans ces
grandes disettes. Chibiné aye
l'ame dure resiste à la faim, tu
seras par fois deux iours,
quelque fois trois ou quatre
sans manger, ne te laisse point
abbattre, prẽd courage, quand
la neige sera venuë nous
mangerons: nostre Seigneur
n'a pas voulu qu'ils fussent si
long temps sans rien prendre;
mais pour l'ordinaire nous
mangions vne fois en deux
iours, voire assez souuent
ayans mangé vn Castor le
settlement, we were wintering
on the other side of the great
river, which cannot be crossed
in this season on account of
the great masses of ice which
are continually floating about,
and which would crush not
only a small boat but even a
great ship. As to the chase,
the snows not being deep in
comparison with those of
other years, they could not
take the Elk, and so brought
back only some Beavers and
Porcupines, but in so small a
number and so seldom that
they kept us from dying rather
than helped us to live. My host
said to me during this time of
scarcity, "Chibiné, harden thy
soul, resist hunger; thou wilt
be sometimes two, sometimes
three or four, days without
food: do not let thyself be cast
down, take courage; when the
snow comes, we shall eat." It
was not our Lord's will that
they should be so long without
capturing anything; but we
usually had something to eat
once in two days,—indeed, we
very often had a Beaver in the
morning, and in the evening of
the next day a Porcupine as
big as [196] a sucking Pig.
This was not much for

matin, le lendemain au soir
nous mangions vn Porc-epic
gros comme [196] vn Cochon
de laict: c'estoit peu à dixneuf
personnes que nous estions, il
est vray; mais ce peu suffisoit
pour ne point mourir. Quand ie
pouuois 48 auoir vne peau
d'Anguille pour ma iournée sur
la fin de nos viures, ie me
tenois pour bien déieuné, bien
disné, & bien soupé.
nineteen of us, it is true, but
this little sufficed to keep us
alive. When I could have,
toward the end of our supply
of food, the skin of an Eel for
my day's fare, I considered
that I had breakfasted, dined,
and supped well.
Au commencement ie m'estois
seruy d'vne de ces peaux pour
refaire vne sotane de toille que
i'auois sur moy, ayãt oublié de
porter des pieces, mais voyãt
que la faim me pressoit si fort,
ie mangeay mes pieces, & si
ma sotane eust esté de
mesme estoffe, ie vous répond
que ie l'eusse rapportée bien
courte en la maison: ie
mangeois bien les vieilles
peaux d'Orignac, qui sont bien
plus dures que les peaux
d'Anguilles, i'allois dans les
bois brouter le bout des arbres
& ronger les écorces plus
tendres, comme ie
remarqueray dans le iournal.
Les Sauuages qui nous
estoient voisins, souffroient
encore plus que nous,
quelques-vns nous venans voir,
At first, I had used one of
these skins to patch the cloth
gown that I wore, as I forgot
to bring some pieces with me;
but, when I was so sorely
pressed with hunger, I ate my
pieces; and if my gown had
been made of the same stuff, I
assure you I would have
brought it back home much
shorter than it was. Indeed, I
ate old Moose skins, which are
much tougher than those of
the Eel; I went about through
the woods biting the ends of
the branches, and gnawing the
more tender bark, as I shall
relate in the journal. Our
neighboring Savages suffered
still more than we did, some of
them coming to see us, and
telling us that their comrades
had died of hunger. I saw

nous disoient que leurs
camarades estoient morts de
faim, i'en vy qui n'auoient
mangé qu'vne fois en cinq
iours, & qui se tenoient bien
heureux quand ils trouuoient
de quoy [197] disner au bout
de deux, ils estoient faits
comme des squelets, n'ayans
plus que la peau sur les os,
nous faisions par fois de bons
repas; mais pour vn bon
disner, nous nous passions
trois fois de souper. Vn ieune
Sauuage de nostre cabane,
mourant de faim, comme ie
diray au Chapitre suiuant, ils
me demandoient souuent si ie
ne craignois point, si ie n'auois
point peur de la mort, &
voyans que ie me monstrois
assez asseuré ils s'en
estonnoient, notamment en
certain temps que ie les vis
quasi tomber dans le
desespoir. Quand ils viennent
iusques-là, ils ioüent pour ainsi
dire à sauue qui peut, ils
iettent leurs écorces, & leur
bagage, ils abandonnent les
vns les autres, & perdans le
soin du public, c'est à qui
trouuera de quoy viure pour
soy; alors les enfans, les
femmes, en 50 vn mot ceux
some who had eaten only
once in five days, and who
considered themselves very
well off if they found
something [197] to dine upon
at the end of two days; they
were reduced to skeletons,
being little more than skin and
bones. We occasionally had
some good meals; but for
every good dinner we went
three times without supper.
When a young Savage of our
cabin was dying of hunger, as
I shall relate in the following
Chapter, they often asked me
if I was not afraid, if I had no
fear of death; and seeing me
quite firm, they were
astonished, on one occasion in
particular, when I saw them
almost falling into a state of
despair. When they reach this
point, they play, so to speak,
at "save himself who can;"
throwing away their bark and
baggage, deserting each other,
and abandoning all interest in
the common welfare, each one
strives to find something for
himself. Then the children,
women, and for that matter all
those who cannot hunt, die of
cold and hunger. If they had
reached this extremity, I would

