intellectual or cognitive manner. This reading shows not only how today’s media
experiences may not follow a linear history, but also how they enlist and tether human
bodies. Spectators or users of new media cultures, such as videogames for example,
are more organically connected to these media than spectators of classic Hollywood
movies.
Second, media archaeology is concerned with the mathematical basis of the new
media, and signals a shift from an understanding of archaeology as concerned with
the past towards a kind of reverse engineering, which illustrates what has gone into
the media objects of today. In the first instance, what this points to is the existence of
code, and the ways in which essentially what we see in digital media of today are
operations made possible because of mathematical equations. These mathematical
operations are what make possible computer programming and software, protocols for
exchanging and encoding information, and the algorithms that structure platforms.
Methodologically, we could examine a specific media object as encompassing all
these: a kind of archive for these primarily technical and mathematical operations that
made it possible. For example, Hertz and Parikka (2012) suggest a kind of analysis
that takes apart media objects, opens them up to look inside, and plays with the
circuits in order to see how they were put together and how they work. This kind of
media archaeology calls for tinkering with devices to see what happens and in this
manner it is a hybrid methodology that doubles up as hacking and as art, to the
extent that this tinkering produces something else or remixes and repurposes the
media object.
Finally, the ‘deep time’ of the media involves, on the one hand, the raw materials that
make them and, on the other hand, their fate when they become obsolete. This is a
kind of natural ecology of the media that looks, for example, at materials such as the
mineral columbite-tantalite, whose properties in storing electrical charges are essential
for circuits used in mobile phones. This mineral, known for short as coltan, has been
used to finance war in Central Africa, and more specifically in the Congo (Hertz and
Parikka, 2012; International Consortium of Investigative Journalists, 2012). Moreover,
given the intrinsic obsolescence of most media objects, a relevant question here
concerns what happens to all these ‘dead’ media. This entails an understanding of, as
Sean Cubitt put it, ‘the built-in obsolescence of digital culture, the endless trashing of
last year’s model, the spendthrift throwing away of batteries and mobile phones and
monitors and mice … and all the heavy metals, all the toxins, sent off to some god-
forsaken Chinese recycling village’ (Cubitt, 2006, cited in Hertz and Parikka, 2012:
429). An archaeology of the media materials can therefore rediscover the kinds of
materials that have gone into making media objects, pointing to the costs these
involve, human as well as natural.
The detour through media archaeology illustrates the complexity of new media
cultures which operate at the same time in material, social-symbolic, political and
political economic terms.
Network Theories