qui ne sçauroient chasser
meurent de froid & de faim,
s'ils en fussent venus à ceste
extremité ie serois mort des
premiers.
have been among the first to
die.
Voila ce qu'il faut preuoir
auant que de se mettre à leur
suitte: car encor qu'ils ne
soient pas tous les ans pressez
de ceste famine, ils en courent
tous les [198] ans les dangers
puis qu'ils n'ont point à
manger, ou fort peu, s'il n'y a
beaucoup de neige &
beaucoup d'Orignaux, ce qui
n'arriue pas tousiours.
So these are the things that
must be expected before
undertaking to follow them;
for, although they may not be
pressed with famine every
year, yet they run the risk
every [198] winter of not
having food, or very little,
unless there are heavy
snowfalls and a great many
Moose, which does not always
happen.
Que si vous me demandez
maintenant quels estoient mes
sentimens dans les afres de la
mort, & d'vne mort si
langoureuse comme est celle
qui prouient de la famine, ie
vous diray que i'ay de la peine
à répondre; neantmoins afin
que ceux qui liront ce
Chapitre, n'apprehendent point
de nous venir secourir, ie puis
asseurer auec verité que ce
temps de famine m'a esté vn
temps d'abondance. Ayant
recogneu que nous
commençions à floter entre
l'esperance de la vie & la
Now if you were to ask me
what my feelings were in the
terrors of death, and of a
death so lingering as is that
which comes from hunger, I
will say that I can hardly tell.
Nevertheless, in order that
those who read this Chapter
may not have a dread of
coming over to our assistance,
I can truly say that this time of
famine was for me a time of
abundance. When I realized
that we began to hover
between the hope of life and
the fear of death, I made up
my mind that God had

crainte de la mort, ie fis mon
conte que Dieu m'auoit
condamné à mourir de faim
pour mes pechez, & baisant
mille fois la main qui auoit
minuté ma sentence, i'en
attendois l'execution auec vne
paix & une ioye qu'on peut
bien sentir, mais qu'on ne peut
décrire: ie confesse qu'on
souffre, & qu'il se faut
resoudre à la Croix: mais Dieu
fait gloire d'ayder vne ame
quand elle n'est plus secouruë
des creatures. Poursuiuons
nostre chemin.
condemned me to die of
starvation for my sins; and, a
thousand times kissing the
hand that had written my
sentence, I awaited the
execution of it with a peace
and joy which may be
experienced, but cannot be
described. I confess that one
suffers, and that he must
reconcile himself to the Cross;
but God glories in helping a
soul when it is no longer aided
by his creatures. Let us
continue on our way.
[199] Apres ceste famine nous
eusmes quelques bons iours,
la neige qui n'estoit que trop
haute pour auoir froid, mais
trop basse pour prendre
l'Orignac, s'estant grandement
accreuë sur la fin de Ianuier,
nos Chasseurs prirent
quelques Orignaux, dont ils
firent seicherie: or soit que
mon intemperance, ou que ce
boucan dur comme du bois, &
sale comme les 52 ruës fut
contraire à mon estomach, ie
tombay malade au beau
commencement de Feurier, me
voila donc contraint de
demeurer tousiours couché sur
la terre froide, ce n'estoit pas
[199] After this famine, we
had some good days. The
snow, which had been only too
deep to be cold, but too
shallow to take the Moose,
having greatly increased
toward the end of January, our
Hunters captured some
Moose, which they dried. Now
either on account of my lack of
moderation, or because this
meat, dried as hard as wood
and as dirty as the street, did
not agree with my stomach, I
fell sick in the very beginning
of February. So behold me
obliged to remain all the time
lying upon the cold ground;
this did not tend to cure me of

pour me guerir des tranchées
fort sensibles qui me
tourmentoient, & qui me
contraignoient de sortir à toute
heure iour & nuict,
m'engageant à chaque sortie
dedans les neiges iusques aux
genoux, & parfois quasi
iusques à la ceinture,
notamment au
commencement que nous
nous estions cabanez en
quelque endroit, ces douleurs
sensibles me durerent enuiron
huict ou dix iours, comme
aussi vn grand mal
d'estomach, & vne foiblesse de
coeur qui se répandoit par tout
le corps, ie guary de ceste
maladie, non pas tout à fait:
car ie ne fis [200] que traisner
iusques à la my-Caresme que
le mal me reprit. Ie dis cecy
pour faire voir le peu de
secours qu'on doit attendre
des Sauuages quand on est
malade: estant vn iour pressé
de la soif ie demanday vn peu
d'eau, on me répondit qu'il n'y
en auoit point & qu'on me
donneroit de la neige fonduë si
i'en voulois: comme ce
breuuage estoit contraire à
mon mal, ie fis entendre à
mon hoste que i'auois veu vn
lac nõ pas loing de là, & que
the severe cramps that
tormented me and compelled
me to go out at all hours of
the day and night, plunging
me every time in snow up to
my knees and sometimes
almost up to my waist,
especially when we had first
begun our encampment in any
one place. These severe
attacks lasted about eight or
ten days, and were
accompanied by a pain in the
stomach, and a weakness in
the heart, which spread
through my whole body. I
recovered from this sickness,
but not entirely, for I was
[200] only dragging myself
around at mid-Lent, when I
was again seized with this
disease. I tell the following in
order to show how little help
may be expected from the
Savages when a person is sick.
Being very thirsty one day, I
asked for a little water; they
said there was none, and that
they would give me some
melted snow if I wanted it. As
this drink was bad for my
disease, I made my host
understand that I had seen a
lake not far from there, and
that I would like very much to
have some of that water. He

i'en eusse bien voulu auoir vn
peu d'eau, il fit la sourde
oreille à cause que le chemin
estoit vn peu fascheux, si bien
que non seulement ceste fois;
mais encore en tous les
endroits que quelque fleuue
ou quelque ruisseau estoit vn
peu trop esloigné de nostre
cabane, il falloit boire de ceste
neige fonduë dans vne
chaudiere, dont le cuiure estoit
moins épais que la saleté: qui
voudra sçauoir l'amertume de
ce breuuage qu'il le tire d'vn
vaisseau sortant de la fumée &
qu'il en gouste.
pretended not to hear,
because the road was
somewhat bad; and it
happened thus not only this
time, but at any place where
the river or brook was a little
distance from our cabin. We
had to drink this snow melted
in a kettle whose copper was
less thick than the dirt; if any
one wishes to know how bitter
this drink is, let him take some
from a kettle just out of the
smoke and taste it.
Quant à la nourriture, ils
partagent le malade comme
les autres; s'ils prennent de la
chair fresche, 54 ils luy en
donnent sa part s'il en veut,
s'il ne la mange, [201] pour
lors on ne se met pas en peine
de luy en garder vn petit
morceau quand il voudra
manger, on luy donnera de ce
qu'il y aura pour lors en la
cabane, c'est à dire du boucan
& non pas du meilleur: car ils
le reseruent pour les festins, si
bien qu'vn pauure malade est
contraint bien souuent de
manger parmy eux, ce qui luy
feroit horreur dans la santé
As to the food, they divide
with a sick man just as with
the others; if they have fresh
meat they give him his share,
if he wants it, but if he does
not eat it [201] then, no one
will take the trouble to keep a
little piece for him to eat when
he wants it; they will give him
some of what they happen to
have at the time in the cabin,
namely, smoked meat, and
nothing better, for they keep
the best for their feasts. So a
poor invalid is often obliged to
eat among them what would
horrify him even in good
health if he were with our

mesme s'il estoit auec nos
François. Vne ame bien alterée
de la soif du Fils de Dieu, ie
veux dire des souffrances,
trouueroit icy dequoy se
rassasier.
Frenchmen. A soul very thirsty
for the Son of God, I mean for
suffering, would find enough
here to satisfy it.
Il me reste encore à parler de
leur conuersation, pour faire
entierement cognoistre ce
qu'on peut souffrir auec ce
peuple. Ie m'estois mis en la
compagnie de mon hoste & du
Renegat, à condition que nous
n'hyuerneriõs point auec le
Sorcier, que ie cognoissois
pour tres-meschant homme, ils
m'auoient accordé ces
conditions, mais ils furent
infidelles, ne gardans ny l'vne
ny l'autre: ils m'engagerent
donc auec ce pretendu
Magicien, comme ie diray cy
apres; or ce miserable homme,
& la fumée m'ont esté les deux
plus grands tourmens [202]
que i'aye enduré parmy ces
Barbares: ny le froid, ny le
chaud, ny l'incommodité des
chiens, ny coucher à l'air, ny
dormir sur vn lict de terre, ny
la posture qu'il faut tousiours
tenir dans leurs cabanes, se
ramassans en peloton, ou se
couchans, ou s'asseans sans
siege & sans mattelas, ny la
It remains for me yet to speak
of their conversation, in order
to make it clearly understood
what there is to suffer among
these people. I had gone in
company with my host and the
Renegade, on condition that
we should not pass the winter
with the Sorcerer, whom I
knew as a very wicked man.
They had granted my
conditions, but they were
faithless, and kept not one of
them, involving me in trouble
with this pretended Magician,
as I shall relate hereafter. Now
this wretched man and the
smoke were the two greatest
trials [202] that I endured
among these Barbarians. The
cold, heat, annoyance of the
dogs, sleeping in the open air
and upon the bare ground; the
position I had to assume in
their cabins, rolling myself up
in a ball or crouching down or
sitting without a seat or a
cushion; hunger, thirst, the
poverty and filth of their

faim, ny la soif, ny la pauuerté
& saleté de leur boucan, ny la
maladie, tout cela ne m'a
semblé que ieu à comparaison
de la fumée & de la malice du
Sorcier, auec lequel i'ay
tousiours esté en très
mauuaise intelligence pour les
raisons suiuantes.
smoked meats, sickness,—all
these, things were merely play
to me in comparison to the
smoke and the malice of the
Sorcerer, with whom I have
always been on a very bad
footing, for the following
reasons:—
Premierement, pource que
m'ayant inuité d'hyuerner 56
auec luy, ie l'auois éconduy,
dequoy il se ressentoit fort,
voyant que ie faisois plus
d'estat de mon hoste, son
cadet, que de luy.
First, because, when he invited
me to winter with him, I
refused; and he resented this
greatly, because he saw that I
cared more for my host, his
younger brother, than I did for
him.
Secondement, pource que ie
ne pouuois assouuir sa
cõuoitise, ie n'auois rien qu'il
ne me demandast, il m'a fait
fort souuent quitter mon
manteau de dessus mes
espaules pour s'en couurir: or
ne pouuant pas satisfaire à
toutes ses demandes, il me
voyoit de mauuais oeil, voire
mesme quand ie luy eusse
donné tout le peu que i'auois,
ie n'eusse peu gagner [203]
son amitié: car nous auions
bien d'autres sujets de
diuorce.
Second, because I could not
gratify his covetousness. I had
nothing that he did not ask me
for, often taking my mantle off
my shoulders to put it on his
own. Now as I could not
satisfy all his demands, he
looked upon me with an evil
eye; indeed, even if I had
given him all the little I had, I
could not have gained [203]
his friendship, because we
were at variance on other
subjects.

En trois[i]esme lieu, voyant
qu'il faisoit du Prophete,
amusant ce peuple par mille
sottises qu'il inuente à mon
aduis tous les iours, ie ne
laissois perdre aucune
occasion de le conuaincre de
niaiserie & puerilité, mettant
au iour l'impertinence de ses
superstitions: or c'estoit luy
arracher l'ame du corps par
violence: car comme il ne
sçauroit plus chasser, il fait
plus que iamais du Prophete &
du Magicien pour conseruer
son credit, & pour auoir les
bons morceaux, si bien
qu'esbranlant son authorité qui
se va perdant tous les iours, ie
le touchois à la prunelle de
l'œil, & luy rauissois les delices
de son Paradis, qui sont les
plaisirs de la gueule.
In the third place, seeing that
he acted the Prophet, amusing
these people by a thousand
absurdities, which he invented,
in my opinion, every day, I did
not lose any opportunity of
convincing him of their
nonsense and childishness,
exposing the senselessness of
his superstitions. Now this was
like tearing his soul out of his
body; for, as he could no
longer hunt, he acted the
Prophet and Magician more
than ever before, in order to
preserve his credit, and to get
the dainty pieces. So that in
shaking his authority, which
was diminishing daily, I was
touching the apple of his eye
and wresting from him the
delights of his Paradise, which
are the pleasures of his jaws.
En quatriesme lieu, se voulant
recrer à mes dépens, il me
faisoit par fois escrire en sa
langue des choses sales,
m'assurant qu'il n'y auoit rien
de mauuais, puis il me faisoit
prononcer ces impudences,
que ie n'entendois pas deuant
les Sauuages: quelques
femmes m'ayans aduerty de
ceste malice, ie luy dis que ie
In the fourth place, wishing to
have sport at my expense, he
sometimes made me write
vulgar things in his language,
assuring me there was nothing
bad in them, then made me
pronounce these shameful
words, which I did not
understand, in the presence of
the Savages. Some women
having warned me of this trick,

ne salirois plus mon papier ny
ma [204] bouche, de ces
vilaines paroles, il ne laissa
pas de me commander de lire
en la presence de toute la
cabane, & de quelques 58
Sauuages qui estoient
suruenus, quelque chose qu'il
m'auoit dicté, ie luy répondis
que l'Apostat m'en donnat
l'interpretation, & puis que ie
lirois, ce Renegat refusant de
le faire, ie refusay aussi de
lire, le Sorcier me le
commande auec empire, c'est
à dire auec de grosses paroles,
ie le prie au commencement
auec grande douceur de m'en
dispenser: mais comme il ne
vouloit pas estre éconduit
deuant les Sauuages, il me
presse fort & me fait presser
par mon hoste qui fit du
fasché: enfin recognoissant
que mes excuses n'auoiẽt plus
de lieu, ie luy parle d'vn accent
fort haut, & apres luy auoir
reproché ses lubricitez, ie luy
addresse ces paroles: Me voicy
en ton pouuoir, tu me peux
massacrer, mais tu ne sçaurois
me contraindre de proferer des
paroles impudiques: elles ne
sont pas telles, me dit-il,
Pourquoy donc, luy dis-je, ne
I told him I would no longer
soil my paper nor my [204]
lips with these vile words. He
insisted, however, that I
should read before all those of
the cabin, and some Savages
who had come thither,
something he had dictated to
me. I answered him that, if
the Apostate would interpret
them to me, I would read
them. That Renegade refusing
to do this, I refused to read.
The Sorcerer commanded me
imperiously, that is, with high
words, and I at first begged
him gently to excuse me; but
as he did not wish to be
thwarted before the Savages,
he persisted in urging me, and
had my host, who pretended
to be vexed, urge me also. At
last, aware that my excuses
were of no avail, I spoke to
him peremptorily, and, after
reproaching him for his
lewdness, I addressed him in
these words: "Thou hast me in
thy power, thou canst murder
me, but thou canst not force
me to repeat indecent words."
"They are not such," he said.
"Why then," said I, "will they
not interpret them to me?" He
emerged from this conflict
very much exasperated.

m'en veut-on pas donner
l'interpretation? il sortit de
ceste meslée fort vlceré.
En cinquiesme lieu, voyant que
mon [205] hoste m'aymoit, il
eut peur que cet amour ne le
priuast de quelque friand
morceau, ie taschay de luy
oster ceste apprehension,
témoignant publiquement que
ie ne viuois pas pour manger,
mais que ie mangeois pour
viure, & qu'il importoit peu
quoy qu'on me donnast,
pourueu que i'en eusse assez
pour ne point mourir: il me
repartit nettement, qu'il
n'estoit pas de mon aduis,
mais qu'il faisoit profession
d'estre friand, d'aymer les
bons morceaux, & qu'on
l'obligeoit fort quand on luy en
presentoit: or iaçoit que mon
hoste ne luy donnast aucun
sujet de craindre en cet
endroit, si est ce qu'il
m'attaquoit quasi en tous les
repas, comme s'il eut eu peur
de perdre la preseance, ceste
apprehension augmentoit sa
haine.
In the fifth place, seeing that
my [205] host was greatly
attached to me, he was afraid
that this friendliness might
deprive him of some choice
morsel. I tried to relieve him
of this apprehension by stating
publicly that I did not live to
eat, but that I ate to live; and
that it mattered little what
they gave me, provided it was
enough to keep me alive. He
retorted sharply that he was
not of my opinion, but that he
made a profession of being
dainty; that he was fond of the
good pieces, and was very
much obliged when people
gave them to him. Now
although my host gave him no
cause for fear in this direction,
yet he attacked me at almost
every meal as if he were afraid
of losing his precedence. This
apprehension increased his
hatred.
En sixiesme lieu, comme il
voyoit que les Sauuages 60
des autres cabanes me
In the sixth place, when he
saw that the Savages of the
other cabins showed me some

portoient quelque respect,
cognoissant d'ailleurs que
i'estois grand ennemy de ses
impostures, & que si i'entrois
dans l'esprit de ses oüailles,
que ie le perdrois de fond en
comble, il faisoit son possible
pour me détruire, & pour me
rendre ridicule en la creance
de son peuple.
respect, knowing besides that
I was a great enemy of his
impostures, and that, if I
gained influence among his
flock, I would ruin him
completely, he did all he could
to destroy me and to make me
appear ridiculous in the eyes
of his people.
[206] En septiesme lieu,
adioustez à tout cecy
l'auersion que luy & tous les
Sauuages de Tadoussac ont eu
iusques icy des François
depuis le commerce des
Anglois, & coniecturez quel
traictement ie peux auoir
receu de ces Barbares, qui
adorent ce miserable Sorcier,
contre lequel le plus souuent
i'auois guerre declarée. I'ay
creu cent fois que ie ne
sortirois iamais de ceste
meslée que par les portes de
la mort. Il m'a traité fort
indignement, il est vray, mais
ie m'estonne qu'il n'a pis fait,
veu qu'il est idolatre de ces
superstitiõs, que ie combattois
de toutes mes forces. De
raconter par le menu toutes
ses attaques, ses risées, ses
gausseries, ses mépris, ie
ferois vn Liure pour vn
[206] In the seventh place,
add to all these things the
aversion which he and all the
Savages of Tadoussac had, up
to the present time, against
the French, since their
intercourse with the English;
and judge what treatment I
might have received from
these Barbarians, who adore
this miserable Sorcerer,
against whom I was generally
in a state of open warfare. I
thought a hundred times that I
should only emerge from this
conflict through the gates of
death. He treated me
shamefully, it is true; but I am
astonished that he did not act
worse, seeing that he is an
idolater of those superstitions
which I was fighting with all
my might. To relate in detail all
his attacks, gibes, sneers, and
contempt, I would write a

Chapitre, suffit de dire qu'il
s'attaquoit mesme par fois à
Dieu pour me déplaire, & qu'il
s'efforçoit de me rendre la
risée des petits & des grands,
me décriant dans les autres
cabanes aussi bien que dans la
nostre, il n'eut neantmoins
iamais le credit d'animer
contre moy les Sauuages nos
voisins, ils baissoient la teste
quand ils entendoient les
benedictiõs qu'il me donnoit.
Pour les domestiques incitez
par [207] son exemple, &
appuyez de son authorité, ils
me chargeoient incessamment
de mille brocards, & de mille
injures, ie me suis veu en tel
estat, que pour ne les aigrir,
ou ne leur donner occasion de
se fascher, ie passois les iours
entiers sans ouurir la bouche.
Croyez moy si ie n'ay rapporté
autre fruict des Sauuages, i'ay
pour le moins appris beaucoup
d'injures en leur 62 langue, ils
me disoient à tout bout de
champ eca titou, eca titou
nama khitirinisin, tais toy, tais
toy, tu n'as point d'esprit.
Achineou, il est orgueilleux,
Moucachtechiou, il fait du
compagnon, sasegau il est
superbe, cou attimou il
Book instead of a Chapter.
Suffice it to say, that he
sometimes even attacked God
to displease me; and that he
tried to make me the
laughingstock of small and
great, abusing me in the other
cabins as well as in ours. He
never had, however, the
satisfaction of inciting our
neighboring Savages against
me; they merely hung their
heads when they heard the
blessings he showered upon
me. As to the servants,
instigated by [207] his
example, and supported by his
authority, they continually
heaped upon me a thousand
taunts and a thousand insults;
and I was reduced to such a
state, that, in order not to
irritate them or give them any
occasion to get angry, I
passed whole days without
opening my mouth. Believe
me, if I have brought back no
other fruits from the Savages,
I have at least learned many
of the insulting words of their
language. They were saying to
me at every turn, eca titou,
eca titou nama khitirinisin,
"Shut up, shut up, thou hast
no sense." Achineou, "He is
proud;" Moucachtechiou, "He

ressemble à vn Chien, cou
mascoua il ressemble à vn
Ours, cou ouabouchou
ouichtoui il est barbu comme
vn Lieure, attimonai oukhimau
il est Capitaine des Chiens, cou
oucousimas ouchtigonan il a la
teste faite comme vn citroüille,
matchiriniou il est difforme, il
est laid, khichcouebeon il est
yure; voila les couleurs dont ils
me peignoient, & de quantité
d'autres que i'obmets: le bon
est qu'ils ne pensoient pas
quelquesfois que ie les
entendisse, & me voyans sous-
rire ils demeuroient confus, du
moins ceux qui ne chantoiẽt
[208] ces airs que pour
complaire au Sorcier: les
enfans m'estoient fort
importuns me faisans mille
niches, m'imposans silence
quand ie voulois parler. Quand
mon hoste estoit au logis
i'auois quelque relache, &
quand le Sorcier s'absentoit
i'estois dans la bonace
maniant les grands & les petits
quasi comme ie voulois. Voila
vne bonne partie des choses
qu'on doit souffrir parmy ces
peuples: cecy ne doit
épouuenter personne, les bons
soldats s'animent à la veuë de
leur sang & de leurs playes,
plays the parasite;" sasegau,
"He is haughty;" cou attimou,
"He looks like a Dog;" cou
mascoua, "He looks like a
Bear;" cou ouabouchou
ouichtoui, "He is bearded like
a Hare;" attimonai oukhimau,
"He is Captain of the Dogs;"
cou oucousimas ouchtigonan,
"He has a head like a
pumpkin;" matchiriniou, "He is
deformed, he is ugly;"
khichcouebeon, "He is drunk."
So these are the colors in
which they paint me, and a
multitude of others, which I
omit. The best part of it was
that they did not think
sometimes that I understood
them; and, seeing me smile,
they became embarrassed,—at
least, those who sang [208]
these songs only to please the
Sorcerer. The children were
very troublesome, playing
numberless tricks upon me,
and imposing silence when I
wanted to talk. When my host
was at home, I had some rest;
and, when the Sorcerer was
absent, I was in smooth water,
managing both great and
small just as I wished. So
these are some of the things
that have to be endured
among these people. This

Dieu est plus grand que nostre
cœur, on ne tombe pas
tousiours dans la famine, on
ne rencontre pas tousiours des
Sorciers, ou des iongleurs de
l'humeur de celuy-cy: en vn
mot si nous pouuions sçauoir
la langue & la reduire en
preceptes il ne seroit plus de
besoin de suiure ces Barbares.
Pour les nations stables, d'où
nous attendons le plus grand
fruict, nous pouuons auoir
nostre cabane à part, & par
consequent nous deliurer
d'vne partie de ces grandes
incommoditez: mais finissons
ce Chapitre, autrement ie me
voy en danger d'estre 64 aussi
importun que cet imposteur
[209] que ie recommande aux
prieres de tous ceux qui liront
cecy, ie coucheray au Chapitre
suiuant quelques entretiens
que i'ay eu auec luy, lors que
nous estions dans quelque
tréue.
must not frighten any one;
good soldiers are animated
with courage at the sight of
their blood and their wounds,
and God is greater than our
hearts. One does not always
encounter a famine; one does
not always meet Sorcerers or
jugglers with so bad a temper
as that one had; in a word, if
we could understand the
language, and reduce it to
rules, there would be no more
need of following these
Barbarians. As to the
stationary tribes, from which
we expect the greatest fruit,
we can have our cabins apart,
and consequently be freed
from many of these great
inconveniences. But let us
finish this Chapter; otherwise I
see myself in danger of
becoming as troublesome as
that impostor, [209] whom I
commend to the prayers of all
those who will read this. I
shall set down in the following
Chapter some conversations I
had with him when we were
enjoying a truce.

S
CHAPITRE XIII.
66 CONTENANT VN IOURNAL
DES CHOSES QUI N'ONT PEU
ESTRE COUCHÉES SOUS LES
CHAPITRES PRECEDENS.
I ce Chapitre estoit le
premier dans ceste
relation, il donneroit quelque
lumiere à tous les suiuans:
mais ie luy ay donné le dernier
rang, pource qu'il se grossira
tous les iours iusques au
depart des vaisseaux, par le
rencontre des choses plus
remarquables qui pourront
arriuer, n'estant qu'vn
memoire en forme de Iournal,
de tout ce qui n'a peu estre
logé dans les Chapitres
precedens.
I
CHAPTER XIII.
CONTAINING A JOURNAL OF
THINGS WHICH COULD NOT
BE SET FORTH IN THE
PRECEDING CHAPTERS.
F this Chapter were the
first in this relation, it
would throw some light upon
all the following ones; but I
have given it the last place,
because it will continue to
increase every day until the
departure of the ships,
through the occurrence of
more noteworthy events which
may happen. It is only a
memoir, in the form of a
Journal, of all the things that
could not be given in the
preceding Chapters.
Apres le depart de nos
François qui sortirent de la
rade de Kebec, le 16. d'Aoust
de l'an passé 1633. pour tirer
à Tadoussac, & de là en
France, cherchant [210]
l'occasion de conuerser auec
les sauuages, pour apprendre
leur langue; ie me transportay
delà le grand fleuue de sainct
Laurens dans vne cabane de
fueillages, & allois tous les
After the departure of our
French,—who left the
roadstead of Kebec on the
16th of August of last year,
1633, to sail for Tadoussac and
thence to France,—in order to
have [210] opportunity of
conversing with the savages,
and thus learning their
language, I crossed the great
saint Lawrence river to a cabin
of branches, and went every

iours à l'escole dans celles des
sauuages, qui nous
enuironnoient, alleché par
l'esperance que i'auois, sinon
de reduire le Renegat à son
deuoir, du moins de tirer de
luy quelque cognoissance de
sa langue: ce miserable estoit
nouuellement arriué de
Tadoussac, où il s'estoit
mõstré fort contraire aux
François, la faim qui pressoit
l'Apostat & ses freres, les fit
monter à Kebec pour trouuer
dequoy viure: estãs donc
occupez à leur pesche, i'estois
fort souuent en leur cabane,
inuitant par fois le Renegat 68
de venir vne autre fois
hyuerner auec nous dans
nostre maisonnette, il s'y fust
aysément accordé n'estoit qu'il
auoit pris femme d'vne autre
nation que la sienne, & qu'il ne
la pouuoit pas renuoyer pour
lors: voyant donc qu'il ne me
pouuoit pas suiure, ie luy
iettay quelque propos de
passer l'hyuer auec luy, mais
sur ces entrefaictes vne
furieuse tempeste nous ayant
battu en ruine certaine nuict,
le [211] Pere de Noüe, deux
de nos hommes, & moy, dans
nostre cabane, ie fus saisy
day to school in those of the
savages, who were encamped
around me,—allured by my
hopes, if not of bringing the
Renegade to a sense of his
duty, at least of drawing from
him some knowledge of the
language. This poor wretch
had newly arrived from
Tadoussac, where he had
shown great repugnance to
the French. The famine which
afflicted this Apostate and his
brothers caused them to come
up to Kebec in search of food.
Now, as they were occupied in
fishing, I was very often in
their cabin, and occasionally
invited the Renegade to come
again and pass the winter with
us in our little house. He
would very readily have
agreed to this, had he not
taken a wife from another
nation than his own, and he
could not send her away then.
Therefore, seeing that he
could not follow me, I threw
out some hints about passing
the winter with him; but
during these negotiations, a
furious tempest having one
night swept down upon us,
[211] Father de Noüe, two of
our men, and myself, in our
cabin, I was seized with a

d'vne grosse fiéure, qui me fit
chercher nostre petite
maisonnette pour y trouuer la
santé.
violent fever, which made me
go back to our little home to
recover my health.
L'Apostat ayant veu mon
inclination traicta de mon
dessein auec ses freres, il en
auoit trois, l'vn nommé
Carigonan, & surnommé des
François l'Espousée, pource
qu'il fait le grand comme vne
espousée, c'est le plus fameux
sorcier, ou manitousiou, (c'est
ainsi qu'ils appellent ces
iongleurs) de tout le pays,
c'est celuy dont i'ay fort parlé
cy-dessus: l'autre se nómme
Mestigoït, ieune homme âgé
de quelque trente-cinq ou
quarante ans, braue Chasseur,
& d'vn bon naturel: le
troisiesme se nommoit
Sasousinat, c'est le plus
heureux de tous: car il est
maintenant au Ciel, estãt mort
bon Chrestien, comme ie l'ay
fait voir au Chapitre second.
Le sorcier ayant appris du
Renegat que ie voulois
hyuerner auec les Sauuages,
me vint voir sur la fin de ma
maladie, & m'inuita de prendre
sa cabane, me donnant pour
raison qu'il aymoit les bons,
pource qu'il estoit bon, qu'il
The Apostate, seeing how I
was inclined, discussed my
plan with his brothers. There
were three of them; one
named Carigonan, and
surnamed by the French the
Married Man, because he
made a great deal of the fact
that he was married. He was
the most famous sorcerer, or
manitousiou, (thus they call
these jugglers) of all the
country; it is he of whom I
have spoken above. The other
was called Mestigoït, a young
man about thirty-five or forty
years of age, a brave Hunter,
and endowed with a good
disposition. The third was
called Sasousinat, who is the
happiest of all, for he is now in
Heaven, having died a good
Christian, as I stated in the
second Chapter. The sorcerer,
having learned from the
Renegade that I wished to
pass the winter with the
Savages, came to see me
toward the end of my
sickness, and invited me to
share his cabin,—giving me as

auoit [212] tousiours esté bon
dés sa tendre ieunesse: il me
demanda si Iesus ne m'auoit
parlé de la maladie qui le
trauailloit: viens, me disoit-il,
auec moy, & tu me feras viure
maintenant: ie suis en danger
de mourir: 70 or comme ie le
cognoissois comme vn homme
tres-impudent, ie l'éconduy le
plus doucement qu'il me fut
possible, & tirant à part
l'Apostat, qui taschoit de
m'auoir de son costé, ayant
tesmoigné au Pere de Noüe
quelque desir de retourner à
Dieu, ie luy dy que
i'hyuernerois volontiers auec
luy, & auec son frere Mestigoït,
à condition que nous n'irions
point de la le grand fleuue,
que le sorcier ne seroit point
en nostre compagnie, & que
luy qui entend bien la langue
Françoise m'enseigneroit: ils
m'accorderent tous deux ces
trois conditions, mais ils n'en
tindrent pas vne.
his reason that he loved good
men, because he himself was
good, and had [212] always
been so from his early youth.
He asked me if Jesus had not
spoken to me about the
disease which tormented him.
"Come," said he, "with me,
and thou wilt make me live
now, for I am in danger of
dying." But as I knew him for
a very impudent fellow, I
refused him as gently as I
could; and, taking the
Apostate aside, who also
wished to have me, as he had
shown to Father de Noüe that
he had some desire to return
to God, I told him that I would
be glad to winter with him and
with his brother Mestigoït, on
condition that we should not
go across the great river, that
the sorcerer should not be of
our party, and that he, who
understood the French
language well, would teach
me. They both agreed to these
three conditions, but they did
not fulfill one of them.
Le iour du départ estant pris,
ie leur donnay pour mon viure
vne barrique de galette, que
nous empruntasmes au
magazin de ces Messieurs, vn
On the day of our departure I
gave them, for my support, a
barrel of sea biscuit, which we
borrowed from the storehouse
of those Gentlemen, a sack of

sac de farine, & des espics de
bled d'Inde, quelques
pruneaux, & quelques
naueaux, [213] ils me
presserent fort de porter vn
peu de vin, mais ie n'y voulois
point entendre, craignant qu'ils
ne s'enyurassent: toutesfois
m'ayans promis qu'ils n'y
toucheroient point sans ma
permission, & les ayant
asseuré qu'au cas qu'ils le
fissent, que ie le ietterois dans
la mer, ie suiuy l'inclination de
ceux qui me conseillerent d'en
porter vn petit barillet; ie
promis en outre à Mestigoït
que ie le prenois pour mon
hoste: car l'Apostat n'est pas
Chasseur, & n'a aucune
conduite, que ie luy ferois
quelque present au retour,
comme i'ay fait: c'est l'attente
de ces viures qui leur fait
desirer d'auoir vn François
auec eux.
flour, some ears of Indian
corn, some prunes, and some
parsnips. [213] They urged me
very strongly to take a little
wine, but I did not wish to
yield to them, fearing they
would get drunk. However,
having promised me they
would not touch it without my
permission, and having
assured them that, if they did,
I would throw it into the sea, I
followed the advice of those
who counseled me to carry a
little barrel of it. Also I
promised Mestigoït that I
would take him for my host,
for the Apostate is not a
Hunter, and has no
management; but I promised
to make him a present upon
our return, which I did. It was
the expectation of this food
which made them wish to
have a Frenchman with them.
Ie m'embarquay donc en leur
chalouppe, iustement le 18.
d'Octobre, faisant profession
de petit écolier à mesme iour
que i'auois autrefois fait
profession de maistre de nos
écoles, estãt allé prendre
congé de 72 Monsieur nostre
Gouuerneur, il me recommãda
So I embarked in their shallop
on the 18th of October
precisely, making profession as
a little pupil on the same day
that I had previously begun
the profession of master of our
schools. When I went to take
leave of Monsieur our
Governor, he recommended

tres-particulieremẽt aux
Sauuages, mon hoste luy
repartit, si le Pere meurt ie
mourray auec luy, & iamais
plus on ne me reuerra en ce
pays icy, nos Frãçois me
tesmoignoient [214] tout plein
de regret de mon depart, veu
les dangers esquels on
s'engage en la fuitte de ces
Barbares. Les Adieu faits de
part & d'autre, nous fismes
voile enuiron les dix heures du
matin, i'estois seul de François
auec vingt Sauuages,
comptant les hommes, les
femmes, & les enfans, le vent
& la marée nous fauorisans,
nous allasmes descendre au
delà de l'Isle d'Orleans dans
vne autre Isle nommée des
Sauuages Ca
ouahascoumagakhe, ie ne
sçay si la beauté du iour se
respandoit dessus ceste Isle,
mais ie la trouuay fort
agreable.
me very particularly to the
Savages; and my host
answered him, "If the Father
dies, I will die with him, and
you will never see me in this
country again." Our French
people showed [214] the most
profound regret at my
departure, knowing the
dangers that one encounters
in following these Barbarians.
When all our Farewells were
said, we set sail about ten
o'clock in the morning. I was
the only Frenchman, with
twenty Savages, counting the
men, women and children.
The wind and tide were
favorable, and we turned to go
down past the Island of
Orleans to another Island
called by the Savages Ca
ouahascoumagakhe; I know
not whether it was the beauty
of the day which spread over
this Island, but I found it very
pleasant.
Si tost que nous eusmes mis
pied à terre, mon hoste prend
vne harquebuse qu'il a acheté
des Anglois, & s'en va
chercher nostre souper:
cependant les femmes se
mettent à bastir la maison où
nous deuions loger. Or
As soon as we had set foot on
land, my host took an
arquebus he had bought from
the English, and went in
search of our supper.
Meanwhile the women began
to build the house where we
were to lodge. Now the

l'Apostat s'estãt pris garde que
tout le monde estoit occupé,
s'en retourna à la chalouppe
qui estoit à l'anchre, prit le
petit barillet de vin & en beut
auec tel excez, que s'estãt
enyuré comme vne souppe, il
tomba dedans l'eau, & se
pensa noyer: enfin il en sortit
apres auoir bien barbotté, il
s'en vint vers le lieu où on
dressoit la cabane, [215]
criant & hurlant comme vn
demoniaque, il arrache les
perches, frappe sur les écorces
de la cabane, pour tout briser:
les femmes le voyant dans ces
fougues s'enfuyent dans le
bois, qui deçà qui delà, mon
Sauuage que ie nomme
ordinairemẽt mon hoste,
faisoit boüillir dans vn
chauderon quelques oyseaux
qu'il auoit tuez: cet yurogne
suruenãt rompt la cramaillere,
& renuerse 74 tout dans les
cendres: à tout cela pas vn ne
fait mine d'estre fasché, aussi
est ce folie de se battre contre
vn fol, mon hoste ramasse ses
petits oyseaux, les va luy-
mesme lauer à la riuiere, puise
de l'eau, & remet la chaudiere
sur le feu, les femmes voyant
que cét homme enragé couroit
Apostate, having observed
that every one was busy,
returned to the boat that was
lying at anchor, took the keg of
wine, and drank from it with
such excess, that, being drunk
as a lord, he fell into the water
and was nearly drowned.
Finally he got out, after
considerable scrambling, and
started for the place where
they were putting up the
cabin. [215] Screaming and
howling like a demon, he
snatched away the poles and
beat upon the bark of the
cabin, to break everything to
pieces. The women, seeing
him in this frenzy, fled to the
woods, some here, some
there. My Savage, whom I
usually call my host, was
boiling in a kettle some birds
he had killed, when this
drunken fellow, coming upon
the scene, broke the crane and
upset everything into the
ashes. No one seemed to get
angry at all this, but then it is
foolish to fight with a
madman. My host gathered up
his little birds and went to
wash them in the river, drew
some water and placed the
kettle over the fire again. The
women, seeing that this

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Nucleus And Nation Scientists International Networks And Power In India Robert S Anderson

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